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Hur ser Socialdemokraterna och Moderaternas partiprogram på personlig integritet i relation till brottslighet? Kriminalpolitiken är ett utav de mest debatterade politiska områdena idag och många gånger krockar politiska förslag med värnandet av den personliga integriteten. I denna idéanalys undersöks och jämförs Socialdemokraternas och Moderaternas partiprogram från 1990 till 2021, där syftet är att undersöka om det skett en normalisering av inskränkningar av den personliga integriteten för att komma åt brottsligheten. Undersökningen tar avstamp i Janne Flygheds teori, normalisering av det exceptionella, för att se om den process teorin beskriver går att återfinnas hos Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna.

This thesis critically interrogates the underlying assumptions which legitimise the hard regulation of online platforms regarding terrorist content, by turning to the case of the EU Regulation 2021/784. Utilising qualitative critical discourse analysis, the study analyses how the EU's strategy against terrorist content online is discursively legitimised through the lens of Theo van Leeuwen's framework for discursive legitimisation strategies, focusing on moral and rational justifications. The study's empirical contribution demonstrates how the EU's strategy is legitimised primarily through public security, fundamental rights, digital economy and efficiency discourses. It contributes theoretically by highlighting how counter-terrorism measures regarding online spaces function through rationalisation and moralisation strategies which legitimise policies as reasonable and morally justifiable, when in fact they rest upon a series of contested assumptions and narratives about the threat from terrorist content. Furthermore, the study puts forward that the regulation contributes to the institutionalisation of online platforms role in countering terrorist content online and reproduces unequal power relations between large and small hosting service companies, public authorities, and individuals.

The influence of private actors within armed conflict is becoming increasingly relevant, as the market for private military and security companies (PMSC’s) is growing in tandem with new opportunities within the sector. Their involvement in many conflicts around the world suggest the demand for private actors is not likely to go away any time soon, as their professional approach to offering an advantage in settling conflicts might appeal to many contracting parties. Despite this however, there exists relatively little research on the influence of PMSCs on armed conflict dynamics. This study aims to investigate how PMSCs might decide to involve themselves in state-based armed conflicts in weak states and how these in turn would influence the overall intensity of that conflict. This thesis provides a causal explanation which suggests that conflicts where PMSCs provide direct combat support have higher levels of conflict intensity in terms of an increased number of battle-related deaths than those where PMSC involvement is limited to non-combat/assisting roles. This is motivated by a theoretical framework which suggests direct combat involvement leads to a higher number of battle-related deaths. The quantitative study includes a number of control variables which have previously been used in studies on conflict dynamics in terms of the onset of armed conflict, conflict duration and with theoretical frameworks applicable to conflict intensity. The quantitative section of the thesis involves a regression analysis which ultimately does not provide significant results for the proposed hypothesis. Lastly, some considerations are made for future research that could potentially improve the reliability and accuracy of studies that intend to incorporate private actors and their influence on conflict dynamics.

This study aims to deepen the understanding of how safety and crime prevention issues are framed in municipal policy documents. By focusing on Västerås and Örebro, two Swedish municipalities relatively impacted by crime, the study analyzes the portrayal of the problem and the underlying ideas and strategies shaping the decision-making proces. Utilizing interviews and WPR-approach, the research contributes to the comprehension of crime development and safety by examining the approaches of local policies. Applying a comparative design to identify similarities and differences between Västerås and Örebro, a critical discourse analysis using the WPR-approach reveals central ideas and perspectives in the municipalities' policy documents. Despite fundamental similarities in intentions, the conclusions identify differences between the two municipalities in terms of approaches and understanding of crime issues. The study highlights ideas centered around children and youth, long-term preventive measures, and collaboration among stakeholders as defining features of the municipalities' strategies, further enriching the understanding of crime development and safety through the examination of local policy approaches.

Bakgrund: Äldreomsorgen riktar in sig på de äldre och sårbara individerna i samhället som, av olika anledningar, är helt eller delvis beroende av hjälp och stöd från andra för att klara av sin vardag. Vilket starkt kan kopplas till den offentliga förvaltningen av flera skäl, dels eftersom det offentliga i stort sett står för finansieringen inom äldreomsorgen, och dels för uppbyggnaden av det svenska välfärdssystemens betydelse när det kommer till att vårda och ta hand om äldre människor. Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att belysa de faktorer som leder till sjukfrånvaron bland undersköterskorna inom hemtjänsten samt belysa de åtgärder som undersköterskorna anser kan minska sjukfrånvaron. Metoden: Studiens empiri omfattar sex semistukturade intervjuer med undersköterkor som arbetar i en offentlig hemtjänst inom Borås kommun. Urvalet i studien består av snöbollsurval. Resultat: I studiens resultat framgår det två huvudteman. Det första huvudtemat handlar om faktorer som bidrar till sjukfrånvaro. Utifrån svar från respondenterna framkom det att de upplever att det är svårt att uppfylla arbetskraven, bristande uppföljning, stöd från chefer och personalbrist gör att arbetsbelastningen blir högre. Den andra temat handlar om åtgärder för att minska sjukfrånvaro där respondenterna gav förbättringsförslag såsom stödjande arbetsmiljö, förutsättningar för en hälsofrämjande arbetsmiljö samt arbetstider och schema. De upplevde dessa tre som viktigaste förbättringar för att minska sjukfrånvaron och förbättra arbetsmiljön. Slutsats: Det framkom olika faktorer som bidrar till sjukfrånvaro, vilka var hälsorelaterade problem som ökas på grund av höga krav och mindre kontroll samt brist på personal och stöd. Men för att åtgärda sjukfrånvaron angavs det förslag som ett välplanerat schema med tid för återkoppling, en stödjande enhetschef och en hälsofrämjande arbetsmiljö.

As natural disasters become more prominent, so do their consequences. One of these effects is how natural disasters affect rebel group recruitment. To investigate these effects, a comparative across-case study, using the two rebel groups, Pattani insurgents and the Kashmir insurgents, was conducted. It is argued that as individuals’ need for belonging and stability increases when exposed to natural disasters, this will result in an increase in recruitment. The findings show that although the hypothesis of increased recruitment cannot be proven or disproven, it highlights the importance of understanding the conditions under which the natural disaster occurs. Furthermore, the study emphasizes the need to conduct more research into observing the effects of natural disasters on recruitment. This is crucial to establish more comprehensive connections and, hopefully, enable future research to benefit from the lessons learned in this paper. These insights could help to formulate policies aimed at understanding and addressing the dynamics involving rebel groups following natural disasters.

For a long time, Sweden, as an administrative nation, has held a high international reputation from various perspectives. One of the primary perspectives has been regarding the transparency and impartiality of Swedish administrations. However, in recent times, the question of whether Sweden is more corrupt than previously believed has become a subject of public debate. Transparency and impartiality have undoubtedly been called into question, making it interesting to study the potential occurrence of corruption within Swedish administrations. This study focuses on public procurement, which is the part of Swedish administrations that generates the most revenue, making it interesting from a corruption perspective. The purpose of this study is to examine how public procurers define corruption and how they view the subject in general. To do this, we use two research questions: How do officials define and interpret the concept of corruption, and how can it be relevant in combating potential corruption risks? Also, how do officials perceive the corruption issue based on the public's and the academic community's views on public procurement? The study is conducted using a qualitative method in the form of interview responses from 4 selected officials from different municipalities. The interview material is analyzed using ideal types to categorize the officials' opinions. The results of this study provide an insight, among other things, into the fact that the interviewed officials have some difficulty defining what constitutes corruption. The outcome of this study indicates certain aspects of the officials' thoughts and opinions, which is a topic in the research field that we have so far found relatively unexplored. Hopefully, this study can contribute to raising awareness of the subject and pave the way for further research.

This study aims to identify potential ways in which the African Union Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa (Kampala Convention) improves the quality of life for IDPs. Relying on the concept of bare life, it answers if and how the convention prevents bare life. Drawing on theory and previous research on bare life in relation to IDPs, the analytical framework forms four theoretical dimensions to which the Kampala Convention, Translating The Kampala Convention Into Practice: A Stocktaking Exercise (ICRC, 2017) and The Kampala Convention: Key Recommendations Ten Years On (ICRC, 2019) are applied. Based on a grading, the results tell of the convention’s effects. The IDPs’ rights and political agency are adequately respected; quotidian culture and prevention of exclusionary practices are promoted yet insufficiently. Adding humanitarianism, biopolitics and host communities as additional findings, there are areas that should be carefully respected, but bare life is mostly prevented. Hopefully, this study can add knowledge to the progress of the Kampala Convention and provide a framework for similar analyses of policy and practice on aiding people in distress.

Den här studien är ämnad att kartlägga vilka faktorer som associeras med att en skolahanterade distansundervisningen bättre eller sämre baserat på den andel elever somklarade av skolan på utsatt tid. Studien gjordes genom att undersöka vilka faktorer somskulle kunna tänkas associeras med ett bättre eller sämre studieresultat och utifråndessa göra hypoteser om vad som kommer göra att en skolla associeras med ett bättreeller sämre studieresultat. Dessa hypoteser testas sedan genom att samla in relevantdata i ett dataset, som sedan används för olika typer av regressioner, för att på så sättkunna se vad som korrelerar med ett bättre eller sämre resultat. Resultatet gav ingetsjälvklart svar, men det indikerar att skolor med hög andel elever med utländskbakgrund korrelerar med ett sämre resultat och att friskolor korrelerar med ett bättreresultat.

Studiens syfte är att undersöka och skapa förståelse kring processerna för hur ledare lär sig vara ledare. Studien har som ambition att undersöka vad ledarna har lärt sig och hur dessa lärprocesser skett i ledarnas vardag. Nio stycken semistrukturerade intervjuer genomfördes med etablerade ledare inom olika branscher. En tematisk analys skildrade hur erfarenheter genom handlande i vardagen tillsammans med reflektion var de främsta processerna som ansetts avgörande för hur ledarna lärt sig vara ledare. Dessutom har villkor som viljan att leda och viljan att lära haft en central roll. Resultatet visade att förmågor som studien tolkar som mer mjuka värden har utvecklats över tid hos ledarna. Ledarna indikerar att personlig mognad, erfarenhet, reflektion och en vilja att lära varit bidragande till deras lärande och utveckling., The purpose of the study is to investigate and create an understanding of the processes by which leaders learn to be leaders. The study also aims to examine what the leaders have learned and how these learning processes have occurred in the leaders' everyday lives. Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with established leaders in various industries. A thematic analysis depicted how experiences through actions in everyday life together with reflection were the main processes considered decisive for how the leaders learned to be leaders. In addition, conditions such as the will to lead and the will to learn have played a central role. The result showed that abilities that the study interprets as softer values have developed over time in the leaders. The leaders indicate that personal maturity, experience, reflection and a willingness to learn contributed to their learning and development.

This thesis examines the ideas shaping Swedish drug policy through an analysis of theofficial party programs of the parliamentary parties. The results indicate distinctideological orientations among seven out of eight parties, influencing their approachesto drug-related issues. Social Democrats and Moderates demonstrate a certain balancebetween ideological and scientific considerations, while Sweden Democrats and theLeft Party emerge as clearly ideological and scientific, respectively. The Centre Partycontributes a pragmatic dimension by balancing ideological principles with practicalmeasures to address drug-related challenges. The study underscores the importance ofunderstanding and integrating both ideological and scientific perspectives to formulateholistic and effective strategies for managing drug-related issues.

This study explores the bilateral relationship between the European Union (EU) and India amidst the critical juncture that has been the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February of 2022. The study was motivated by the simultaneous empirical and theoretical puzzle that was theseemingly continuous development of bilateral relations, albeit the differing positions of the EU and India in relation to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Through a content analysis, and a theoretical explanation with the use of two compatible hypotheses derived from Alexander Wendt’s Lockean and Kantian cultures of anarchy, the study analyzed documents, and a sample of statements, speeches and press releases, from the European Commission and India’s Ministry of External Affairs during the period of 2021-02-24 through 2023-11-13. The results of the study suggest that the development of EU-India relations have been characterized by a continuity, albeit the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and the actors differing positions thereto. The continuity can, to a greater extent, be explained by the existence and reproduction of shared ideas derived from a Lockean cultural anarchy(hypothesis 1), and to a lesser extent by shared ideas derived from a Kantian cultural anarchy(hypothesis 2), which together however, have constituted the actions of the actors during the period of study, explaining the continuity of the relations. The results both confirm and challenge relevant previous studies, showcasing social structures of relevance using theory.

Since the Islamic Revolution in 1979 Iran has employed a deliberate and successful strategy centered around the use and support of various proxies, notably Hezbollah and Hamas who are part of the Iranian led Axis of Resistance. There is a vast literature that has studied different aspects of this Iranian proxy dimension, but relatively little research has been conducted on propaganda as a unifying mechanism. This thesis thus expanded upon the current literature through a content analysis of the propaganda produced by Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas in order to gain a fuller understanding of how cross-group cohesion has been achieved. The analysis incorporated social identity theory, and identified how the propaganda could be used in accordance with three theoretical dimensions: Identity constructions, Justification for Violence, and Weaponization of the ummah. The findings revealed how cross-group cohesion was achieved through the creation of a dichotomous worldview, consisting of an ingroup that is existentially threatened by an outgroup consisting of the West and Jews. Moreover, they use conspiratorial rhetoric combined with victimhood in order to frame the struggle as an ongoing religious war against Islam. The thesis concludes with a theoretical discussion on the normative assumptions that underpin the propaganda, arguing that the cross-group cohesion is dependent on the creation of shared identities based on victimhood, religious references, and the creation of shared external enemies.

The purpose of the study is, based on implementation theory and Lennart Lundquist’s three concepts- understanding, capability, and willingness, to identify whether these factors can affect the implementation of the Paris Agreement in four countries. Through a qualitative text analysis of the NDCs (Nationally Determined Contributions) of four countries, using understanding, capability, and willingness as categories, various aspects have been identified and are presented in the results. The study focuses on four countries with similar climate and economies to establish criteria as closely as possible. The study takes a hermeneutic approach as the authors interpret the material. The results indicate that the countries understand the Paris agreement and why implementation is necessary, considering the environmental issues present today. The countries also present measures for implementations, such as economic or technical aspects on how to achieve the goals of the Paris Agreement, as well as their priorities in relation to their circumstances. The countries also demonstrate a willingness to carry out implementation, and their ambitions are considered high based on their explanations. The conclusions highlight that implementation theory, and the three concepts of understanding, capability, and willingness can be used to understand the context in which countries implement the Paris Agreement.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the ethical attitudes of teachers and teacher students, based on administrative ethics and personal ethics, regarding the implementation of the duty to inform. Additionally we aim to explore what the respondents consider acceptable behavior towards the duty to inform, based on the governance reactions of loyalty, protest, obstruction, and exit. To achieve this we have designed the study using a qualitative method, where semi-structured interviews have been used to collect empirical data. Utilizing Lennart Lundquist's theory on the ethical attitudes of civil servants and governance reactions, we have employed it as a theoretical framework to analyze the respondents' answers. The interviews indicate that the respondents predominantly hold an administrative ethical approach towards the implementation of the duty to inform, although there are a few respondents with a personal ethical approach. Regarding governance reactions, the majority of respondents consider loyalty, protest, obstruction, and exit as acceptable behaviors towards the duty to inform. However, two teacher students express a differing opinion, stating that exit is not an acceptable behavior. Additionally, two teachers were unable to provide a specific answer regarding obstruction and exit as acceptable behaviors towards the duty to inform., Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka lärare och lärarstudenters etiska förhållningssätt, utifrån förvaltningsetik och egenetik, gällande implementeringen av informationsplikten. Dessutom vad respondenterna uttrycker vara acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten, utifrån styrningsreaktionerna: lojalitet, protest, obstruktion och sorti. För att ta reda på detta har studien utgått från en kvalitativ metod. Där semistrukturerade samtalsintervjuer har blivit metoden för insamlandet av empirisk data. Med hjälp av Lennart Lundquists teori om tjänstepersoners etiska förhållningssätt och styrningsreaktioner har vi kunnat använda detta som teoretiskt verktyg för att analysera respondenternas svar. Det framgår av intervjuerna att respondenterna har ett övervägande förvaltningsetiskt förhållningssätt till implementeringen av informationsplikten, dock finns det ett fåtal respondenter som har egenetiskt förhållningssätt. Gällande styrningsreaktionerna anser majoriteten av respondenter att lojalitet, protest, obstruktion och sorti är acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten. De som har en avvikande åsikt är två lärarstudenter som anser att sorti inte är ett accepterat agerande. Även två lärare som inte kunde ge ett konkret svar om obstruktion och sorti är acceptabla ageranden mot informationsplikten.

What explains the use of violence in extra-institutional political campaigns? Domestic groups challenge host states using both nonviolent and violent tactics. While Gandhi’s struggle for India’s independence is perhaps the most famous example of nonviolence, many of today’s bloody civil wars also started out as nonviolent movements. In a world eager to support the self-determination of marginalized groups, both nonviolent and violent groups receive support from foreign actors. Despite this, theories on the use of violence by these groups remain untested empirically. This paper uses panel data to quantitatively investigate the proposition that external support of extra-institutional political movements causes an increase in the use of violence. A logistic regression model finds no statistically significant relationship between the provision of external support and an increased use of violence in primarily nonviolent campaigns. An additional test on a sample of violent non-state groups finds that battle-related deaths increased when external support was provided in the previous year, a result significant at 99% confidence.

Valdeltagandet i EP-valet har historiskt sett varit betydligt lägre än valdeltagandet vid nationella val, både för medborgare i Europeiska unionen som hos de svenska medborgarna. I denna undersökning tittar vi närmare på de faktorer som potentiellt påverkar huruvida man deltar eller ej. Från den tidigare forskningen hämtar vi förklaringar som kön, ålder, utbildning etc och applicerar dessa på valdeltagandet. Vi ämnar undersöka i vilken utsträckning samma individer deltar i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet, samt att undersöka vilka faktorer, om några, som påverkar benägenheten hos individer att delta i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet. Vi undersöker om det är samma eller olika faktorer som påverkar deras deltagande i dessa val. Vi använder data inhämtat från Europaparlamentsvalundersökningen 2019 som genomfördes i samarbete mellan Statsvetenskapliga institutionen vid Göteborgs universitet och Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) och med hjälp av en korstabell och logistisk regression kommer vi bland annat fram till att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan utbildning och politisk kunskap och deltagande i EP-valet, vilket inte finns i riksdagsvalet. Vi ser även att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan kön och deltagande i riksdagsvalet vilket inte finns i EP-valet. Faktorerna inkomst, politisk diskussion och konsumtion av politiska nyheter har ett starkare samband och påverkan i riksdagsvalet än vad det har i EP-valet. Medan politiskt intresse har ett starkare samband och påverkan i EP-valet än i riksdagsvalet., The voter turnout in the elections to the European Parliament have historically been low among the citizens in the European Union, including Sweden. In this study, our aim is to further investigate which factors affect voter turnout. From the previous research, we derive explanations such as gender, age, education, etc. and apply these to voter turnout. We intend to investigate to what extent the same individuals participate in the parliamentary elections and the European Parliament elections, as well as to investigate which factors, if any, influence the propensity of individuals to participate in the parliamentary elections and the EP elections. We are interested in investigating whether similar or different factors influence their participation in these elections. We use data obtained from the European Parliament election survey 2019, which was carried out in collaboration between the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg and Statistics Sweden and by using a cross table and logistic regression, we conclude that there is a statistically significant relationship between education and political knowledge and participation in the EP election, which is not found in the parliamentary election. Additionally we discover that there is a statistically significant relationship between gender and participation in the parliamentary election, which is not found in the EP election. The factors income, political discussion and consumption of political news have a stronger connection and influence in the parliamentary elections compared to the EP elections. Conversely, political interest demonstrates a stronger association and influence in the EP election than in the parliamentary election

With the trilateral meeting between U.S. President Joe Biden, Japanese Prime Minister Kishida Fumio, and South Korean President Yoon Suk-Yeol in August 2023, a new chapter of cooperation between the three seems to be coming closer, with new possibilities of laying bilateral issues between Japan and South Korea to rest. But how does the U.S. perceive its allies? This essay analyses the discursive identities constructed in U.S. official foreign policy discourse on Japan and South Korea in relation to their bilateral disputes. In order to create a deeper understanding of U.S. self-perception, and to gain insight into how identities are created with regard to bilateral disputes built on a long history of animosity. This essay takes on a poststructural discourse analysis building on Lene Hansens (2006), understanding identity as relationally constituted, constructed through discourse. This essay analyses how discourse has been constructed through a spatial, temporal, and ethical lens from the first Obama administration (2009) to the current Biden administration to uncovered if there are any dominant discourse that are stable over time, or if they change more or less with every president. The analysis finds that there is a dominant discourse that can be seen though all the presidencies constructing South Korea and Japan as close to the core, building on shared values, democracy, the rule of law and strife for peace and prosperity. A more implicit discourse becoming clearer though every presidency is the friction between the U.S. and its ally’s inability of moving beyond their bilateral disputes, a discourse building on the perception of lack of maturity and commitment to the greater good.

Under kontrollen av talibanernas totalitära regim har Afghanistan upplevt betydande inskränkningar i kvinnors rättigheter. Dessa inskränkningar inkluderar begränsningar i politiskt deltagande, rätt till utbildning och arbete, samt synlighet i det offentliga rummet. Under de 20 år då USA och världssamfundet var närvarande i landet, gjordes framsteg inom jämställdhet och kvinnors rättigheter. Men sedan USA:s tillbakadragande 2021 har situationen försämrats avsevärt. Formella institutioner har genomgått förändringar som begränsar kvinnors rättigheter, och afghanska kvinnor har drabbats hårt av talibanregimens systematiska inskränkningar. Generellt sett är Afghanistan ett patriarkalt samhälle när det gäller jämställdhet. Denna fallstudie bygger på kvalitativ innehållsanalys och undersöker kvinnors rättigheter som har påverkats av regimskifte, samt det kulturella och patriarkala pushtunwali-synsättet, vilket har haft inverkan på både informella och formella institutioner i frågor som rör jämställdhet och kvinnors rättigheter., Under the control of the totalitarian Taliban regime, Afghanistan has faced significant restrictions on women's rights, including political participation, the right to education, work opportunities and visibility in public space. During the 20 years that the United States and the international community were present in the country, progress was made in gender equality and women's rights, but since the withdrawal of the United States in 2021, the situation has deteriorated significantly. Formal institutions have undergone changes that have limited women's rights, and Afghan women have been hit hard by the Taliban regime's systematic restrictions. Afghanistan is generally a patriarchal society when it comes to gender equality. This is a case study based on qualitative content analysis and examines women's rights that have been affected by regime change, as well as the cultural and patriarchal pushtunwali approach that has had an impact on informal and formal institutions when it comes to gender equality and women's rights.

This paper studies the political participation (electoral) among non-EU immigrants in Sweden, via various socio-demographic, motivational, and relational factors. The theoretical frame is based on Verba et al.'s Civic Voluntarism model and previous research. Variables studied include language skills, education, income, occupation, political interest, feelings of belonging, and network memberships. The study relies on 115 survey data collected from municipalities such as Stockholm, Göteborg, Västerås, Örebro, Lindesberg, Lidköping, Vara,Trollhättan, Alingsås. As the paper’s dependent variable is binary (voted-not voted) the logistic regression method was chosen for analysis. The main findings indicate that language proficiency is a significant factor, positively affecting political participation of non-EU immigrants. This confirmed Pierre Bourdieu's notion of language as a societal resource, and how people that master it better get better opportunities. Economic factors, particularly education, occupation indicated positive connections with political participation. Motivational aspects, such as interest in political discussions and feelings of belonging to Sweden, demonstrated substantial correlations with voting behavior. Immigrants exhibiting interest in political discussions and a sense of connection with Swedish society displayed heightened levels of political activity, strengthening prior research by Verba et al. on sociopsychological factors. Group memberships, specifically involvement in interest groups and work-related associations, significantly influenced voting patterns. The main goal of the paper is to contribute modest insights into immigrants’ political participation in Sweden using quantitative methods. Suggestions for future research include qualitative methods for deeper insights and the exploration of additional influential factors to deepen the knowledge in this sphere.

Vart femte år skickar Sverige in en rapport till Förenta Nationernas organ Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) där rapporten beskriver hur Sverige arbetar mot diskriminering utifrån den konvention Sverige skrev under år 1966 – Raskonventionen. Denna studie undersöker den senaste rapporten svenska staten har skickat till CERD från år 2023 för att förstå vilka begrepp som framträder i rapporten i beskrivningar av arbetet mot diskriminering på grund av ras. Tidigare forskning om ras, rasism och färgblindhet pekar på att Sverige inte använder rasbegreppet, Därav är det intressant att undersöka om rasbegreppet framträder, men om så ej är fallet, vilka andra begrepp som framträder istället för ras. Studien syftar även till att redogöra för hur svenska staten arbetar mot diskriminering på grund av ras och vilka tänkbara konsekvenser begreppsanvändningen i rapporten får för arbetet mot diskriminering på grund av ras. Studiens resultat visar att rasbegreppet förekommer i mycket liten utsträckning samtidigt som etnicitet, etnisk tillhörighet, kulturell- och nationell bakgrund och ursprung förekommer ofta i rapporten. Begreppsapparaten är inte konsekvent och otydlig där etnicitet används på olika sätt i olika språkliga kontexter. Otydlig begreppsanvändning kring etnicitet är något även tidigare forskning slår fast där rasbegreppet inte används., Every fifth year in accordance with the Race Convention, Sweden is obligated to hand in a report stating what work is being done to combat discrimination based on race. The Race Convention was created by the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination(CERD) and signed by Sweden in 1966. This study is analysing the latest report handed in by the Swedish state during the reporting cycle of 2023. The study aims to understand what concepts of race, without using the word race, appears in the report. The study further aims to explain how the Swedish state is combating discrimination based on race and what possibly consequences the use of concepts, in the report, have for combating discrimination based on race. Some of the main results of the analysis are that the concept of race is being used to a very limited extent, while terms such as ethnicity, ethnic, national or cultural heritage and descent is being frequently used. There is also no clear definition of the concept of ethnicity and there is overall an inconsistent usage of concepts and insufficient clarification of the concepts of both race and ethnicity.

Nuclear power is a topic that has been debated for many years, both in Sweden and internationally. The arguments that are found in the debate often express either that risk is connected to using nuclear power, or that risk is connected to not using it. Both sides frequently express a political connection. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether there is a connection between ideology and risk perception in the Swedish debate on nuclear power. To find an answer ideological connection and risk perception are identified in a number of articles published in Sweden’s five largest newspapers during the spring and summer of 2022. The results indicate a connection between ideology and risk perception, although it is not quite clear. Also, what type of risk an article expresses as the most serious seems to be connected to its ideology and the values it builds on.

In order for a democracy to fulfill its function, it requires access for information transmission where an exchange of information and opinions occur between citizens and decision-makers. Security and framing correlate with each other since medias’ framing are crucial to understand whether something is considered a threat or a problem. The news media is thus seen as an actor that possesses a certain power through the presentation of threats as it shapes public opinion. This study examines how the Russian threat-images towards Sweden are produced during different time periods and what differences have arisen. In addition, this study aims to investigate how the news medias’ presentation of threat images can influence citizens and decision-makers. This essay consists of a qualitative thematic case study and media analysis where news articles are analyzed in relation to the essays’ chosen theories, which consists of the framing-theory and the agenda-setting-theory. In summary, this study concludes that news media reported on an increased threat picture against Sweden in 2013. However, the focus was mainly on preventive measures and discussions regarding possible measures if the threat would escalate in the future. In 2023, the media changed its tone to emphasize the seriousness and urgency of the situation by using words related to war and danger. The differences between 2013 and 2023 is a more urgent presentation of the threat in 2023. According to the chosen theories, the news medias’ way of presenting the security situation as threatening can result in citizens and decision-makers prioritizing the issue to a greater extent. Based on the material, the news media have mainly focused on the military threat both in 2013 and 2023 but have not to the same extent prioritized reporting regarding other threats that previous research performs. This can result in citizens and decision makers not prioritizing the other threats equally and accordingly not taking sufficient measur

Syftet med denna uppsats är att, med Ryssland och Putin som undersökningsfall, använda Svoliks modell för auktoritär dynamik till att bidra till förståelsen hur en autokrat hanterar huvudproblemen auktoritär kontroll och maktdelning. De tre forskningsfrågorna är. ”Hur har den politiska utvecklingen i Ryssland sett ut under Putineran?”, ”Vilka hot har funnits mot Putins auktoritära kontroll och vilka aktörer skulle kunna hota Putins ställning?”, ”Vilka åtgärder har Putin vidtagit i syfte att stärka sin auktoritära kontroll och hur har makten fördelats mellan presidenten och eliterna i det ryska samhället?” Denna uppsats undersöker sedan Ryssland under Putineran som en fallstudie. Detta görs genom att först observera och beskriva den politiska utvecklingen i Ryssland med hjälp av en tidsserie av ett demokrati-index. Vi genomför en systematisk litteraturstudie och mäter de olika hoten mot den auktoritära kontrollen och vilka aktörer som hotat Putin i olika skeenden. Därefter observerar vi Putins motåtgärder, som sedan analyseras och mäts hur de ökat den auktoritära kontrollen och hur makten förflyttats mellan Putin och de olika makteliterna. Det mest unika med vår studie är att vi med hjälp av Svoliks modell för auktoritär dynamik beskriver de olika hoten mot den auktoritära regimen och de motåtgärder som vidtagits för att reducera hoten och den resulterande nivå på autokrati som detta bidragit till i Ryssland under Putineran., The purpose of this thesis is to, using Russia and Putin as a Case Study, use Svolik's model of Authoritarian Dynamic to contribute to the understanding of how an autocrat deals with the main problems of control and power sharing. The three research questions are: “How has the political development evolved in Russia during the Putin era?”, “What threats have there been to Putin's authoritarian control and what actors could pose a threat to Putin's position?”, “What measures has Putin taken to strengthen his authoritarian control and how has power been distributed between the president and the elites of Russian society?” This thesis then examines Russia in the Putin era as a case study. This study is performed by first observing and describing political developments in Russia using a time series of a democracy index. We conduct a systematic literature study and measure the various threats to the authoritarian control and which actors have threatened Putin in various situations. We then observe Putin's countermeasures, which are then analysed and measured to see how they have increased authoritarian control and how power has shifted between Putin and the various power elites. The uniqueness of our study consists of using Svolik's model of authoritarian dynamics, describing the various threats to the authoritarian regime and the countermeasures taken to reduce the threats and the resulting level of autocracy this has contributed to in Russia during Putin Era.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the conditions for civil society and activists in Japan regarding their access to a truly free capability for their expression, action, and thoughts. The theoretical starting point is based on Iris Young's normative theory of the function of civil society in deliberative democracy, which sheds light on intermediate factors that make Young's ideal too naive to be realized. Gramsci's concept of hegemony is then used to highlight indirect and hidden power structures that certain groups in society are afflicted by. Holloway's resistance theory and anti-capitalist view of civil society are applied from a Marxist perspective that characterizes this study. In combination with a post-structuralist view of power and a Marxist perspective, it became possible to identify three hegemonies that appear to be democratically problematic from previous research, as well as an in-depth analysis of the Japanese activists' mindset and the hegemonic ideas implied in their expressions. The question is thus, how and to what extent those hegemonic ideas permeate activists' expressions and opinions in today's civil society in Japan. The result of the analytical ideological criticism shows empirical support for signs of all the hegemonic ideas in the chosen materials and offers some implications of those hegemonies for civil society and democracy. The latter conclusion also implies some consequences of capitalism and neoliberalism for society in general.

The Arctic is a region which has been historically and is contemporary important for Russia. The Arctic is a matter of concern not only for the states bordering it but has also garnered attention from China. It demonstrated its interest by releasing its policy on the region for the first time in 2018. This thesis examines Russia's perception of China in the Arctic from 2018 to 2023. To realise this goal, the thesis will analyse the official Russian government's stance and narrative with experts' opinions in Russian think tanks and compare the two. Furthermore, mapping out how the views have evolved and whether they differ between think tank experts and the official government approach. A mixed method content analysis is employed to analyse the change over time and make the comparison fruitfully. A coding scheme is formed by utilising a theoretical framework grounded in extant studies on the relations between Russia and the Arctic. The findings suggest an absence of threat in policy documents and other publications, implying that China is not perceived as a threat in the Arctic. In addition, the think tank views follow and reinforce views expressed in policy documents.

The purpose of this study is to contribute with knowledge about how crime is described in the media through a comparative study of the editorial pages in Swedish and Danish newspapers. The newspapers included in the study are Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Jyllands-Posten and Politiken. Through a qualitative content analysis, the content has been analysed based on the causes, solutions, victims and perpetrators that are highlighted on the respective editorial pages. The questions that permeate the work are about the similarities and differences that emerge in the newspapers' editorial pages in the view of the causes and solutions of crime, and how these can be explained. The applied theory is agenda setting theory. The theory can contribute with insights about how media reporting can affect the public and political agenda on various issues. The study shows that domestic crime receives more attention in the Swedish newspapers than in the Danish newspapers. The study also shows that there is a correlation between the newspapers' political affiliation and how they view different policy proposals. It showed that the authors were more positive to proposals that came from parties with a similar political affiliation.

This essay conducts a qualitative text analysis on the Swedish foreign policy debates held in February 2015 and 2023. The study aims to enhance understanding of the shift in Swedish security policy following the Swedish NATO application. Using an ideal-type analysis, the occurrence of realistic and liberal assumptions is compared in the two debates. The study reveals that both debates are characterized by liberal assumptions. Additionally, it is evident that the Swedish foreign policy debate in 2023 is characterized to a greater extent by realistic assumptions than the debate in 2015. This difference becomes apparent as the debaters in 2023 more frequently and elaborately discuss the consequences of the international situation for security in Sweden and its vicinity. At the same time, the threat is more extensively linked to states, and a certain skepticism is expressed towards international institutions and their ability to uphold international laws. This enhances understanding of the shift in the Swedish security policy debate, indicating a change in how Swedish politicians talk about security concerns.

This study aims to contribute to the research field in the cross-border region of Oresund, between Helsingborg and Helsingor. The study aims to research politicians’ views on the cooperation between the two cities and to answer how politicians in Helsingborg and Helsingor view cross-border cooperation in the region based on driving forces, visions, and obstacles. The purpose is also to see if there are any differences between the politicians' views, in each city, on the cooperation and if the cross-border cooperation is being driven by instrumental ideas or value-based ideas.The study does this by qualitative interviews with politicians on each side of the border in the two cities. The interviews and the analysis of the material are based on the three carrying concepts: driving forces, visions, and obstacles. The analysis is being done with the help of the theory based on instrumental driving forces and value-based ideas.From the analysis, the conclusion is that the driving forces behind this cooperation is connected to the geographical proximity between the countries. The vision is based on the goal of becoming a strong seamless-region and that there are obstacles such as taxes. The study concludes that the cooperation is mostly driven by instrumental ideas but that some of these driving forces have their origin in some type of value-based idea. The conclusion is also that the politicians in the two cities view the cooperation in a mostly similar way.

This essay focus on the normative debate between cosmopolitanism and statism in the context of global distributive justice. The notion of basic structure and negative rights examines separately in two questions to understand distributive justice as a global subject rather than only national. Statists as Rawls holds the position that global distributive justice prerequisite a basic structure with coercive instrument. Pogge as cosmopolitan arguments for the existence of global basic structure, by addressing inequalities in real-world politics, in the form of negative rights violation. The aim of this study is to justify global distributive justice on cosmopolitan duties, based on normative political theory, reflective equilibrium, and conceptual analysis. The main issue is formulated into two questions in the following: • Does reciprocity constitute a global basic structure that presupposes resource distribution? • Can self-respect as foundation of rights justify global distributive justice? I do this first by analyzing the concept of basic structure, based on the notion reciprocity. This is to identify the basic structure of the global system that prerequisite global distributive justice. Second, I analyze Pogge’s formulation of negative rights as cosmopolitan rights, to modify them to a positive concept of rights. This is in purpose to avoid the libertarian counterargument presented by Narveson, that negative rights fail as a ground of cosmopolitan duties. I show first that coercion is not a necessary condition, but only sufficient for the basic structure. Thus, the global basic structure exists and prerequisite distributive justice, based on reciprocity. Unlike the national basic structure of coercive instrument, the global basic structure grounds on several global threats and challenges that tie all nations as alternative concept of coercion. Second, I show that cosmopolitan duties can be grounded on positive rights. I do this through the notion of self-respect an

Sweden has a longstanding tradition of working towards gender equality. Since 1994, the Swedish government's primary strategy for achieving gender equality policy goals has been gender mainstreaming. In practice, this means that a gender perspective should be considered in all policy areas affecting people's living conditions. A policy area that should be permeated by a gender perspective is pre-school education, which is one of the forms of education within the Swedish school system. The gender equality mission of pre-schools is established in policy documents, such as the curriculum for pre-schools - Lpfö 18. Despite the well-established gender equality mission in the governing documents for Swedish pre-schools, significant deficiencies have been identified in the implementation of the gender equality mission. The purpose of this thesis is to, through a qualitative interview method, examine pre-school educators' prerequisites for implementing a gender perspective in pre-school activities based on the curriculum for Swedish pre-schools - Lpfö 18. The study is based on the political scientist Lennart Lundquist's theory of understanding, ability and will. The study therefore aims to consider preschool educators as street-level bureaucrats and examine whether they have the understanding, ability, and will to implement the preschool's gender equality mission. To achieve this purpose, seven semi-structured interviews were conducted at a preschool unit in Halmstad municipality. Based on the interview material, it can be concluded that the prerequisite understanding, and willingness constitute favorable conditions for a successful implementation. Among the three prerequisites, knowledge is identified as the most significant obstacle to the successful implementation of the gender equality mission at the preschool that was investigated.

This thesis explores the role of hope within the Biden administration’s biographical narrative during the year after the Capitol attack on January 6th. The thesis provides for both an exploration of the case and how hope within national identity representations can be analyzed, as well as the value of hope after a disruptive event with consequences for the nation’s self-understanding. Previous research has focused mainly on fear of the outside or internal anxiety as drivers of state identity representations while implicitly assuming the occurrence of universality or a stable identity within the state. Instead, the theorizing on hope proposed by the thesis suggests that the American subject is unfinished and incomplete within its identity representations and requires hope to move forward, while also immunizing notions of fear and anxiety. While a complete identity can never be reached, American identity representations are sustained by manifesting hope for the future. Even though the American collective subject may never reach its desired unity, the hope that it someday might allow for the continuation of identity representations of the striving subject.

There’s a growing number of trans-related bills in the US and states are divided amongst themselves with some taking a strong pro-trans stance and others a strong anti-trans stance. This study analyses the arguments of six different political debates on the US state-level. These debates all concern either pro-trans or anti-trans bills. The purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the trans-debate and its ideological underpinnings. Our study shows that how one views the trans identity is fundamental to the trans debate. The study also shows a clear ideological divide in the arguments used by both sides with many republican arguments aligning with conservatism and conversely many democratic arguments aligning with liberalism. The republican arguments revolve around the themes of parental right, the value of the family and the need to protect children from the dangers of gender affirming care. The democrat's argumentation has its basis in their view of trans people as a persecuted minority with many arguments revolving around the suffering this community endures. They argue that the anti-trans bills are dangerous for trans people as many trans people already suffer from depression and suicidal thoughts. Some democrats go as far as accusing the republicans of having near genocidal intensions for the trans community. The democrats instead argue that trans people should be free to express themself and that they deserve to feel safe, respected and affirmed. Contrary to the republicans the democrats see gender affirming care as a lifesaving solution to trans peoples suffering.

De flesta av oss kommer någon gång i livet att komma i kontakt med hälso- och sjukvården. Väntetiderna i vården är ett ämne som diskuteras i Sverige. Regeringen fattade ett beslut om att minska vårdköerna och år 2010 blev vårdgarantin lagstadgad på nationell nivå. Lagarna säger att regionerna har ett ansvar att patienter ska få vård inom en viss tidsram samtidigt som patientens delaktighet i vården ska öka. I vår undersökning kommer vi att analysera individens ansvar i genomförandet av vårdgarantin med tidsramen 90 dagar. Med hjälp av material som vi har begärt ut från Sveriges regioner kan vi med en textanalytisk metod undersöka ansvaret i vårdgarantin. Vi kan konstatera att resultatet skiljer sig åt mellan regionernas bifogade information. Det bör finnas en centraliserad information om vad vårdgarantin innebär för patienten i Sverige.

The purpose of this study is to examine how political communication of security policy is presented by Swedish parliamentary parties in the context of media development. Political actors have been given increased opportunities to communicate with the public, therefore the aim of this study is also to investigate how their political communication affects the interactions that it creates, such as readers' commentary on social media. This is a case study of Sweden's right and left parliamentary outliers, The Sweden Democrats and The Left Party, as selection attempted a limited generalization to a wider perspective of other parties. The empirical material has been analyzed from Instagram and X to find out if the communication differs between platforms. The study concludes that Swedish security policy is presented differently between the parties on social media. The communication does differ between platforms. The Left Party shifts patterns of which security policy gains the most attention and how the issue is presented. Both parties use their communication in a more personal tone towards other parties and users on X compared to Instagram. The result of the interactions shows that the agreed rate for petitions is high for both parties on Instagram, and lower on X.

Sweden has seen an increase in the use of “speech to the nation” by the recent Prime ministers. It is a type of speech reserved for major crises and since 1974 just six have been held, four of them since 2020. By using a theoretical framework from the framing part of crisis management literature, this paper examines what kind of communication tool “speech to the nation” is. The analysis concludes that the speeches typically seek to acknowledge the severity of the crisis, highlight exogenous causes, and present incremental policy changes which defends status quo. In line with contemporary research about political communication, the speeches have developed into more politicized speeches with more serious descriptions of the crises and with more severe policy-reforms presented. The thesis contributes to the literature about political communication by giving an overview and analysis of every prime ministerial speech to the nation in Sweden since 1974.

The international community has been working on reducing disaster risks for decades, investing millions of dollars and implementing hundreds of projects in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). There is a broad consensus nowadays between academia and practitioners of how disasters result from exposure and vulnerabilities, where it’s essential to reduce these vulnerabilities. However, regardless of all efforts made, vulnerabilities seem to persist and local knowledge is often limited due to the top-down approach of DRR-projects. Based on a field study in Huila, Colombia, this thesis examines why vulnerabilities persist by studying the local sense-making of disaster risks and DRR of the practitioners and consumers of these projects. A discourse analysis, grounded in a Foucauldian and post-structuralist approach, identifies and further analyzes discourses, considering power dynamics. The thesis findings highlight three different understandings of DRR among the participants: the Colombian Red Cross (CRC), the city's recipients and the indigenous community of Nasa Çxhaçxha. The dominant discourse of the CRC, focusing on DRR measures of self-reliance, generates knowledge that overlooks the contextual risks of the recipients, which strengthens what previous research has already concluded. The thesis can contribute to existing research by emphasizing how educational programmes for improving risk awareness have been too generalized and overlooked the contextual vulnerabilities and risks, which in turn has reproduced the dominant knowledge of DRR, generating a cyclic process that enganger to reproduce the risks and thereby also making the vulnerabilities persist.

This thesis investigates the terrorist designation issued by Israel against six Palestinian civil society organizations in 2021. The organizations are based in the West Bank and remain designated as terrorist organizations according to Israeli law, despite rejections and condemnations by the European Union (EU), the United Nations (UN), and the United States (US). The investigation builds on an interpretive approach and in-depth semi-structured interviews with five of the six designated organizations. By using the theory of ontological counter-securitization to investigate a case of shrinking civic space, this thesis brings the theory to a new context. Given that the context of Palestinian civil society is understudied, the aim is to contribute new context-specific findings as well as theoretical knowledge. More specifically, this approach is aimed at better understanding views and means of resistance among the interviewed organizations. The findings show that the five organizations view their terrorist designation as a way to defund Palestinian civil society. It is further implied that the terrorist designation has impacted the organizations' relationship with their donors. To maintain their work, the organizations have undertaken a form of risk management. The analysis also shows that enhanced recognition, cooperation and conviction have constituted means of resistance. The main finding of the analysis concerns the construction of a new identity among the designated organizations. It is argued that this identity construction is a specific form of resistance against the shrinking civic space. The findings are central to enhancing the understanding of how security practices are resisted in asymmetric power relationships.

From the start of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” in 2011 until November 2023, 78 foreign visits have been made by three U.S. Presidents and five Secretaries of State to Southeast Asia. To uncover the U.S. ambitions in Southeast Asia, this thesis uses frame analysis to study speeches, statements, and remarks published by the U.S. Department of State and the White House during the visits to categorize them as displaying predominantly soft, hard, or smart power. The frames identified during the visits show that each administration has displayed a different kind of power. While the Obama administration focused on soft power, the Trump administration displayed significantly more hard power. The Biden administration used almost exclusively smart power during their visits. The thesis contributes to the operationalization of Joseph Nye’s concepts of soft, hard, and smart power, while also attempting to understand the U.S. ambition in Southeast Asia, especially as relations with the PRC have become increasingly tense.

This research study explores the culture of silence within the Swedish Police Authority, with a particular focus on the role of officials. By analyzing the various cultures and norms that shape the organization, the study seeks to deepen understanding of how silence influences employees' inclination to report misconduct. Methodologically, the study employs qualitative content analysis to systematically explore and interpret the text-based material related to the culture of silence within the police authority. To capture a diversity of perspectives, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants from different hierarchical levels within the police organization. Through this methodology, the researchers aimed to obtain a broad and representative understanding of how the culture of silence manifests and affects employees' experiences and actions. The study's findings highlighted complex relationships between different cultures, norms, and the culture of silence, where fear of reprisals and a clear link between managers with high control needs and the reporting of misconduct emerged as significant. Special emphasis was placed on the younger generation's perspectives and actions, with their role identified as crucial in shaping the future of police operations. It was revealed that the younger generation is perceived to have a more open mindset and the potential to break away from older cultures and fears. Finally, the study emphasizes the need to comprehend these complex dynamics to develop effective measures that promote a healthier organizational culture within the Swedish Police Authority.

Pandemiberedskap är central ur ett säkerhets- och folkhälsoperspektiv. Uppsatsens fokus ligger på existentiell riskuppfattning i Folkhälsomyndighetens pandemiberedskapsplaner från 2019 och 2023. För analysen detta används ett perspektiv som utvecklats av en medicinsk antropolog vid namn Christos Lynteris. På engelska kallar han perspektivet för pandemic imaginary som grovt översatt till svenska blir pandemiska imaginär. Syftet är att undersöka hur riskuppfattningen för närvarande är konstruerad och hur den har förändrats från 2019 till 2023, åren för COVID-19-pandemin. Denna studie kommer inte att undersöka processerna bakom riskuppfattningen, utan enbart hur riskstrukturen ser ut och hur den har förändrats. Studien undersöker hur konceptet hot och värden har förskjutits både i direkta termer som det presenteras i beredskapsplanerna för pandemier och från ett perspektiv av pandemiska imaginär som hjälper till att förklara hur vissa metanarrativ har förskjutits från en mer existentiellt inriktad riskuppfattning 2019 till ett mindre existentiellt inriktat perspektiv 2023. Detta görs genom en kvalitativ systematisk och diskursiv läsning av beredskapsplanerna med fokus på teorin om pandemiska imaginär och riskuppfattning. Resultaten visade en förskjutning från en lågt existentiellt inriktad hotbild 2019 till en ännu lägre existentiellt inriktad hotbild 2023, som kort sagt kan sägas skapa en bild av pandemihotet som icke-existentiellt hotande och likartat till den omfattning som COVID-19 och de influensapandemier som har varit de senaste århundradets pandemier. Det visade också en förskjutning mot ett ökad fokus på individuell frihet och framställde motåtgärderna som tas mot pandemin som ett av de mest centrala hoten i ett pandemiscenario, det vill säga att röra sig bort från död och sjukdom som huvudkaraktär av en pandemi till att en pandemi är en kris och en orsak till samhällsstörning som drabbar individen. Denna uppsats är skriven på engelska.

After the Cold War, Sweden transformed into a global arms exporter, establishing international defense collaborations with various partners worldwide. The regulations governing Sweden's arms exports are rooted in national values of peace, equality, and democracy, along with specific guidelines for defense exports. Despite the importance of these values, Sweden has continued to export weapons to non-democratic countries, contradicting its professed principles. To limit the arms exports to non-democratic countries, a democracy criterion was implemented in Sweden 2018. However, despite this measure, weapons have continued to be exported to countries that are, according to the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society (among other sources), non-democratic. This study applies institutional theory to analyze the motivations of various actors behind the ongoing arms exports despite the introduction of the democracy criterion. It is observed that the criterion proves susceptible to circumvention due to its weak formulation, allowing for loopholes and freedom of interpretation. Through a qualitative content analysis of primary sources, the study delves into understanding how Sweden motivates the continued arms exports to non-democratic countries and why the democracy criterion since 2018 has not been complied with. The study's findings indicate that the democracy criterion has not limited the arms exports to non-democratic countries, such as India and Pakistan. The study concludes that Sweden's reluctance to terminate existing collaborations, reflects a strategic decision to prioritize defense and security interests over professed values. Despite the democracy criterion introduced in 2018, Sweden appears to work against their own professed values by continuing arms exports to non-democratic countries.

This study aims to assess the Swedish national value framework (Svenska statliga värdegrunden) in light of liberal multicultural theory, with a particular focus on the perceived conflict between theoretical principles and actual political practices, exemplified by Swedish authorities' participation in Stockholm Pride. To achieve this, an ideological analysis applies three contemporary liberal multicultural theories to evaluate the alignment of the Swedish national value framework with these theories. The subsequent examination of Swedish authorities' involvement in Stockholm Pride seeks to determine whether such participation is endorsed or discouraged by the identified theoretical framework. The analysis supports a fundamental premise of this study – that state authorities' active support for LGBTQ+ rights and participation in Stockholm Pride is not only acceptable but also encouraged by liberal multicultural theory. Importantly, this endorsement does not compromise the principles of state neutrality integral to liberal ideals.

Recent developments in Sweden’s security policy have prompted the rearmament of the total defence. The total defence comprises both military and civil defence. The civil defence, in conjunction with crisis preparedmess, forms Sweden’s civil preparedness. However, the civil preparedness has been assessed as inadequate in meeting the requirements arising from recent developments in external security policy. Additionally, Sweden’s imminent NATO membership imposes further requirements on civil preparedness. The operational activities within civil preparedness are predominantly carried out by private entities, necessitating private-public collaboration. Nevertheless, existing regulations and competing interests pose substantial obstacles to sustained and iterative collaboration. This thesis employs a comparative nested case study, analysing two sectors of operations coordinated by the Swedish Post and Telecom Authority. These sectors demonstrate varying degrees of collaboration in civil preparedness. By utilizing Emerson & Nabatchi’s (2015) collaborative governance theory, this thesis identifies that drivers prompting collaboration play a significant role. Specifically, legal and policy frameworks are assessed to be the most crucial factor. The cases exhibit unique characteristics, thereby providing a reasonable test the of collaborative governance theory’s eligibility. This thesis acknowledges certain limitations in the theoretical assumptions due to technological advancements. Consequently, further assessment of the theory is encouraged, as it may require refinement to adequately address new forms of incentives for collaboration resulting from emerging threats.

This study is a comparative study of government ethics documents in Sweden and Denmark. It explores how the role of civil servants and their relationship with politicians are described in the ethical documents of both countries. The study aims to identify and analyze the types of civil servants emerging from these documents, their loyalties, and their political and administrative autonomy. The thesis employs a qualitative content analysis method to examine the documents, considering the differences in administrative traditions and political-administrative institutions in the two Nordic countries. The study contributes to understanding the public administration and ethics within the specific contexts of Sweden and Denmark.

European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) has become one of the key concepts in the European security debate. Its essential meaning is that European states need to collectively ensure their autonomy to act independently of external parties in the wake of unfolding geopolitical shifts, such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. However, given the complex nature of cooperation in Europe, Member States (MS) of the European Union (EU) have different understandings of how ESA should be pursued. This divergence has led to an elusiveness of the concept, both in the World of policy and academia, which is problematic as it has hindered cooperative developments. This thesis systematically investigates how two Member States in the EU, Finland and Sweden, understand ESA. Given ESA’s lack of theorisation, an ‘ESA model’ has been developed that has helped measure the two cases’ respective understandings. ESA has traditionally been limited to the policy area of defence, however, in line with the current broader understanding of ESA, this thesis also considers energy and economy. In doing so, this thesis gives a more nuanced picture of the two countries respective ESA understandings. The findings show that both Finland and Sweden are strongly in favour of ESA measures for energy, Russia’s energy leverage over the EU being the main explanation. Both countries are also in favour of ESA measures for economy, to avoid being vulnerable to China’s growing assertiveness; however, unlike energy and Russia, both Finland and Sweden also emphasise the importance of maintaining trade with China that is beneficial for companies in the respective countries. Both countries are more circumspect towards ESA measures for defence. This is especially the case for Sweden which strongly emphasises the importance of a robust defence relationship with the United States.

This study uses defensive realism, offensive realism and power transition theory (PTT) in order to examine the great powers’ grand strategies in the Arctic region, aiming to recontextualise the security theatre in the Arctic as a reflection of the return of great power politics and the end of Arctic exceptionalism, and to examine the explanatory power of the different strands of realism on the great power behaviour identified in their Arctic strategies. The study is conducted using qualitative content analysis and utilises Jacob Westberg’s theorisation of grand strategies through the categories of context, ends, means and ways as analytical framework, to which the theoretical framework is applied. The result shows that realism is a suitable theory for predicting great power behaviour in the Arctic, where PTT provides the strongest explanatory power; that the dichotomy between hard and soft security is eroding; and that the strategies were highly context-dependent, thus rendering generalisable results difficult to discern.