210 results on '"Spanish nationalism"'
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52. AMÉRICA Y EL NACIONALISMO ESPAÑOL: LAS FIESTAS DEL 12 DE OCTUBRE, DEL FRANQUISMO A LA DEMOCRACIA (1).
- Author
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GARCÍA SEBASTIANI, MARCELA
- Subjects
PAN-Hispanism ,HOLIDAYS ,SPANISH national character ,FRANCOISM ,SPANISH civilization ,NATIONALISM ,SPANISH politics & government ,TWENTIETH century ,LATIN American civilization - Abstract
Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
53. CONMEMORAR LA NACIÓN DESDE ABAJO. LAS CELEBRACIONES PATRIÓTICAS DEL MADRID PROGRESISTA, 1836-1840.
- Author
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PÉREZ NÚÑEZ, JAVIER
- Subjects
SPANISH politics & government, 1814-1868 ,NATIONALISM ,LIBERALISM ,SPANISH politics & government, 1808-1814 ,HISTORY of Madrid, Spain ,POLITICS & culture ,NINETEENTH century - Abstract
Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
54. 1992: LA MODERNIDAD DEL PASADO. EL PSOE EN BUSCA DE UNA IDEA REGENERADA DE ESPAÑA.
- Author
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QUAGGIO, GIULIA
- Subjects
SPANISH national character ,SPANISH politics & government, 1975-2014 ,SPANISH civilization ,EXPOSICION Universal de 1992 (Seville, Spain) ,NATIONALISM ,POLITICS & culture ,LIBERALISM ,TWENTIETH century ,LATIN American civilization - Abstract
Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
55. Pluralidad política y diversidad cultural. Discursos sobre la educación para la ciudadanía en la sociedad vasca.
- Author
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Mateos, Txoli, Zabalo, Julen, Larrinaga, Ane, and Amurrio, Mila
- Abstract
Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
56. La nación en el discurso universitario: España en la oratoria de inauguración del curso académico salmantino, 1920-19231.
- Author
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de Luis Martín, Francisco
- Abstract
Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Contemporanea is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
57. Identifying with the Nation: Spain's Left-Wing Citizens in an Age of Crisis.
- Author
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Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia María, González-Fernández, Manuel Tomás, and Jiménez Sánchez, Manuel
- Subjects
NATIONALISM ,FINANCIAL crises ,POLITICAL participation ,PATRIOTISM ,ECONOMICS - Abstract
This study analyses the extent, sense, and strategies employed by sympathisers with Spanish state-wide left-wing parties to ‘reconstruct’ their affective ties with the Spanish nation after the ‘monopolisation of patriotism’ by Franco's regime. Such an undertaking is further complicated within the context of economic crisis and intensified peripheral nationalism found in Catalonia and the Basque Country. This article applies qualitative analysis to the discourse of left-wing participants from 11 focus groups held in March 2012 amidst the economic (and political) crisis. As expected, this context of crisis favoured the emergence of explicit discourse on the Spanish nation, providing an opportunity to gain a better understanding of its nature. Findings show that welfare nationalism and social patriotism define the kind of attachment developed by the interviewees towards Spain better than the concept of constitutional patriotism, or any kind of ethnic-cultural feeling of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
58. Imperial Emotions: Cultural Responses to Myths of Empire in Fin-de-Siecle Spain
- Author
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Krauel, Javier, author and Krauel, Javier
- Published
- 2014
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
59. El último romántico de nuestra política. Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz y la imparcialidad del españolismo
- Subjects
El Año Político ,Nacionalismo catalán ,Nacionalismo vasco ,Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz ,Nacionalismo español ,Catalan nationalism ,Basque nationalism ,Spanish nationalism - Published
- 2021
60. Pluralidad política y diversidad cultural : discursos sobre la educación para la ciudadanía en la sociedad vasca
- Subjects
Nacionalismo vasco ,Nacionalismo español ,Liberalisme ,Basque nationalism ,Civic education ,Nacionalisme espanyol ,Spanish nationalism ,Multiculturalism ,Multiculturalismo ,Liberalismo ,País vasco ,País basc ,Educación cívica ,Educació cívica ,Liberalism ,Nacionalisme basc ,Multiculturalisme ,Basque country - Published
- 2021
61. Trencar el consens. Una anàlisi del discurs de Ciutadans sobre els símbols nacionals en les institucions catalanes
- Author
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Molist Gallifa, Eduard, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Facultat de Ciències Polítiques i de Sociologia, and Rovira, Marta
- Subjects
Identificación nacional ,Nacionalismo español ,Símbols nacionals ,Institucions ,Anàlisi del discurs ,Institutions ,Nacionalisme espanyol ,National identification ,Spanish nationalism ,Análisis del discurso ,National symbols ,Identificació nacional ,Símbolos nacionales ,Instituciones ,Discourse analysis - Abstract
El treball presenta una anàlisi del discurs del partit Ciutadans sobre els símbols nacionals en les institucions catalanes. En un context de competència entre projectes nacionals, Ciutadans ha posat al centre del debat polític el paper dels símbols nacionals qüestionant alguns consensos del projecte institucional català. L'objectiu de l'estudi és discutir la relació entre el discurs de Ciutadans i la normalització de la identificació nacional espanyola i catalana. Mitjançant l'ús de documents i l'anàlisi crítica del discurs, s'examinen una selecció de discursos dels portaveus de la formació en aspectes com la llengua vehicular a les escoles o la festa nacional de Catalunya. Els resultats obtinguts demostren com el discurs de Ciutadans normalitza parcialment la identificació nacional espanyola i alhora deslegitima la identificació nacional catalana. La investigació en aquest terreny obre camí per comprendre millor el projecte nacional del nou espanyolisme a Catalunya. El trabajo presenta un análisis del discurso del partido Ciudadanos sobre los símbolos nacionales en las instituciones catalanes. En un contexto de competencia entre proyectos nacionales, Ciudadanos ha puesto en el centro del debate político el papel de los símbolos nacionales cuestionando algunos consensos del proyecto institucional catalán. El objetivo del estudio es discutir la relación entre el discurso de Ciudadanos y la normalización de la identificación nacional española y catalana. Mediante el uso de documentos y el análisis crítico del discurso, se examinan una selección de discursos de los portavoces de la formación en aspectos como la lengua vehicular en las escuelas o la fiesta nacional de Cataluña. Los resultados obtenidos demuestran como el discurso de Ciudadanos normaliza parcialmente la identificación nacional española y asimismo deslegitima la identificación nacional catalana. La investigación en este terreno abre camino para comprender mejor el proyecto nacional del nuevo españolismo en Cataluña. The paper presents an analysis of the discourse of the Citizens' party on national symbols in Catalan institutions. In a context of competition between national projects, Citizens have put the role of national symbols at the heart of the political debate, questioning some consensus on the Catalan institutional project. The aim of the study is to discuss the relationship between the discourse of Citizens and the normalization of the Spanish and Catalan national identification. Through the use of documents and the critical discourse analysis, a selection of speeches are examined in aspects such as the vehicular language in schools or the national day of Catalonia. The results obtained show how the Citizens' discourse partially normalizes Spanish national identification and delegitimize Catalan national identification. Research in this field paves the way for a better understanding of the national project of the new Spanish nationalism in Catalonia.
- Published
- 2021
62. NACIONALISMO ESPAÑOL Y CULTURAS POLÍTICAS. EL COMIENZO DE UNA BUENA AMISTAD.
- Author
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ANDREU MIRALLES, XAVIER
- Subjects
NATIONALISM ,POLITICAL culture ,SPANISH politics & government ,CULTURAL history ,POLITICAL doctrines ,POLITICAL systems ,HISTORIOGRAPHY - Abstract
Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
63. EL 12 DE OCTUBRE Y LA PROYECCIÓN INTERNACIONAL DEL NACIONALISMO ESPAÑOL EN AMÉRICA LATINA, 1958-1970: LOS CASOS DE URUGUAY Y CHILE.
- Author
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Sebastiani, Marcela García
- Abstract
Copyright of Spagna Contemporanea is the property of Viella Editrice srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2015
64. Shades of Philip II: the 'Black Legend' and the uses of history in the crisis of moderantism
- Abstract
This paper contextualizes the controversy unleashed in the years 1867-1868 around the figure of Felipe II. The “neo-Catholics” vindicated his reign from a national point of view as a way of generating adherence to their anti-secular postulates. This generated important tensions in the political culture of moderantism. The analysis of the parliamentary rhetoric and the interventions in the press allow us to recover the meaning of these allusions to the Habsburg monarchy. The so-called “Black Legend” could be invoked versatilely by different actors with diverse political intentions., Este artículo contextualiza la polémica desatada en los años de 1867-1868 en torno a la figura de Felipe II. Los “neocatólicos” reivindicaron en clave nacional su reinado como un modo de generar adhesión a sus postulados antiseculares, lo que generó importantes tensiones en la cultura política del moderantismo. El análisis de la retórica parlamentaria y de las intervenciones en prensa permite recuperar el significado de las alusiones a la monarquía de los Austrias. La llamada “Leyenda Negra” pudo ser invocada con versatilidad por diferentes actores con intenciones políticas diversas.
- Published
- 2020
65. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin (1842). Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española. El trabajo examina cómo el estudio de las costumbres contemporáneas españolas y europeas contribuyen a la gestación de los contenidos que se desarrollaran posteriormente en la Historia General de España., This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España.
- Published
- 2020
66. Shades of Philip II: the 'Black Legend' and the uses of history in the crisis of moderantism
- Abstract
This paper contextualizes the controversy unleashed in the years 1867-1868 around the figure of Felipe II. The “neo-Catholics” vindicated his reign from a national point of view as a way of generating adherence to their anti-secular postulates. This generated important tensions in the political culture of moderantism. The analysis of the parliamentary rhetoric and the interventions in the press allow us to recover the meaning of these allusions to the Habsburg monarchy. The so-called “Black Legend” could be invoked versatilely by different actors with diverse political intentions., Este artículo contextualiza la polémica desatada en los años de 1867-1868 en torno a la figura de Felipe II. Los “neocatólicos” reivindicaron en clave nacional su reinado como un modo de generar adhesión a sus postulados antiseculares, lo que generó importantes tensiones en la cultura política del moderantismo. El análisis de la retórica parlamentaria y de las intervenciones en prensa permite recuperar el significado de las alusiones a la monarquía de los Austrias. La llamada “Leyenda Negra” pudo ser invocada con versatilidad por diferentes actores con intenciones políticas diversas.
- Published
- 2020
67. La muerte del poeta. Funeral de estado y ritual social en el fallecimiento de José Zorrilla (1893).
- Author
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Sánchez García, Raquel
- Abstract
The article aims at analyzing the concept of state funerals with reference to the funeral ceremony of poet José Zorrilla in 1893. Various topics discussed include creation of civil rituals as an alternate of military and religious ceremonies, values of the liberalism thought and methodology of studying civil rituals.
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
68. LAS HUELLAS ELECTORALES DEL NACiONALiSMO ESPAÑOL.
- Author
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JIMÉNEZ SÁNCHEZ, MANUEL and NAVARRO ARDOY, LUIS
- Abstract
Copyright of Revista Internacional de Sociología is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
69. El impulso nacionalizador de la Revolución de 1868
- Author
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José Álvarez Junco and Gregorio L. de la Fuente Monge
- Subjects
lugares de memoria ,national symbols and myths ,places of memory ,nationalisme espagnol ,Révolution de 1868 ,symboles et mythes nationaux ,liberalismo ,General Medicine ,liberalism ,Spanish nationalism ,Sexenio Démocratique ,Revolución de 1868 ,símbolos y mitos nacionales ,libéralisme ,nacionalismo español ,Sexenio Democrático ,lieux de mémoire ,Revolution of 1868 - Abstract
La fase pre-republicana del Sexenio, es decir, el período 1868-72, supuso un importante impulso de construcción nacional. Pese a sus discrepancias internas, las élites revolucionarias compartían unos acuerdos básicos : que existía una identidad española muy arraigada en la historia ; que su esencia era liberal ; que la revolución había sido producto de la voluntad nacional ; y que construir una España liberal y moderna supondría reintegrarla entre las grandes potencias europeas. De ahí sus esfuerzos por construir los símbolos nacionales (bandera, escudo, himno, fiestas, monedas, sellos de correos, monumentos y lugares de memoria). Pero este proyecto chocó con las divisiones internas y la inestabilidad política del período, la propia debilidad del Estado que se construía a la vez que la nación y, sobre todo, la confusión entre idea nacional y proyecto liberal, que excluía a la España católico-conservadora. La phase pré-républicaine du Sexenio, c'est-à-dire la période 1868-1872, attesta d’un élan important de la construction nationale. En dépit de leurs divergences internes, les élites révolutionnaires partageaient des accords fondamentaux : il existait une identité espagnole profondément enracinée dans l'Histoire : son essence était libérale, la révolution avait été le produit de la volonté nationale, et pour conclure, construire une Espagne libérale et moderne contribuerait à lui rendre son rang parmi les grandes puissances européennes. D'où leurs efforts pour construire des symboles nationaux (drapeau, bouclier, hymne, fêtes, pièces de monnaie, timbres-poste, monuments et lieux de mémoire). Mais ce projet s’est heurté aux divisions internes et à l'instabilité politique de l'époque, à la faiblesse même de l'État qui se construisait en même temps que la nation et, surtout, à la confusion entre l’idée nationale et le projet libéral, qui excluait l'Espagne catholique-conservatrice. The pre-Republican years of the Revolutionary Sexenium (i. e., 1868-1872), witnessed a strong push for nation-building in Spain. In spite of their internal divisions, revolutionary élites shared several basic agreements: they all believed in a centuries-old Spanish identity; they agreed on its Liberal essence; they claimed that the 1868 revolution had been a product of the national will; and they were certain that building a modern and progressive Spain would locate the country among the major European powers. This is why so important efforts were made to build and strengthen national symbols (flag, anthem, festivities, coins, stamps, monuments and lieux de mémoire). But these efforts had to confront internal divisions, political instability, weakness of the political structure that was being built parallel to the national identity and, above all, the close intermix between the national and the liberal project, something which excluded Catholic-conservative Spaniards.
- Published
- 2020
70. La nacionalización de las masas y la historia del nacionalismo español.
- Author
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Javier Caspistegui, Francisco
- Subjects
NATIONALISM ,GOVERNMENT ownership ,FRANCOISM ,SPANISH history, 1939-1975 ,SPANISH politics & government, 1939-1975 ,HISTORIOGRAPHY - Abstract
Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2014
71. Spain on the big screen: Regional imaginary, popular culture and national identity in the Spanish cinema of the first half of the twentieth century.
- Author
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Carrión, Marta García
- Subjects
MOTION picture industry ,POPULAR culture ,NATIONAL character ,FRANCOISM ,DICTATORSHIP - Abstract
The article studies the role of cinema in the development and dissemination of discourses and narratives concerning Spanish national identity. It presents a historical overview from the beginnings of cinema to the first decades of the Francoist dictatorship. The analysis focuses on two main areas: the relationship between cinema and other forms of popular culture, and the use of regional symbols in cinema in order to personify the essence of Spanishness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2014
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
72. Catalanismes, espanyolismes i obrerismes (1914-1939)
- Author
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Fiol, David, Administateur, HAL Sorbonne Université, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB), and Universitat Oberta de Catalunya [Barcelona] (UOC)
- Subjects
Labour movement ,public function ,Catalanism ,mouvement ouvrier ,[SHS.HIST] Humanities and Social Sciences/History ,espagnolisme ,Catalanisme ,fonction publique ,[SHS.HIST]Humanities and Social Sciences/History ,corporatisme ,Spanish nationalism ,corporatism - Abstract
This article explains how the Catalan political culture of the first third of the twentieth century was marked not only by the confrontation between Catalanists and Spaniards, bourgeois and proletarians, and the right and the left parties, but also by a progressive corporatization of the social and economic life of Catalonia, as a consequence of the structural changes imposed by urban growth in Barcelona and industrialization., Cet article explique comment la culture politique catalane du premier tiers du XXe siècle a été marquée non seulement par la confrontation entre catalanistes et espagnols, bourgeois et prolétaires et par la droite et la gauche, mais aussi par une corporatisation progressive de la vie sociale et économique de la Catalogne, conséquence des changements structurels imposés par la croissance urbaine à Barcelone et l'industrialisation.
- Published
- 2020
73. PSOE and the national question: The definition of Spain as a nation of nations
- Author
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Payero López, Lucía
- Subjects
Spanish Constitution of 1978 ,Nación de naciones ,Nacionalismo español ,Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party ,Constitución española de 1978 ,Partido Socialista Obrero Español ,Nation of nations ,Spanish nationalism - Abstract
Este artículo analizará la concepción nacional de España defendida por el PSOE en el 39º Congreso federal, donde se definió España como un Estado plural y se utilizó la fórmula nación de naciones. Se tratará de determinar si esta manera de conceptualizar España supone una modificación de la idea nacional defendida por el Partido Socialista desde 1977 y, en caso afirmativo, qué extensión y alcance presenta dicha variación., This article evaluates the national conception of Spain held by PSOE in its 39th Federal Congress. Here, Spain was understood as a plural state under the formulation of the slogan nation of nations. This article will attempt to clarify if this way of conceptualizing Spain modifies the PSOE’s vision of Spain sustained since 1977, and, if this is the case, what the scope of the variation is.
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
74. Weaponizing Historical Knowledge: the Notion of Reconquista in Spanish Nationalism
- Author
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García Sanjuán, Alejandro
- Subjects
Spanish Nationalism ,media_common.quotation_subject ,Doctrine ,Al-Andalus ,Islam ,Dual (grammatical number) ,Nationalist scholarship ,Reconquista ,Raising (linguistics) ,Nationalism ,Politics ,Spain ,Political science ,Political economy ,Far-right ,Ideology ,Product (category theory) ,media_common - Abstract
The notion of Reconquista is the product of 19th-century Spanish Nationalist thinking. Although developed as an academic concept, it played, at the same time, a crucial political and ideological role, thus holding a very powerful and potentially toxic ideological burden, chiefly consisting of the idea that Spain is a nation shaped against Islam. Its dual academic and ideological nature makes it a highly problematic concept that greatly contributed to produce a largely biased and distorted vision of the Iberian medieval past, aimed at delegitimizing the Islamic presence (al-Andalus) and therefore at legitimizing the Christian conquest of the Muslim territory. Over the last years and in the framework of the Clash of Civilizations doctrine, conservative and far-right scholarly and political outlets reignited the most ideological version of the Reconquista, thus raising a major challenge for academic historians.
- Published
- 2020
75. Intel•lectuals, cultures (polítiques) i franquisme. Algunes notes sobre la situació catalana
- Author
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Vilanova, Francesc, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB), Fundació Carles Pi i Sunyer, and Administateur, HAL Sorbonne Université
- Subjects
Destino ,Luis de Galinsoga ,nationalisme espagnol ,bourgeoisie catalane ,El Ciervo ,antifranquisme ,Jaume Vicens Vives ,Martí de Riquer ,Serra d'Or ,Spanish nationalism ,Josep M. de Sagarra ,Franco ,Eugenio Nadal ,catalanisme ,[SHS.HIST] Humanities and Social Sciences/History ,catalanism ,Josep M. de Porcioles ,Ignacio Agustí ,[SHS.HIST]Humanities and Social Sciences/History ,Francoism - Abstract
These notes attempt to draw a very broad and remarkable complexity: how were the relationships between political power (the Franco dictatorship) and cultural and intellectual actors in Catalonia for almost forty years? The first condition that must be taken into account is the uniqueness of the political system (a dictatorship of fascist origins) and its duration (almost forty years). The second singularity is the relation of this dictatorship to a society and a complex cultural-intellectual system: against which was launched Franco's power? Against a Catalan and Catalan hegemonic cultural system until 1939? Did it come out in the process of replacing this system with another purely Spanishist, reactionary and fascistized? What was the response, from Catalanism and anti-Francoism, in general? Could it work on the margins, despite and against Franco? These are some of the questions raised in the text, which have proposals for answers, but not definitive claims or assertions., Ces notes tentent de dessiner une complexité très large et remarquable : quels ont été les rapports entre le pouvoir politique (la dictature franquiste) et les acteurs culturels et intellectuels en Catalogne pendant près de quarante ans ? La première condition à prendre en compte est l'unicité du système politique (une dictature d'origine fasciste) et sa durée (presque quarante ans). La deuxième singularité est le rapport de cette dictature à une société et à un système culturel-intellectuel complexe : contre qui a été lancé le pouvoir de Franco ? Contre un système culturel hégémonique catalan et catalan jusqu'en 1939 ? Est-il apparu dans le processus de remplacement de ce système par un autre, purement espagnol, réactionnaire et fasciste ? Quelle a été la réponse du catalanisme et de l'anti-franquisme en général ? Pourrait-il travailler en marge, malgré et contre Franco ? Ce sont quelques-unes des questions soulevées dans le texte, qui sont des propositions de réponses, mais pas d'affirmations définitives.
- Published
- 2020
76. Dynamiting Don Quijote : literature, colonial memory and the crisis of the national subject in the monumental poetics of the Cervantine tercentenary (Spain 1915–1921).
- Author
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Méndez, Germán Labrador
- Subjects
- *
ICONOCLASM , *POETICS , *MEMORIALIZATION - Abstract
This paper analyzes the effects of the commemorative cycle of the tercentenary ofDon Quijote(1905–1915) in the context of the crisis of the Spanish Restoration (1917–1923). Literary figures such as Ramón del Valle-Inclán, Rafael Cansinos Assens, and Manuel Azaña understood this cycle as the symbolic response of Alphonsine culture to the “Disaster of '98.” These writers used Quixotist material in the work that they published at the very beginning of Primo de Rivera's dictatorship in an attempt to narrate the Restoration's crisis of legitimacy in a Civic Republican tone. These narratives required the production of a memory critical of the colonial project, on the one hand, and the deconstruction of the commemorative regime that had restrained it, on the other. The anti-nationalist criticism of Quixotist memorialization (and, in an exemplary fashion, of the Monument to Cervantes in Madrid's Plaza de España) is tied to the iconoclastic imagination of an emancipated political community. In the works of these writers this political imagination is constructed through the analysis of the subaltern character in some early twentieth-century Spanish popular identities understood as Quixotist, that is, as subjectivities pervaded by the violent contradictions of the Brumairian poetics of National Quixotism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
77. Spain and the Doctors: Historical Theories as Diagnoses in National Psychopathology
- Author
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Juan Luis Fernández Vega
- Subjects
History ,Class (computer programming) ,Interpretation (philosophy) ,06 humanities and the arts ,History (General) ,Nacionalismo espanhol ,Historical narratives ,Epistemology ,Spanish nationalism ,060104 history ,Politics ,D1-2009 ,0601 history and archaeology ,General knowledge ,Narrative ,Teorias históricas ,Plot (narrative) ,Narrativas históricas ,Medical diagnosis ,Historical theories ,Psychopathology - Abstract
There has been among historians, philosophers, and semioticians a growing awareness of the theoretical strata involved in the writing of history. Within historical narratives we can find at least three major levels of theory: (i) the naming of events according to everyday concepts; (ii) the interpretation of the class of plot best fitted to the web of events to be narrated; and (iii) the implicit or explicit formal framework employed for systematic narrative. Like medical diagnosis, history applies general knowledge to singular situations; like history, medicine describes events, creates storylines, and draws on general models. This likeness is politically relevant when history is taken as another, higher kind of diagnosis: that of a national malaise in need of political cure. As an empirical case, we analyze a number of historical theories formulated as historical diagnoses in traumatic twentieth-century Spain, and then test the link between theories and therapies. Resumo: Houve entre historiadores, filósofos e semioticistas uma crescente consciência dos estratos teóricos envolvidos na escrita da história. Dentro de narrativas históricas, podemos encontrar pelo menos três níveis principais de teoria: (i) a nomeação de eventos de acordo com conceitos cotidianos; (ii) a interpretação da classe de enredo melhor ajustada à rede de eventos a serem narrados; e (iii) a estrutura formal implícita ou explícita empregada para a narrativa sistemática. Como o diagnóstico médico, a história aplica o conhecimento geral a situações singulares; como a história, a medicina descreve eventos, cria enredos e baseia-se em modelos gerais. Essa semelhança é politicamente relevante quando a história é tomada como um outro tipo de diagnóstico mais elevado: o de um mal-estar nacional que necessita de cura política. Como caso empírico, analisamos várias teorias históricas formuladas como diagnósticos históricos na Espanha traumática do século XX e testamos a ligação entre teorias e terapias.
- Published
- 2019
78. El último romántico de nuestra política. Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz y la imparcialidad del españolismo
- Author
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Josep Pich i Mitjana, José Contreras Ruiz, and David Martínez Fiol
- Subjects
El Año Político ,Nacionalismo vasco ,History ,Nacionalismo español ,nacionalismo vasco ,Basque nationalism ,History (General) ,Spanish nationalism ,Nationalism ,Newspaper ,Nacionalismo catalán ,Politics ,Liberalism ,Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz ,nacionalismo catalán ,Political science ,D1-2009 ,Catalan nationalism ,nacionalismo español ,Yearbook ,Humanities - Abstract
Este artículo es una aproximación a la trayectoria de Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz (1854-1931) escritor relativamente prolífico y periodista respetado, con una larga trayectoria en diarios de la relevancia de El Imparcial o La Correspondencia de España. De orígenes humildes fue un dirigente del liberalismo español. Ejerció de gobernador civil, siendo elegido por dos veces diputado a Cortes. En 1913, con cincuenta y nueve años, fue nombrado jefe de la Inspección Mercantil y de Seguros, detentando este cargo hasta su jubilación en 1929. Se caracterizó por ser un acérrimo defensor de una España políticamente centralizada y culturalmente uniformizada, sosteniendo un discurso de un marcado nacionalismo español. Su retórica españolista se tradujo en sus sistemáticas críticas hacia el catalanismo y el nacionalismo vasco, movimiento que identificaba como bizcaitarra. Soldevilla era conocido por ser el autor de "El Año político" anuario político publicado de forma ininterrumpida durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX. This article is an approximation to the trajectory of Fernando Soldevilla Ruiz (1854-1931) and to his españolista speech, that is to say, Spanish nationalist. He was a relatively prolific writer and respected journalist, with a long trajectory in newspapers of the relevance of El Imparcial or La Correspondencia de España. From humble origins was a prominent member of Spanish liberalism. He served as a civil governor and twice elected him deputy. In 1913, at the age of fifty-nine, he was appointed head of the Mercantile and Insurance Inspection, and held him until he retired in 1929. He was characterized by being a staunch defender of a politically centralized Spain and culturally uniformized. He was one of the main critics of catalanismo and Basque nationalism, which he identified as bizcaitarras, especially from El Año político, political yearbook published in Spain, in the first decades of the twentieth century. Este artículo forma parte del proyecto colectivo de investigación: «“Fisión” y “Fusión” estatales en los sistemas políticos contemporáneos: el excepcionalismo y los cambios de fronteras». HAR2015-67658-P (MINECO/FEDER, UE). También cuenta con el apoyo del Grupo de Investigación Consolidado reconocido por la AGAUR: «Grup d’Estudi de les Institucions i de les Cultures Polítiques (S. XVI-XXI)». Referència: GRC 2014 SGR 1369.
- Published
- 2018
79. Evolución y rasgos de las historiografías de los nacionalismos en España
- Author
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Juan Sisinio Pérez Garzón
- Subjects
nacionalismo vasco ,nationalisme espagnol ,nationalisme galicien ,Basque nationalism ,General Medicine ,Spanish nationalism ,historiography ,nacionalismo catalán ,nacionalismo gallego ,nationalisme basque ,Catalan nationalism ,historiografía ,nacionalismo español ,historiographie ,Galitian nationalism ,nationalisme catalan - Abstract
La historia ha sido el saber que ha dado soporte a los diferentes nacionalismos. Esto se refleja en las correspondientes historiografías de los diferentes nacionalismos. En España, desde el siglo XIX hasta hoy existen cuatro nacionalismos con un peso político de mayor o menor fuerza, según el momento histórico. Se trata del nacionalismo español, el catalán, el vasco y el gallego. En este trabajo se analiza la evolución historiográfica de tales nacionalismos y los rasgos que han caracterizado esa evolución desde el siglo XIX hasta los inicios del siglo XXI. Se hace especial hincapié en la eclosión nacionalista de la última década y en su reflejo en las correspondientes historiografías. L’histoire a été le savoir qui a supporté les différents nationalismes. Cela transparaît dans les correspondantes historiographies des différents nationalismes. En Espagne, du XIXe siècle à nos jours, il y a quatre nationalismes avec un poids politique avec plus ou moins de force, selon le moment historique. Il s’agit du nationalisme espagnol, le catalan, le basque et le galicien. Ce travail analyse l’évolution historiographique de tels nationalismes et les traits qui ont caractérisé cette évolution du XIXe siècle jusqu’au début du XXIe siècle. L’accent est mis en particulier sur l’eclosion nationaliste produite dans la dernière décennie et sur son reflet dans les correspondantes historiographies. History has been the discipline that has supported the different nationalist movements over time. This fact is reflected in the corresponding historiographies of the different nationalisms. In Spain, there are four nationalisms that have had more or less political presence, depending on the historic moment, from the 19th century until now. They are the Spanish, Catalan, Basque and Galitian nationalisms. In this work, the historiographic evolution of the said nationalisms is analysed, and also the features that have characterized that evolution from the 19th century to the beginning of the 21th century. Special attention is paid to the nationalist eclosion of the last decade and in its reflect in the corresponding historiographies.
- Published
- 2017
80. Conflicting nationalist traditions and immigration: the Basque case from 1950 to 1980.
- Author
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Zabalo, Julen, Mateos, Txoli, and Iraola, Iker
- Subjects
- *
BASQUE nationalism , *EMIGRATION & immigration , *NATIONALISM , *IMMIGRANTS , *SOCIAL integration - Abstract
Immigration from the different regions in Spain to the Basque Country has traditionally opposed Basque and Spanish nationalism. This article provides an overview of the discourse of both nationalist traditions with respect to the intra-regional migration movement of the second half of the twentieth century as well as of the resulting controversy. Whereas the Basque nationalist movement claims to have defended the need to integrate immigrants since the middle of the twentieth century, particularly through politics, Spanish nationalism claims that Basque nationalism has helped marginalise these same immigrants. A qualitative analysis is used to contrast this controversy by consulting the opinion of the Spanish immigrants who settled in the Basque Country and did not avail of the political integration proposed by Basque nationalism. The main conclusion is that these immigrants tend to avoid the heart of the matter of discord between both nationalist traditions, granting little importance to political and cultural elements though stressing their social integration in the Basque Country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
81. DE LA LINGUA NAVARRORUM AL ESTADO VASCO.
- Author
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Pérez-Nievas, Xabier Zabaltza
- Subjects
BASQUE language ,GROUP identity ,LANGUAGE & languages ,NATIONALISM ,NAVARRESE ,HISTORY - Abstract
Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2013
82. Alfonso el Regenerador. Monarquía escénica e imaginario nacionalista español, en perspectiva comparada (1902-1913).
- Author
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Moreno Luzón, Javier
- Abstract
This article discusses the relationship between the Spanish monarchy of Alfonso XIII and the rise in Spanish nationalism during the first decade of the 20th century. The author comments on the role of the monarch in promoting nationalism in such activities as the coronation, royal trips, and military ceremonies. He also examines the origins of Alfonso XIII's nickname of El Regenerador (The Regenerator), which derives from his actions in elevating Spain after the Spanish-American War of 1898. The political and social importance of the monarch at this time is also highlighted.
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
83. Power and Resistance: The Reality of Spanish Realism.
- Author
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Torrecilla, Jesús
- Subjects
- *
LITERARY realism , *SPANISH fiction , *LITERARY style , *SPANISH authors , *SPANISH literature - Abstract
The scant attention given to Spain in studies on European realism cannot be attributed to issues of literary quality, because Spanish realism has been widely acknowledged to possess works and authors of extraordinary importance. Rather, it ought to be ascribed to the country's marginal position in Europe in the last two centuries and to the failure of criticism to underscore the movement's uniqueness. An analysis of Spanish realism, as it was defined in contemporary debates and in the writings of some of its most representative authors, shows the movement's determination to distance itself from its French counterpart, as well as its desire to connect with the Golden Age tradition of Miguel de Cervantes and the picaresque novel. This dual impulse shapes its distinctiveness not only thematically, but at the structural and stylistic levels as well. Spanish realism exhibits a unique idiosyncrasy that must be taken into account to understand the protean nature of a richer and far more complex movement than is generally acknowledged. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
84. El pueblo español en el lienzo de plata: nación y región en el cine de la II República.
- Author
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Carrión, Marta García
- Abstract
The article focuses on the cultural impact of Spanish nationalistic discourse in motion pictures from the period of Spain's 2nd Republic, depicting, in particular, the regions of Andalusia and Aragon. The author discusses the cultural construction of regional imaginaries and considers their film representation in the context of early 20th century Spanish nation-building. She describes the representation of Andalusia in movies such as "La hija de Juan Simón" and "Morena clara" and of Aragon in "La dolorosa" and "Nobleza baturra."
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
85. "Intersección de procesos nacionales". Nacionalización y violencia política en el país vasco, 1937-1978.
- Author
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MOLINA APARICIO, Fernando
- Abstract
This article discusses the efforts of nationalization in the Basque Country in Spain during the 1960s and 1970s. The author comments on the prevalence of political violence and terrorist acts in response to the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. He also considers the early period of democratization in Spain and its impact on the nationalist interest of the Basque Country. The elements of collective memory regarding Basque radicalism and political violence, particularly during the democratic transition, are also explored.
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
86. La idea de España en el discurso «servil» (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
87. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España, Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española
- Published
- 2019
88. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España, Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española
- Published
- 2019
89. La idea de España en el discurso «servil» (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
90. The idea of Spain in Spanish reactionary discourse (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
91. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España, Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española
- Published
- 2019
92. La idea de España en el discurso «servil» (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
93. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España, Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española
- Published
- 2019
94. La idea de España en el discurso «servil» (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
95. La construcción del discurso nacional español en la obra literaria de Modesto Lafuente
- Abstract
Este trabajo examina de qué manera Modesto Lafuente, conocido principalmente por ser el autor de la monumental Historia General de España en el siglo XIX, construye el concepto de identidad colectiva española en sus obras precedentes de carácter literario y periodístico como el periódico satírico y de costumbres Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846) y Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin (1842). Analiza los mecanismos que utiliza para generalizar el sentimiento de pertenencia nacional a través de la creación de imaginarios y la destrucción de mitos extranjeros sobre la nación española. El trabajo examina cómo el estudio de las costumbres contemporáneas españolas y europeas contribuyen a la gestación de los contenidos que se desarrollaran posteriormente en la Historia General de España., This works examines how Modesto Lafuente, mostly known for being the author of the colossal 19th century Historia General de España constructs the concept of collective Spanish identity in his earlier literary and journalistic works. For instance, in the satirical journal Fray Gerundio (1837-1842), El Teatro social del siglo XIX (1846), and Viages de Fr. Gerundio por Francia, Bélgica, Holanda y orillas del Rhin. It analyzes the mechanisms he uses to generate the feeling of national belonging thru the creation of imaginaries and the destruction of foreign myths about the Spanish nation. This work examines how the study of contemporary Spanish and European customs in his early works contributes to the development of the contents later reviewed in the Historia General de España.
- Published
- 2019
96. Factors de configuració de la identitat nacionalista espanyola conservadora contemporània : anàlisi des de la teoria del discurs
- Abstract
En aquest treball s'estudien els factors de configuració de la identitat nacionalista espanyola conservadora contemporània. Per veure com es construeix el subjecte polític, tant en l'actualitat com en les primeres formulacions del segle XIX, es farà servir la teoria del discurs. Es veurà que hi ha dues visions de la nació que conviuen a la dreta: la organicista, sorgida al segle XIX, i la del patriotisme constitucional, sorgida al segle XX després de la transició. S'analitzarà amb detall com i per què sorgeix cadascuna i com convergeixen en l'actualitat. Després de l'anàlisi veurem que quan la conjuntura política se l'ha permès la dreta s'ha inclinat per la concepció organicista., En este trabajo se estudian los factores de configuración de la identidad nacionalista española conservadora contemporánea. Para ver como se construye el sujeto político, tanto en la actualidad como en las primeras formulaciones del siglo XIX, se usará la teoría del discurso. Se verá que hay dos visiones de la nación que conviven en la derecha: la organicista, surgida en el siglo XIX, y la del patriotismo constitucional, surgida en el siglo XX tras la transición. Se analizará con detalle cómo y por qué surge cada una y como convergen en la actualidad. Tras el análisis veremos que cuando la coyuntura política se lo ha permitido la derecha se ha inclinado por la concepción organicista., In this paper we study the factors of configuration of contemporary conservative spanish nationalist identity. It will be used the discourse theory to see how the political subject is constructed both now and in the first formulations of the nineteenth century. It will be seen that there are two visions of the nation that coexist on the right: the organicist, emerged in the nineteenth century, and the constitutional patriotism, emerged in the twentieth century after the transition. It will be analyzed in detail how and why each one arises and how they converge in the present. After the analysis we will see that when the political conjuncture has allowed it the right has been inclined by the organicist conception.
- Published
- 2019
97. The idea of Spain in Spanish reactionary discourse (1808-1814)
- Abstract
Many recent scholars have assumed that liberal nationalism arose long before reactionary nationalism, and more specifically, that Spanish “national Catholicism” did not emerge until the second half of the 19th century. This assumption has led a number of noted historians to embrace the following ideas concerning the political discourse of the so-called “serviles”: 1) that it opposed the Bonapartes for religious and not patriotic reasons; 2) that it was thoroughly absolutist and did not grant any role to the nation in its political schemes; 3) that it rejected the word patria and even more the word nation; 4) that it deeply feared the people; 5) that it did not invoke the heroes of the fatherland or elaborate a national historical narrative opposed to that of the liberals; 6) that it did not espouse the idea of the “anti-Spain”; and 7) and that it showed signs of xenophobia but did not exalt the Spanish national identity. Without pretending to solve the much debated question of the origins and nature of modern nationalism, this article shows that the reactionary texts published in Spain between 1808 and 1814 do not support any of these historiographical assertions., El afán de dar prioridad temporal al nacionalismo liberal sobre el nacionalismo reaccionario —y, más en concreto, de afirmar que el «nacionalcatolicismo» no surgió hasta la segunda mitad del xix— ha llevado a la historiografía reciente a asumir las siguientes ideas sobre el discurso «servil»: 1) que se oponía a los Bonaparte por motivos religiosos y no patrióticos; 2) que era férreamente absolutista y no otorgaba ningún papel a la nación en sus esquemas políticos; 3) que rechazaba la palabra «patria» y aún más la palabra «nación»; 4) que, lejos de apelar al pueblo y de identificarse con él, lo temía profundamente; 5) que no invocó a los héroes de la patria ni elaboró un relato histórico nacional opuesto al de los liberales; 6) que no esgrimió la idea de la «antiespaña»; y 7) y que, si bien dio muestras de xenofobia, no exaltó la propia identidad nacional. Sin entrar en la compleja cuestión del origen y los rasgos esenciales del nacionalismo contemporáneo, este artículo pretende demostrar que los textos escritos entre 1808 y 1814 por los reaccionarios españoles contradicen claramente estas asunciones historiográficas.
- Published
- 2019
98. EN LA SOMBRA DEL ESTADO. ESFERA PÚBLICA NACIONAL Y HOMOGENEIZACIÓN CULTURAL EN LA ESPAÑA DE LA RESTAURACIÓN.
- Author
-
Archilés, Ferran and García Carrión, Marta
- Subjects
BOURBON Restoration, Spain, 1874-1931 ,CIVIL society ,GOVERNMENT ownership ,SPANISH civilization ,HOMOGENEITY ,SPANISH social conditions ,NATION building ,NATIONALISM ,HISTORY ,NINETEENTH century - Abstract
Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2012
99. RECONQUISTAR AMÉRICA PARA REGENERAR ESPAÑA. NACIONALISMO ESPAÑOL Y CENTENARIO DE LAS INDEPENDENCIAS EN 1910-1911.
- Author
-
Luzón, Javier Moreno
- Abstract
Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2010
100. Iconografia de la idea de España en los manuales escolares durante la transición a la democracia (1976-1983).
- Author
-
CAMPOS PÉREZ, Lara
- Abstract
The article examines the iconography and images associated with the concept of the Spanish nation and Spanish nationalism in school textbooks during the period of democratic transition from 1976 to 1983 after the dictatorship of Francisco Franco. The author looks at textbooks in history, civic education, and patriotic education and analyzes how the political actors who directed the book production, such as political parties and the Catholic Church, conceived of the notion of Spain and what values were emphasized.
- Published
- 2010
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