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Having declared that ‘what we lack is a liberal Utopia,’ ‘von’ Hayek insisted that ‘It is not to be denied that to some extent the guiding model of the overall order will always be an utopia.’ Certain personality types have ‘instincts’ that make them vulnerable to bogus Bilgewater ‘Dukes,’ Romanov ‘Princesses’ and Habsburg ‘vons’ and ‘Counts’—an aristocratic placebo effect.

Interpretive and ethical frameworks circumscribe how we study the perpetrators of politically motivated violence against civilian populations. This article revisits the author’s studies of two eras of white supremacism in the United States, the 1920s and 1980s–1990s, to examine how these were affected by four frameworks of inquiry: the assumption of agency, the allure of the extraordinary, the tendency to categorical analysis, and the presumption of net benefit. It concludes with suggestions on how scholars can avoid the limitations of these frameworks.

Clinton A. Hutton, Colour for Colour, Skin for Skin: Marching with the Ancestral Spirits Into War Oh at Morant Bay. Kingston, Ian Randle, 2015. 259 pp.REVIEWED BY F.S.J. LEDGISTERIn the analysis of political thought, one area that is substantially missing is examination of the political thought, or ethos, of ordinary people in history. Clinton Hutton's study of the ideas that led to the Morant Bay Uprising in southeastern Jamaica in 1865 is a major corrective to this. Hutton reexamines the history to show us ordinary black Jamaicans, as well as mixed-race Jamaicans and white Jamaicans and British colonial officials, each driven by normative assumptions about what the proper political order ought to be that led not only to the hinge point in history that the rising and its suppression constituted, but to their understandings of the meaning of that history and their places in it.Hutton's core argument is that the underlying political values of the leaders of the uprising, and their ally George William Gordon, were Afrocentric and clearly derived from ancestral values and practices that had survived the trauma of slavery. The conception of freedom that Paul Bogle and other leaders of the uprising had developed and enunciated was plainly based on black racial solidarity and rejected the value system of white supremacy dominant on the island. However, the evidence that Hutton adduces (as, for example, on page 72) can be read just as easily as demonstrating a Creole identity and adaptation of European models to local use.What is clearly demonstrated is that the ethos of the European ruling class and ruling race in post-Emancipation Jamaica both assumed the innate inferiority of the subordinate race/class and blamed black Jamaicans both for the economic straits in which the colony was bound and for the poverty and misery black people faced, while ignoring a reality in which white, and to a lesser degree, mixed-race Jamaicans continued to exploit the black majority in good times and bad and used the resources of the state to keep the majority in the condition of subordination. We are given a grand tour of the fundamental ideological underpinnings of early and mid-Victorian white supremacy, in the writings of Carlyle and Trollope, and in Colonial Office memoranda, Jamaican newspaper columns, as well as the actual practice of the Jamaican state.The white supremacism of the Victorian colonial state is contrasted with the emergent black nationalism of Bogle and his fellow black nationalists, and the progressive ideology that Bogle shared with mixed-race and white allies such as George William Gordon. Hutton, arguing from analogy with Haiti, emphasises the African roots of these ideas, and sees them as being continued in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by the Revivalist preacher Alexander Bedward. …

This chapter examines some ways in which race and racism were implicated in the Fulton address. Historians have long pointed out that Winston Churchill's Fulton address was initially met with a mixture of cheers and boos around the world. Churchill's notion the Anglo-American 'special relationship' and 'fraternal association' constituted the ultimate sinew of world peace smacked of racial supremacism. The chapter considers the Fulton address itself, focusing on Churchill's references to the English-speaking peoplehood, fraternity and unity. It examines that Churchill's appeal for the Anglo-American special relationship was a racialized political utopia – a cross between re-imagining a Greater British past and a programmatic statement on, to borrow one of Paul Robeson's phrases, 'Anglo-Saxon world domination' for an era marked by communism, decolonization and the United Nations Organization (UNO). The textual, lexical and syntactical structures of the Fulton speech have been closely analysed by historians and communication scholars.

Искусство и культура. - 2017. - № 2. - С. 50-59. - Библиогр.: с. 59 (14 назв.)., В статье исследуются основные этапы в развитии дискуссии вокруг «футуризма» в витебской печати первых послереволюционных лет, выявляются позиции оппонентов и отражение в критике событий художественной жизни города. = The article focuses on basic stages in the development of the discussion around Futurism in Vitebsk newspapers of the first post Revolution years; the opponents’ positions are identified as well as the reflection of the events in the artistic life of the City in art critics.

Искусство и культура. - 2017. - № 3. - С. 39-42., В статье рассматриваются некоторые аспекты педагогической и творческой деятельности художников Юделя Пэна, Марка Шагала, Казимира Малевича в Витебске, а также специфические особенности формирования и становления Витебской художественной школы в первой трети XX века. = The article deals with some aspects of pedagogical and creative activities of the painters Yu. Penn, M. Chagall, K. Malevich in Vitebsk as well as the peculiarities of shaping and development of Vitebsk art school in the early 20-th century.

In his 1854 memoir Jail Journal Irish nationalist John Mitchel, having witnessed the devastating consequences of the Famine firsthand, constructs an acerbic critique of British colonial policy that at some points repels the reader. Stirring revulsion are the journal's advocacy of blood sacrifice and, even more, its overt racial supremacism. That racist strain likely explains why, until recently, scholars on both sides of the Atlantic have ignored Jail Journal. Yet, as area studies increasingly engages with a more comparative and transcultural approach, Mitchel's transnational narrative merits a second look. This article breaks ground by identifying startling parallels between this work by a vocal nineteenth-century supporter of slavery in the Americas, and leading slave narratives. It shows clearly the bitter irony that to tell his ultimately supremacist story of victimisation, Mitchel appropriated the slave narrative's tropes of kidnap, of Middle Passage dehumanisation and commodification, of escape, and...

Discussions of early modern philosophical anthropology in postcolonial studies often treat it as tied to Eurocentric conceptions of civilisational supremacism and to the ideologies of imperialism and colonialism served by these conceptions. In discussing the conceptions of man contained in two key early modern doctrines of the law of nature and nations – those of Samuel Pufendorf and Emer de Vattel – this paper casts a sceptical eye on the postcolonial accounts. The anthropologies deployed by Pufendorf and Vattel relate not to European imperialism and colonialism but to intra-European problems associated with the formation of territorial states and the bellicose relations between them.

Such types of violence seem to emanate from what I would call supremacist resentment, which is driven by the perceived superiority of a given race, ethnicity or nationality over another and which motivates attempts to sabotage “subaltern” success or hinder a supposedly inferior subject from climbing up the social-institutional ladder.

This is a brief introduction to ethnic biopolitics in Sri Lanka from the immediate postindependence period to the end of the war. It tracks the ethnicization of everyday life, social space and the body and suggests that ideologies of Sinhala supremacism underpinned both the socialist and neoliberal policies adopted by successive postindependence governments. It discusses the reactive nature of the Tamil separatist nationalism that emerged as the counterpart to Sinhala majoritarianism in its the various phases and the formations of Tamil diaspora nationalisms.

A powerful indictment of European (neo-)imperialism, Ama Ata Aidoo’s Our Sister Killjoy or Reflections from a Black-eyed Squint (1977) describes the journey of Sissie, a young Ghanaian woman, to Europe in the years following Ghana’s independence from Britain. Her testimony is the outcome of ‘reflections’ modelled around her ‘black-eyed squint’: that is, her dissection as a black woman of white, male, imperial Europe. Unlike the traditional critical stance that analyses Our Sister Killjoy as a re-writing of Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1899), this essay contends that the core text being exorcised by Aidoo’s work is none other than Homer’s Odyssey (c. 800 BC), the cornerstone of the European literary tradition and a more apposite target for Aidoo’s condemnation of European cultural supremacism.

In the 1970s and 1980s a strong opposition and anxiety towards biological and naturalizing knowledges was the norm in feminist discourse. In the past decades the certainties of that ‘anti-biologism’ have been challenged, in part because of a new recognition of the role of contingency in both biological determination and biological science. What seems to have survived the shift is a set of normative assumptions concerning the role of determinacy and contingency (or being-born and becoming) in the political implications of ontological claims: an assumed political valorization of contingency. This article challenges those assumptions. It draws attention to the embrace of contingency and processuality on the part of supremacist biopolitical discourse, and suggests the need to think again about the politics of contingency and becoming (in constructivist as well as biologistic discourses). Focusing on the issue of racism and supremacist-specification, the article takes a genealogical look at ‘second-wave’ feminist anti-biologism. Monique Wittig’s materialist feminist attack on naturalizing ideology and ‘the myth of woman’ provides the (ideal-typical) historical example. The article draws attention to curious absences in Wittig’s (and Rosalind Rosenberg’s) anti-biologistic statements concerning early 20th-century biologistic feminism: the absence of a critique of eugenics, racism and supremacism. Arguably the condemnation of biology as a conservative ‘ideology of the status quo’ created masks for biopolitical ontology, obscuring the progressive, dynamic, processual character of biologism and of modern racism. While dislodging some powers of biologistic discourse, feminist anti-biologism might also have played a part in facilitating the revitalization of biopolitical racism within the constructivist culturalist rubric. The aim of the article is not to critique ‘second-wave’ feminism from the perspective of contemporary scholarship, but to help generate new ways of thinking and feeling about the role of ontology, contingency and temporality in the present politics of classification.

After the American cataclysm of the Civil War and the failure of Reconstruction, Americans began to understand that a shift had taken place in the nation's racial and social being. This shift did not appear without anxieties and upheaval. With the freeing of black slaves and the initial attempt to integrate them into larger society came concerns as to the efficacy of such a move. It comes as no surprise, then, that the literature of this time would reflect these concerns. Writing during this period, Thomas Dixon, Jr., emerged as one of the most strident voices on the topic of race in America, and his novel, The Leopard's Spots, sold over a million copies. While popular during his heyday, Dixon has drifted off into an obscure and fraught place in the history of American literature. Nevertheless, critics and thinkers such as Michael Rogin, Walter Benn Michaels, Sandra Gunning, Susan Gillman, Cathy Boekmann. Anthony Slide, and Scott Romine have turned their critical eyes onto Dixon and focused on him as he propounds early twentieth-century white supremacist thought. While these critics have made numerous topics the objects of their inquiries: rape (Gunning), character (Boekmann), melodrama (Gillman), and imperialism (Michaels), all of them intersect most conspicuously on the subject of whiteness. Whiteness holds all these critics together despite the fact that whiteness itself remains a rather slippery concept. As Ian Haney Lopez notes, "Whiteness is contingent, changeable, partial, inconstant, and ultimately social" (2006, xxi). Whiteness, despite its mutable characteristics, fascinates Dixon as well as his critics. My interest in whiteness, in Dixon's work, rests in the visual, the visual markers and visual metaphors that Dixon's white supremacism uses to construct whiteness. Dixon's work, when read today, looks undeniably racist and histrionic. Anthony Slide contends that "[t]here is much that is wrong, perhaps even evil, in the work ofThomas Dixon" (2004, 12). The question must, of course then, present itself: Why examine his work at all? I see danger both in dismissing Dixon's work because it is racist and in merely acknowledging its racist ideology. Through a reading of Dixon's work, we can better understand the anxieties of early twentieth-century white supremacy and the language and images used to maintain and sustain whiteness itself.1White supremacy, in general, and Dixon, in particular, use whiteness and its attendant visual markers and visual metaphors of whiteness in an attempt to solidify a fragmented white identity. However, these same visual markers and metaphors undercut as well as stabilize white identity. The resulting instability both manifests in and creates the contradictions and ruptures that fill Thomas Dixon's Tlte Leopard's Spots because race itself is not a fixed entity. Despite Dixon's purposeful delineation between white and black (and despite his continual and repetitive depictions of the goodness of whiteness and the badness of blackness), the novel can neither contain nor alleviate the anxiety over racial impurity.In a compelling reading of Dixon's texts, Scott Romine points out, "Dixon offers whiteness not as essence, but as action; not as purity, but as purification; not as fact, but as affect; not as noun, but as imperative verb-more precisely, he stages and restages a compelling drama between the latter dynamic terms, and the former, static ones" (2006, 126). As Romine argues, Dixon does offer whiteness as action, as purification, as affect, and as imperative verb. However, whiteness as essence, as purity, as fact, and as noun has not been completely displaced in the text. Romine himself acknowledges as much when he writes of the staging and restaging of these terms as a drama. Romine s use of the metaphor of the stage is highly appropriate, as it calls up visual images of a highly visual concept-whiteness. Because the static terms that Romine lists are conceptual rather than concrete, we must rely on actions to see them. …

This dissertation explores the ways in which Coloured South Africans, popularly defined as “mixed race,” responded to disparaging and gendered stereotypes about Coloured men during the first fifty years of Union. White South Africans used both popular media and official rhetoric to portray Coloured men as lazy, cowardly, drunkards, and absentee fathers. In response, Coloured men developed a discourse that lionized loyalty, bravery, athleticism, morality, and respectability. Many Coloured men disputed the acceptability of those who they thought threatened their status as masculine and respectable citizens. Gay and transgender men, or moffies, were the center of one such debate during the 1940s and 1950s, while Coloured skolly gangsters drew public ire beginning in the 1930s. I frame my analyses of this discourse around the concepts of hegemonic and subordinated masculinities to demonstrate the ways in which ideals and practices of masculinities often overlapped, reinforced, and challenged one another on local and global scales. Drawing on archival research conducted in Cape Town in 2011 and 2013-14, this project contends that South African gendered identities emphasized inclusivity and cosmopolitanism that contradicted the exclusive and divisive racial identities promoted under White supremacism.

Harry Potter: A Social Critique The aim of this thesis is to offer an analysis of J.K. Rowling's fantasy novels, the Harry Potter series, as a work of social criticism. The striking contrast between the two diametrically opposed fictional worlds, the wizarding world in which the governing principle is magic and its muggle (a term denoting non-magical or status) counterpart defined mainly by the lack of magic, enables Rowling to present and explore various social issues: racial bigotry, social stratification, prejudice, corruption, child welfare, moral questions, misuse of power, civil conflicts, national bias, slavery, terrorism and gender issues. The two coexisting cultures constructed in her novels are reflected in language, customs and values. The complexity of Rowling's work allows her to gradually move towards bigger issues, at first revolving mainly around the main character, Harry Potter, and later involving both, the wizarding and muggle world as a whole. In other words, what starts out as a children's story of childhood changes its course towards a critique of greater social injustices as the characters grow up, a clear bildungsroman in which additional themes are developed apart from the basic struggle between good and evil. Attention will also be paid as to how Rowling's novels are influenced by...

In this paper we use methods of social network analysis to examine the interorganizational structure of the white supremacist movement. Treating links between Internet websites as ties of affinity, communication, or potential coordination, we investigate the structural properties of connections among white supremacist groups. White supremacism appears to be a relatively decentralized movement with multiple centers of influence, but without sharp cleavages between factions. Interorganizational links are stronger among groups with a special interest in mutual affirmation of their intellectual legitimacy (Holocaust revisionists) or cultural identity (racist skinheads) and weaker among groups that compete for members (political parties) or customers (commercial enterprises). The network is relatively isolated from both mainstream conservatives and other extremist groups. Christian Identity theology appears ineffective as a unifying creed of the movement, while Nazi sympathies are pervasive. Recruitme...

The debate between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ research approaches continues in the IS field, but with little prospect of resolution. The debate is typically characterized by tendentious arguments as advocates from each approach offer a somewhat one-sided condemnation of the counterpart from the inimical research tradition. This paper begins by relating two fictitious tales which serve to highlight the futility of research conducted at the extremity of each research approach. The dichotomies which characterize these rival factions are also summarized. The debate is then framed in terms of the polarization problem whereby IS researchers are divided geographically and paradigmatically into ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ camps. A variety of different strategies have been proposed for resolving the debate and these are discussed in detail. They are grouped into four categories, referred to as supremacism, isolationism, integration, and pluralism. Finally, the paper contends that the debate cannot be resolved, and offers the metaphor of magnetic polarity as a means of reflecting this. The paper concludes by arguing that it would be more appropriate to recast the debate at a macro level in order to accommodate different research agenda and recognize the strengths within each tradition.

Contemporary Hindu nationalism articulates a genteel multiculturalist presence in the United States that is at odds with militant Hindu supremacism in India. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) of Amer...

Historical writing on the coloured community of South Africa has tended to accept coloured identity as given and to portray it as fixed. The failure to take cognizance of the fluidity of coloured self-definition and the ambiguities inherent to the process has resulted in South African historiography presenting an over-simplified image of the phenomenon. The problem stems partly from an almost exclusive focus on coloured protest politics which has had the effect of exaggerating the resistance of coloureds to white supremacism and largely ignoring their accommodation with the South African racial system. Furthermore, little consideration has been given to the role that coloured people themselves have played in the making of their own identity or to the manner in which this process of self-definition shaped political consciousness. This is particularly true of analyses of the period following the inauguration of the Union of South Africa in 1910, a time when the legitimacy of coloured identity was not in any way questioned within the coloured community and when coloured protest politics was dominated by one body, the African Political Organization (APO).

Racist movements are organized, collective efforts to create, preserve, or extend racial hierarchies of power and privilege. Such movements explicitly espouse the ideologies of white supremacism and/or anti-Semitism (anti-Judaism or hatred of Muslims or Arabs) that were consolidated in the Western world in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Manifestations of intergroup antagonism in earlier times, even conflicts that cross what later would be regarded as racial lines, generally are not considered racial movements because these are not based in modern ideas of race as an essential, biological, polarized, and unchanging attribute of social groups. Denoting as racist only social movements that take place in Western societies is a common practice in sociological research, as most scholars regard white supremacism and anti-Semitism as the legacy of ideologies by which European colonists sought to exonerate their brutal conquests and occupations (Frederickson 2002). However, this restriction has been challenged by studies that use the concept racist (or racial) movements to describe subnational intergroup antagonisms in a number of non-Western societies, including China, India, Indonesia, and Russia. Keywords: conflict; racism; violence

This essay discusses the 2005 Australia-wide controversy about the white supremacist comments made by Macquarie University academic Associate Professor Andrew Fraser. It locates the means by which this white supremacism manifested itself not only through Fraser comments, but also through arguments surrounding free speech/academic freedom. Using whiteness theory and its examination of whiteness as an Enlightenment legacy, Osuri argues that the collusion between Fraser’s white supremacism and the free speech/academic freedom argument is based on a disavowal of how whiteness operates, as Aileen Moreton-Robinson describes it, as an epistemological and ontological a priori, an embodied form of knowledge-production, and collective white hegemony.

I am deeply suspicious about the ways ‘race’ functions in contemporary U.S. culture. As this chapter’s epigraphs suggest, I believe that our racialized thinking and speaking, although perhaps unavoidable, lock us into destructive, soul-breaking patterns. ‘Race’ categories are built on a series of brutal, exclusionary practices originating in histories of oppression, manipulation, land theft, body theft, soul theft, physical and psychic murder, and other crimes against specific groups of people. These categories were motivated by economics and politics, by insecurity and greed—not by innate biological or divinely created differences. ‘Race’ has a poisonous history that continues infecting us today. Every time we automatically refer to ‘race’ or to specific ‘races’ we draw on and thus reinforce this violent history, as well as the ‘white’ supremacism buttressing the entire system.

Using the critical tools of social science, W. E. B. Du Bois challenged the White supremacism of his era. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, he presented his views on social inquiry in various programmatic pieces (e.g., “The Study of the Negro Problems” and “The Atlanta Conferences”), all the while conducting empirical research on the conditions and experiences of African Americans. This essay examines the ways in which Du Bois's programmatic statements were elaborated in his early works of social science, notably: his goal of scientific truth, the specificity of his research scope, and the research topics for investigation. Three of Du Bois's projects—The Philadelphia Negro; The Negroes of Farmville, Virginia; and the Atlanta University Publications—are detailed. In addition, this essay derives several insights from Du Bois that address issues common to debates in the philosophy of social science, such as the controversies over researcher neutrality and the rigor of politically engaged scholarship.

Nicholas Dixon has organized his paper, "AUtilitarian Argument for Vegetarianism," around the positions for and against vegetarianism that are derived from the two main currents of traditional ethical theoriesutilitarianism and some variant of a rights-based approach. These currents are reflected in the work of Peter Singer and Tom Regan, respectively and are taken up by many others who write in the area. It is easy to understand why, in the context of his project of providing a utilitarian argument for vegetarianism, he chooses to limit the discussion to the two groups he addresses-utilitarianism and "human supremacism." Yet, it leaves out an entire area of recent deliberation and debate concerning the moral imperative of vegetarianism, that which is presented in contemporary ecofeminist thought. This is an area which deserves consideration, and not only for reasons of comprehensiveness, representation and inclusivity. It deserves consideration, also, and perhaps more importantly, because the issues addressed and points made by feminist writers on the topic speak directly to the need to combine "private decision with political action."2 I wish to focus instead on a third set of arguments that can provide-on some variants-the basis for

"It is very seldom that mere ordinary people like John and myself secure ancestral halls for the summer," writes the narrator of "The Yellow Wall-Paper." "A colonial mansion," she continues, "a hereditary estate, I would say a haunted house, and reach the height of romantic felicity--but that would be asking too much of fate!" (166). In opening "The Yellow Wall-Paper" with a reference to middle-class enthusiasm for ghostly colonial homes, Charlotte Perkins Gilman situates her story within late-nineteenth-century colonial revival discourses about old houses and their offer of intimacy with Anglo-American history. Gilman's take on colonial houses, however, radically revises the historical narratives those structures were imagined to bear forth. In most late-nineteenth-century tales of colonial homes, moderns do, indeed, stumble upon stories of "romantic felicity" (166), from liaisons between colonial youths to tales of patriots' heroic lives. (1) But Gilman's narrator finds quite the opposite in her old mansion: hard-to-read traces of a brutal, gendered history that renders impossible a nostalgic view of the national past. To date, literary scholarship on "The Yellow Wall-Paper," while voluminous, has tended to focus on the story either as a self-contained feminist critique or as a historicized protest against nineteenth-century attitudes about female sexuality, health, and labor. (2) The prominence of "The Yellow Wall-Paper" within Gilman studies and its role as a representative feminist text (if not the representative feminist text of the nineteenth-century United States) has, moreover, often led scholars to treat it as an isolated work, and this has tended to obscure the story's place within larger literary and historical contexts. In this essay I demonstrate that "The Yellow Wall-Paper" was the last in a sequence of three imaginative works that Gilman wrote in early 1890 that explore gender in relation to racialized national and regional histories. These include the short story "The Giant Wistaria" and the unpublished play "In the Name of the King! A Colonial Romance" (co-written with Grace Ellery Charming Stetson) (3) While "In the Name of the King!" has been among the Schlesinger Library's holdings since 1983, until now it has not been recognized as a part of Gilman's body of work and, accordingly, has received no critical attention. As this essay demonstrates, however, it clearly merits consideration by those seeking to understand the range of Gilman's writing and to historicize her most famous story. In late February and early March 1890, just days after she participated in a colonial revival tea in Pasadena, California, Gilman noted in her diary that she and Stetson had begun work on a "Colonial play" (Diaries 412). This play, set in Salem, Massachusetts, became "In the Name of the King!" Although it was never, to my knowledge, produced, this drama marks the beginning of Gilman's exploration of white New England women's historical legacy, an intellectual terrain she continued to chart in "The Giant Wistaria" and "The Yellow Wall-Paper." In fact, less than a week after beginning to write this play, Gilman recorded in her diary that she was working on "The Giant Wistaria," a tale that explores the connections between a colonial New England woman's ghost and young urbanites of the late nineteenth century who rent a colonial mansion in the New England countryside (Diaries 412, 413). And, by early June, Gilman was writing another story that featured women from the past haunting the colonial mansion of the present: "The Yellow Wall-Paper." (4) Recognizing Gilman's engagement of colonial revival discourse has three significant outcomes. First, it gives new insight into Gilman's historical thinking about gender in the United States. (5) Second, it verifies Gail Bederman's claim that "[Gilman's] feminism was inextricably rooted in ... white supremacism" (122). As Alys Eve Weinbaum points out, it has tended to be the scholarship on Gilman's nonfiction writings that have explored and historicized the racist and nativist aspects of Gilman's theories (77). …

The felonious fringe. Over the last decade, dozens of neuroscience research projects have been victims of criminal break-ins by animal rights extremists. Their evangelical leaders surely cannot be charged with malicious subtlety: "Even painless research is fascism, supremacism". "I don't believe human beings have 'the right to life.' That's a supremacist perversion. A rat is a pig is a dog is a boy". "Animal research is immoral even if it is essential". "Even if animal tests produced a cure for AIDS, we'd be against it". "Only Joe Six-Packs of science, not the Einsteins, go into animal experimentation". "It's not better cages we work for, but empty cages". "Economic loss is the only thing the vivisector understands. We have to make them pay higher premiums before we shut them down completely". "Ending animal research is as urgent as the obligation to crush the Nazi oppression of the Jews". "Meat eating is primitive, barbaric and arrogant, and pet ownership is fascism". News reports from the animal research rights battlefields: "Dr. Michael Carey, a neurosurgeon in Vietnam and now Professor of Neurosurgery at Louisiana State University School of Medicine, was targeted by animal rights extremists in 1989. Their protests and false charges halted his federally-supported research on missile wounds to the brain. Drs. Carey and Oseid (his wife) repeatedly have been picketed, harassed, defamed and have received anonymous death threats. While under personal and professional attack, Dr. Carey served in the Desert Storm operation as the only neurological surgeon with Vietnam combat-wound experience. During his four months in Saudi Arabia, Dr. …

In the past five years, public debate has increasingly centered on racial supremacists who use the internet for advertising and recruitment. Yet, to date, this phenomenon has attracted little sociological attention. As such, the present paper seeks to accommodate for this curious silence in the literature by drawing on data gathered from an investigation of the Freedom-Site, a racial supremacist Web site run out of Toronto, Ontario, Canada. In addition to updating the body of literature concerned with Canada's racial supremacists, three arguments are presented: first, there exists a considerable gap between the public images that racial supremacist groups attempt to present on the interact and a far less benign image that emerges upon closer analysis; second, exemplified by the Freedom-Site, the interact has facilitated a greater degree of solidarity between racial supremacist organizations; and third, given the impersonal nature of the interact, there exists a certain degree of danger that otherwise ordinary citizens will become more susceptible to the ideology of racial supremacism. These arguments are incorporated into an examination of why racial supremacist groups have appeared on the interact and what the implications of this presence are. Resume: Depuis ces cinq dernieres annees, le debat public se concentre de plus en plus sur l'utilisation du reseau Interact par des mouvements racistes a des fins publicitaires et de recrutement. A ce jour, le phenomene n'a que tres peu attire l'attention des sociologues. Ce memoire cherche a compenser ce curieux silence en termes de documentation ecrite en puisant dans des donnees provenant d'une enquete du Freedom-Site, site Internet raciste etabli Toronto (Ontario, Canada). Ce memoire presente non seulement un ensemble dc documentation ecrite traitant des mouvements racistes au Canada mais avance egalement trois arguments : premierement, il existe un fosse considerable entre l'image que les groupes racistes tentent de donner d'eux-memes sur le reseau Internet et celle, bien moins benigne, qui emerge d'analyses plus approfondies; deuxiemement, scion l'exemple du Freedom-Site, le reseau Internet a favorise une plus grande solidarite entre les organisations racistes; et troisiemement, etant dorme la nature impersonnelle d'Internet, il existe un certain danger a ce que le citoyen moyen devienne plus sensible aux ideologies racistes. Ces arguments ont ete integres a une etude examinant la raison pour laquelle les groupes racistes auraient fait leur apparition sur le reseau Internet et sur les implications de leur presence sur le reseau. In cyberspace, communication and co-ordination is cheap, fast, and global. With powerful new tools for interacting and organizing in the hands of millions of people worldwide, what kinds of social spaces and groups are people creating? (Smith and Kollock, 1999:1) Introduction Is Canada racially tolerant? Aggregate data collected over the past several years have indicated that a significant portion of Canadians not only have abandoned blatant manifestations of racism (Reitz and Breton, 1994), but that many forms of institutional racism are diminishing in the country (see, for example, Guppy and Davies, 1998).(2) Challenging these findings, however, are numerous studies which continue to indicate a widespread intolerance in Canada. Henry and Tator (1994:2), for instance, argue that white Canadians tend to dismiss the large body of evidence documenting racial prejudice and differential treatment while "fundamental inequality exists and continues to affect the lives and life chances of people of colour" (see, also, Henry, Tator, Mattis and Rees, 2000). Writing on Canadian Native Peoples, LaRocque (1989) has reasoned that this tendency equates to a denial mechanism on the part of [white] society that racism is a problem in Canada. And although attitudinal surveys conducted since the second World War paint an optimistic picture where [white] Canadians' perceptions of racial minorities are concerned, this is of little comfort to natives, immigrants and other disadvantaged persons who continue to express very serious concerns about racial prejudice and discrimination in Canada (Buchignani, 1983). …

Working-class Appalachian women on the picket line, fighting for better working conditions. White women organizing against the racial integration of schools. Native American women struggling for Indian treaty rights. African American women in the Black Panther Party. What prompts these women to adopt political stances outside mainstream politics? How are these women changed by personal experiences of militancy and activism? Until recently, radical and militant activists have been viewed largely as male, while women have been assumed to be apolitical, more interested in domestic concerns and personal relationships than in public issues and political controversies. Despite evidence that women have been involved in a wide range of political activities, from revolutionary parties to racial hate groups, little attention has been paid to women's radical action. No Middle Ground brings together a wide variety of contributors to uncover women's roles in radical and militant movements. Examining women's radicalism in the United States from the 1950s through the 1990s, the volume details women's activism in both right-wing and left-wing movements, in feminist as well as anti-feminist groups, and in both movements supporting racial equality and those favoring race supremacism. The essays shed light on the conditions which encourage women's militancy, the issues around which women mobilize, how they organize, and what divides them in organizations. The essays and personal narratives in No Middle Ground advance our understanding of the gendered underpinnings of activism that occurs outside the "middle ground" of conventional electoral and pressure group politics. They suggest the significance of identity, consciousness, personal biography, and external context for understanding women's involvement with radical protest movements. No Middle Ground brings new insight into women's oppositional politics, as well as into our understandings of radical action.

El supremacismo blanco y la extrema derecha estadounidense, de ma- nera paulatina aumenta su presencia política, número de adeptos y ac- ciones violentas que han desencadenado ataques terroristas con resul- tados fatales. Estos hechos de terror están dirigidos hacia personas que no pertenecen a lo que estos grupos supremacistas consideran gente blanca, y entre estos objetivos se encuentra la población de mexicanos que radican, visitan o trabajan en los Estados Unidos de América, así también ciudadanos de ese país y sus instituciones son víctimas de ataques racistas, de ahí que la finalidad del presente documento es el dilucidar las características más relevantes del supremacismo blanco así como sus condiciones actuales, estableciendo que estosgrupos violentos son una amenaza para el gobierno estadounidense y su orden democrático así como para México y sus ciudadanos. Este artículo utilizó textos académicos recientes y se apoyó en la Global Terrorism Database, desarrollado por la Universidad de Maryland, así como en datos estadísticos de la agencia estadounidense Federal Bureau Investigation.

El terrorismo es una amenaza para la seguridad nacional de los Estado nación y del sistema internacional. Con mayor frecuencia, los grupos terroristas y sus tácticas son usados como herramientas para presionar a Gobiernos y poblaciones a someterse o acceder a las demandas de los perpetradores del terror. En esta lógica, no hay país que esté exento de la problemática y el surgimiento de organizaciones que pretenden desestabilizar y violentar a la sociedad. Con base en lo anterior, el presente trabajo tiene como objetivo identificar las condiciones actuales del terrorismo y sus tendencias y proponer posibles líneas de acción para los dispositivos políticos y de seguridad nacional, tanto del Estado mexicano como de la sociedad global. Este artículo se sustenta en una investigación documental, basada principalmente en documentos especializados en la temática del terrorismo. Uno de los principales resultados es la identificación de cuatro amenazas vinculadas al terrorismo: crimen organizado, grupos de ideologías extremistas (como el anarco-ecologismo), la reaparición de grupos subversivos y el supremacismo blanco proveniente de los Estados Unidos de América.