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In advancing the struggle for social justice in education, we often advance an anti-racist praxis in our classrooms. However, students, teachers, and others trying to make sense of our praxis--oftentimes well-intentioned in their queries--will ask "why are we always talking about race?" and "why do we only present one perspective and one position (a "liberal" one) in this class?" These questions are relevant and require us to clarify what exactly are we doing in critical educational studies? As a former K-12 teacher, an instructor of Urban Education, Multicultural Education, and as a critical educational researcher, I seek to ask--and answer--three questions pertinent to critical educational studies: (1) What does it mean to study Urban Education? (2) Why do we focus on race and racism in social justice work, and why not just focus on class? (3) Why do some people attempt to equate critical educational studies with left-wing propaganda? I begin by examining the difference between education and pedagogy in order to advance a definition of critical educational studies, and then advance claims to answer the aforementioned questions. I close the piece by providing three points of consideration in our educational praxis as well as concluding reflections around responsibility, education, and our trajectory for the future.

At the end of 2016, the Oxford English Dictionary announced 'post-truth' as word of the year, and since then, the concept has been invoked around the world to describe the growing anxieties surrounding the current crisis in truth, wherein emotion appears to have replaced fact in the shaping of public opinion. Society is witnessing what seems to be an unprecedented increase in the spread of fake news, alternative facts, and "affective feedback loops" that have hate on the rise, increasing left/right divides. There has been groundbreaking research across disciplinary divides that clearly identifies the targeting of emotions via personalized social media messaging as the new frontier of propaganda. However, despite the fact that the relationship between digital propaganda and manipulated emotion has come to public awareness, not enough attention is being drawn to the need for critical media literacy projects in education that include understandings of how emotions are being targeted and manipulated. Because psychoanalysis sees emotional life as the most significant resource for learning to think, and in learning to think differently, in this article, Jennifer Logue explores what psychoanalytic theory can bring to the "truthiness" table. She suggests that psychoanalytic insight can be extremely helpful in the creation of new pedagogies that enables people to better navigate the current climate of hate and fear, and the epidemic of "affective information warfare" people currently find themselves in.

Slogan has a sound mass base in China for thousands of years, functioning as guidelines for civic practice. Even today, Chinese slogans are often employed by the government to promote policies and socio-cultural values. This paper, adopting an ecolinguistic approach, explores the development of Chinese slogans during the four economic stages since the foundation of PRC (People's Republic of China) to find out how slogans influence the relationship between men, and man and the ecosystem. It is discovered that Chinese slogans in the recent decades have experienced great changes in terms of discourse type, the beneficial degree of discourse and the ecosophy they carry. They changed gradually from destructive discourse to harmonious discourse and they reflect the transition of Chinese ecological philosophy--from 'anthropocentrism', 'growthism', and 'classism' to 'harmonism'. It is hoped that this study can shed light on the eco-discourse analysis to policy language and will bring insight into its future creation.

Children's books of Nazi propaganda prove that a society can venerate science to the point of making biology the organizing principle of its educational system yet nevertheless produce children's literature shot through with fabrication and falsehood. Three children's books of Nazi propaganda that are frequently mentioned in accounts of anti-Semitism but seldom analyzed are discussed: Elvira Bauer's "Trau keinem Fuchs auf grüner Heid und keinem Jud auf seinem Eid" (1936), Ernst Hiemer's "Der Giftpilz" (1938), and Hiemer's "Der Pudelmopsdackelpinscher" (1940) illustrate the ways in which racist science and ideological narrative tautologically reinforce each other in an extreme version of how "narratives play a key role in communicating science" (Pauwels, 2019, p. 434) in children's nonfiction. These texts of lurid racism, all issued by the book publishing arm of Julius Streicher's virulently anti-Semitic newspaper "Der Stürmer," offer a monitory case study of how bad science and toxic narrative can coalesce into a literary poison intended to indoctrinate young readers. This analysis of Nazi nonfiction for children demonstrates how science and story can be exploited to promote a racist agenda.

This case study documents the effort to prototype a media literacy curriculum based on Herman and Chomsky (2010)'s Propaganda Model as well as the target students' environment and need analysis. The course is implemented under a Content and Language Integrated Learning program for 30 first-year undergraduate students in Sophia University, Japan. The objective is to develop students' awareness of issues facing society they live in, along with the capacity to think critically about media information, deliberate in public discourse via expression of individual opinions, and exchange with others. Evaluation study is conducted upon completion of the course to examine whether, or to what extent, that objective is realized, using qualitative method. Results show positive impacts on students' learning, providing valuable inputs for further iterations of curriculum design in citizenship and media literacy education.

The new Taiwanese citizenship curriculum has converted its traditional bullet-point guidelines to hundreds of open-ended questions. Each question acts to initiate collective inquiry, to stimulate the sharing of lived experiences and to trigger within-class conversations. The previous pre-determined educational objectives and learning outcomes, in line with the Tyler Rationale, have been replaced by the process model. This Taiwanese case aims to prove that the process model, which emerged in the 1970s, remains relevant and applicable to current curriculum construction and this revived version may bring new perspectives to the scholarship on curriculum development. Based on interviews with fifteen curriculum developers, this article reveals the thinking behind the curriculum transformation and shows how the creation of such new guidelines is more attentive to students' personal experiences and diverse views, and facilitates mutual understanding, conversations and the possible reaching of consensus. This approach also attracts less controversy or opposition while still managing to touch upon sensitive social topics in the curriculum. Meanwhile, the 'Social Inquiry Method' has also been integrated into Taiwan's new curriculum to ensure question-based guidelines can bring about reforms to actual classroom practice, despite concerns regarding the required re-training of teachers and the ingrained exam-driven culture.

Exposure to propaganda can lead to biased attitudes that change the way people speak and act, sometimes without their conscious awareness. Propaganda has historically contributed to systemic discrimination, bias-motivated violence, and even genocide. By comparing historic and contemporary propaganda, students come to understand how people's values can be hijacked through persuasive appeals that activate strong emotions, use oversimplified information, and attack opponents. Teaching students how to identify propaganda is an essential life skill in combating dehumanizing language, ideas, and actions in all its forms. The activities in this article can guide students to confront historic examples of harmful propaganda and help them understand the problem and danger of modern stereotypes.

This paper argues for increased attention to quantitative literacy in undergraduate critical human geography curriculum. The rationale is twofold: On the one hand, it is increasingly easy to integrate quantitative material into curriculum, given the widespread availability of open-source or low-cost platforms for interpreting data. On the other hand, it is increasingly important to develop quantitative literacy informed by critical theory in a political era of anti-science rhetoric and resurgent propaganda. The paper reviews recent scholarship on quantitative methods in critical human geography, highlighting a shift toward methodological pluralism in both research and pedagogy. This creates opportunities for enhancing human geography curriculum, for instance, by applying technical skills while thinking critically about the social construction of data. This is explored with a case study on quantitative exercises in introductory Human Geography curriculum at a public university in the United States, evaluating strategies for integrating critical spatial theory with quantitative data analysis, and tools for assessing the educational value added by their integration.

The study examines how truth-tellers and truth-telling can be cultivated in the context of post-truth politics in the U.S. Following Foucault, it is not concerned with examining the problem of truth, with the philosophical question of how truth is determined, but with the problem of truth-tellers or truth-telling as a practical activity of self-improvement. To this end, the study traces the emergence and nature of post-truth politics in the U.S. and analyzes its relation to patterns of fascist propaganda and the psychological appeal of authoritarian leaders through a psycho-social perspective. To counter the nature and ubiquity of post-truth politics, the unrelenting flow of lies, disinformation, and conspiracy theories disseminated by the far-right news and information ecosystem, the author argues that educators can help students recognize truth-tellers and become truth-tellers themselves by employing certain pedagogical strategies, informed by Foucault's analysis of "parrhesia," that can equip them to criticize and resist post-truth propaganda and demagogues.

This article's purpose is to address a hitherto unexplored topic in the history of education: the story of the "Cátedras Ambulantes," officially referred to as "Misiones Pedagógicas" during the final years of the Franco dictatorship and the beginning of the transition to democracy (1966-1977). The study is based on a historical-educational methodology, triangulating through the following sources: a dedicated bibliography; all kinds of press releases, reports and official circulars issued by related agencies; the main Orders, Decrees and Laws within which they were framed by Spanish legislation at that time; and, finally, contemporary press reports. The results reveal the origin, nature and evolution of these 50 itinerant classrooms, "Cátedras-Misiones Pedagógicas," in terms of legislation, the training received by the state-registered teachers (mostly women) responsible for the classes, the difficulties that arose, and the main criticisms and issues they attracted (1966-1977).

The dominance of capitalism, through the hegemony of neoliberal ideology, is maintained as an illusion through the use of four main strategies. In order to obtain the consent of the population, mass schooling tends to produce graduates who accept this illusion because they are vulnerable to these strategies and cannot imagine a post-capitalist world. However, through education, people can better appreciate the problematic reality of unbridled capitalism, such as the degradation of the global ecosystem. It is argued here that programs which are designed to address these problems, such as Education for Sustainable Development (ESD), are dependent upon citizens developing a critical consciousness. This consciousness is firstly able to confront the four strategies maintaining capitalism's dominance. It is argued that an education which engages with spiritual ideals and values regarding how a good life is understood in an aspirational sense, enables people to engage with the dominance of capitalism and to envision other possibilities for society in which capitalism is harnessed to serve the greater public good. This requires education's ontology -- as the character of students -- to critically read the world, imagine possibilities which can constitute a good life, and are courageous to enact the social actions required to make these ideals a reality. This is made possible by an education which returns to the spiritual roots of ideals.

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the construction of social imaginaries of fear by the Chilean press regarding student violence during the 1968 university reforming process. Using an approach inspired by the history of emotions, the primary purpose is to analyze the discourse of two relevant conservative newspapers with national circulation about students' mobilization. Design/methodology/approach: The research rests on the analysis of content in the discourse of the two more representative right-wing Chilean newspapers ("El Mercurio" and "El Diario Ilustrado"). Founded in the early years of the 20th century, both had national circulations and were a part of a tradition in the history of the Chilean 20th-century national press. Through the analysis of a selection of editorials and news regarding students' mobilization during 1968, with a focus on the experience of the most prominent institution (Universidad de Chile), this research highlights similarities and differences in the ways that both media endeavoured to elaborate social imaginaries of menace and fear regarding student movements. Findings: Through the study of the discourse of traditional newspapers, it is possible to identify critical issues concerning the university student movements' purposes to implement breaking (and occasionally violent) methods to carry out the reforms that they promoted, according to the right-wing press. Against this backdrop, the different importance of an anti-communist component is discernible, typical of the Cold War period, in the (political and emotional) arguments of the newspapers under analysis. Originality/value: This article proposes an interpretation that intertwines a local phenomenon (the reformist movement of the University of Chile) with a global one (the May student revolution of 1968). It also establishes a novel approach by linking, through its approach, yet traditional concepts of social and cultural analysis (the idea of social imaginaries) with a new emphasis on social science and humanities (emotional dimensions).

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to study how young vocational school students in Finland frame themselves and their participation in society and whether they are seen in various media. The explorative research, with n = 213 vocational school and prepatory VALMA students as co-researchers, tells us that young vocational school students use value framing to create understandings of themselves as participants in society and in media. The purpose is this to present the breadth of their thinking and to draw conclusions from the empirical data produced solely by the co-researchers. Design/methodology/approach: Explorative multidisciplinary research was done as co-research with n = 213 vocational school students in Finland. Research includes theoretical background and focuses on empirical qualitative data to further illustrate the explorative nature and results of the study. Findings: The findings of the explorative co-research tell us that young vocational school students use value framing to create understandings of themselves as participants in society and in media. Co-researchers view themselves as missing in traditional media but find freedom on social media. Content from various media is viewed as reliable and trustworthy but also as problematic propaganda based on personal value framing. The relationship with traditional print media is strained because young people feel that media has othered them and continues to frame them negatively. While they look for that entertaining content across the media spectrum, bullying is an ever-present concern. Research limitations/implications: This study focused only on vocational school students in Finland. A broader sample of young people, or of minorities, could produce profound results on media literacy, relationships and power relations in the society. Also, framings of the various international media would provide content for analysis. More profound analysis of the data shall be done in the next phase of the research. Practical implications: Study time was limited. More in-depth study will follow. Implications to future research, media consumption and framing should be done with a larger group of researchers and youth. Social implications Social implications towards framing of youth in various media and the transfer of these framing as knowledge in larger society. This includes notions of power of various actors in media and in society at large. Originality/value: Multidisciplinary explorative co-research on the topic is largely missing from academia. Additionally, the voices of those in the fringes of society is muted, whilst also those youth studying the vocational schools.

Science denial in the post-truth era is driven by both the rejection of empirical science and the fraudulent use of scientific language. Education policy based on junk science produced by philanthrocapitalists depoliticizes political questions by relocating complex legislative and policy issues from the realm of political and philosophical discourse to that of scientific rationality using metrics and methods that are themselves fatally flawed. Dominant configurations of institutional power also attack scholarship that both debunks spurious causal claims and establishes causal links to existential crises, which in both cases inconveniences the neoliberal capitalist project. We discuss the methodological implications of education research as the counter-conduct of policy advocacy against power claims based on both the rejection of empirical science and the production of junk science. We both discuss and model Foucault's tactic of genealogy and his analysis of "parrhesia", or truth telling, through creating an imperfect, preliminary genealogy of the "new" post-truth era, which contextualizes contemporary technologies of alternative facts in the history of public relations and propaganda that extend to the early 20th century. The methodological and political tactic of genealogy could be a move toward a new ethics of adversarial public scholarship that seeks to reconfigure what counts as scholarship in academia, itself a rationalizing disciplinary institution. Considering the moment, the study of power, the academy's roles both in subverting and perpetuating it, and the necessity of epistemological and methodological counter-conduct have perhaps never been more important.

Education news aggregation at the "RealClearEducation" (RCE) website purports to be journalistic, independent, thorough and somewhat representative of the whole. During a period from 2014 to 2016, however, it was run directly by leaders of the DC consulting group Bellwether Education Partners (BEP). During that period, RCE's selection of source material was lopsidedly skewed toward those issues and perspectives favored by those allied with BEP. Except for some occasional instances of pandering to the more politically well connected among the opposition, "RealClearEducation" was about as biased a news source as was humanly possible to construct. Its coverage of the Common Core Standards Initiative (CCSI), in particular, ranged from blatant promotion to a variety of disingenuously framed news and opinion pieces featuring individuals and organizations receiving funds from Common Core's donor groups, without revealing their conflict of interest. Bellwether's behavior in managing a news outlet raises larger questions about the trustworthiness of information provided by education policy funders and recipients, the incestuous nature of the interlocking interests at both ends of the funding, and the almost total absence of the vast majority of the US population from some education policy discussions.

When the politician Roman Haider of the party Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ--Freedom Party of Austria) caused the interruption of a lecture about political extremism in an Austrian school in spring 2017, a heated debate erupted over the place of politics in school education. While Haider accused the lecturer of political propaganda, teachers, students and political opponents were upset about this seeming act of censorship. The controversy raises important questions over the aims and principles of civic education, which will continue to engage teachers and educationalists.

The 21st century individual should be able to access information and critically evaluate and interpret it. What creates this obligation is the information bombing and political and commercial perception management brought about by virtual networks, the media and globalization. Therefore, critical thinking and its sub-component, critical reading, are becoming more and more important because they are the assistants of the individual who has to distinguish right from wrong and the truth from propaganda in life and texts. The aim of this study is to reveal the effect of performing reading activities with critical reading questions developed by the researchers on critical thinking and reading skills, and to pave the way for further research in this area. Study sample consisted of 232 students of Agri Ibrahim Çeçen University in the academic year of 2016- 2017. Participants were recruited using random sampling technique. This was a mixed design study. The qualitative dimension of the study was based on a screening model. Data were collected using document review and interview methods, and were analyzed using content analysis. The quantitative dimension of the study was based on a quasi-experimental model. Data were collected using a Critical Thinking Self-Evaluation Form and a Critical Reading Scale (pretest-post-test) before and after a 7-week application. Data were analyzed using a statistical software package. T-test and ANOVA were used for analysis. Results show that reading activities with critical reading questions have a statistically significant effect on students' critical thinking and reading skills. Qualitative data also support these results.

With the rise of so-called fake news as a global phenomenon, interest in propaganda analysis has advanced along with the recognition of the fundamentally social process of interpretation. In this essay, we explore the use of cross-national dialogue among German and American undergraduate students who are seeking to better understand how media messages are interpreted and how they inform and guide the civic actions of citizens. We describe and analyze five lessons that used a virtual exchange comprised of a variety of digital media platforms, texts, and technologies to support the cross-national study of contemporary propaganda. We observed that cross-national dialogue enables students to gain sensitivity to the role of cultural context in interpreting propaganda. Rather than conceptualize propaganda education as an ideologically benign set of context-free skills, pedagogies that include opportunities for cross-national dialogue foreground the importance of cultural specificity as a means to unpack the complex discursive context of propaganda as digital political communication.

From 2015-2016, IREX implemented a media literacy training program called Learn to Discern (L2D) that trained Ukrainian citizens to critically assess news media messages and identify misinformation. In 2017, IREX conducted a quasi-experimental impact evaluation in a stratified random sample of L2D participants and a control group (n=412) matched for gender, age, region and education levels. A news literacy assessment was administered under two scenarios: an objective news article and a disinformation-based news article that included a series of questions to assess media analysis skills, knowledge of the news media environment and Media Locus of Control. Results show statistically significant higher levels of news analysis skills and knowledge of the news media environment for L2D participants, controlling for geographic region, education level, age, and gender. The results also found that news media behaviors acquired during the training persisted over a year following the training. In both groups, those who had a better ability to correctly identify disinformation also had better knowledge of how news media works, and slightly greater sense of control (assessed as Media Locus of Control) over their media choices. Future news media literacy programs should balance identifying and evaluating objective news stories and disinformation to ensure individuals are truly media literate in today's news media environment.

August Wilson's "Two Trains Running" tells the life predicaments of the patrons at Memphis' restaurant in the 1960s. Though Wilson avoids addressing the interracial conflicts and movements on stage to eschew protesting and propaganda, they as social background could not be totally ignored in the play. The paper analyses Wilson's use of symbolic characters, off-stage space and storytelling to show how the playwright implies his assessment of the black political movements and of the political awareness of common blacks in 1960s.

Unlike scientific and other academic domains which have recognized international standards, the humanities are generally not governed by such acceptable overarching tenets. This lack of outside independent oversight is specifically evident within the broad arena of the social sciences and, even more particularly, with the domain of History. The conundrums of "which history" and "whose stories" become markers embedded in the societal landscape continuing to impact secondary school curriculum developers. Using the recently deposited Province of Quebec high school history program as an exemplar, the authors illustrate how a closed non-transparent anti-democratic process lead to narrow foci, public conflict, suspect subject content, and pedagogical propaganda.

This essay looks at how the definition and use of the word propaganda has evolved throughout history. In particular, it examines how propaganda and education are intrinsically linked, and the implications of such a relationship. Propaganda's role in education is problematic as on the surface, it appears to serve as a warning against the dangers of propaganda, yet at the same time it disseminates the ideology of a dominant political power through curriculum and practice. Although propaganda can easily permeate our thoughts and actions, critical thinking and awareness can provide the best defense against falling into propaganda's trap of conformity and ignorance.

My article considers German wartime propaganda and pedagogy from 1914 to 1916, which influenced young schoolchildren (aged 5-14) to create drawings and paintings of Germany's military in World War I. In this art, the children drew bodies of German soldiers as tough, heroic, on the move, armed with powerful weapons, and part of a superior military movement; their enemies (French, Russian, British soldiers) embodied disorder, backwardness, ineptitude, and deadly weakness. The artwork by these schoolchildren thus reveals the intense propaganda of the war years, and the children's tendency to see the German military as the most accomplished combatant in the war. During the first two years of the war, in the primary schools of the nation, many children did such art under the supervision of teachers who passionately embraced the nation and the war cause. Within the classroom, teachers directed students to imagine the war by drawing scenes of battles, including the sinking of the Lusitania. Some of these teachers had been influenced by the Kunsterziehungsbewegung (the arts' education movement) and thus encouraged children's creativity in art of the war years. In this pedagogical wartime environment the young student became actively engaged in creative learning and study about the war, expressing romantic ideas of the indomitable German soldier and sailor. My research has involved analysis of over 250 school drawings done by children aged 10-14 in a school in Wilhelmsburg, near Hamburg, in 1915. I analyze the depiction of the German forces in six of these sources and also consider the history of art instruction in German schools. Furthermore, I address the ways in which historians can analyze children's art as a historical document for understanding the child's experience.

Issue framing is a powerful way for advocates to appeal to the value systems of constituency groups to evoke their support. Using a conceptual framework that focused on radial frames, metaphors, and lexical markers, we examined the linguistic choices that Common Core opponents used on Twitter to activate five central metaphors that reinforced the overall frame of the standards as a threat to children and appealed to the value systems of a diverse set of constituencies. In our research, we identified five frames: the "Government Frame", which presented the Common Core as an oppressive government intrusion into the lives of citizens and appealed to "limited-government conservatives"; the "Propaganda Frame", which depicted the standards as a means of brainwashing children, and in doing so, hearkened back to the cold war era when "social conservatives" positioned themselves as defenders of the national ethic; the "War Frame", which portrayed the standards as a front in the nation's culture wars and appealed to "social and religious conservatives" to protect traditional cultural values; the "Business Frame", which rendered the standards as an opportunity for corporations to profit from public education and appealed to "liberal opponents" of business interests exploiting a social good; and the "Experiment Frame", which used the metaphor of the standards as an experiment on children and appealed to the principle of care that is highly valued amongst "social liberals". Collectively, these frames, and the metaphors and the language that triggered them, appealed to the value systems of both conservatives and liberals, and contributed to the broad coalition from both within and outside of education, which was aligned in opposition to the standards.

Recent contentions about "fake news" and misinformation online has shed light on the critical need for media literacy at a global scale. Indeed, digital stories are one of the main forms of communication in the 21st century through blogs, videos-sharing websites, forums, or social networks. However, the line between facts and fiction can often become blurry in these online spaces, and being able to distinguish between reality and fantasy can have important consequences in the lives of young Internet users. Using contemporary examples from news stories, fanfiction, advertising, and radicalization, this article outlines the features, affordances, and real-life implications of digital stories. As a result, we provide recommendations for educators to create awareness and empower students about digital storytelling practices.

In the fifteen Russian textbooks of the 1990s examined in this article, the Second World War is subject to three levels of reflection: language, narrative templates, and the representation of contested events. The language used in the textbooks represents an amalgam of Soviet propagandistic clichés and uncritically adopted Western terminology. These textbooks also retain the same "schematic narrative template" of the Second World War, based on references to the expulsion of foreign enemies, found in Soviet textbooks. Significant transformations can be observed only in the representation of events, in which the authors' harsh criticism of Stalin's crimes comes to the fore. Yet these superficial changes did not alter the basic structures of history learning, which was one of the main reasons why working through the past during the Yeltsin era almost failed.

Renee Hobbs argues that schools must teach students how propaganda works so that they can better understand the messages they see around them. In an interview with Kappan editor Rafael Heller, she describes how propaganda -- and instruction about it -- has evolved over time. Although there have been periods where it was discussed extensively in schools, but the Common Core moved it to the back burner, Hobbs explains, but now teachers and young people alike are taking an interest in these subjects once again.

The centennial of the First World War has offered instructors across the humanities an exciting opportunity to enhance students' disciplinary expertise while reflecting on the significance of an event that continues to shape the world today. Drawing on established courses on the history and literature of the war, respectively, the authors designed a seminar that invited students to explore both the experience and the memory of the conflict from an interdisciplinary perspective. Eager to model the kind of collaborative exchange hoped to see among students, the authors elected to team-teach the course, attending and engaging in all class sessions and co-grading all major assignments produced by the twenty students. Moreover, the authors were mindful to maintain a balanced syllabus, alternating between lessons in history and literature in order to demonstrate how work in one field both complements and enhances work in the other. While this balancing act provided students with an invaluable learning opportunity, it created an unexpected one as well. In addition to delivering a course that challenged students to work at the intersection of English and history, it was a surprise to observe how the attention to the incorporation of diverse sources and global voices also led students toward a transdisciplinary exploration that encompassed language, visual art, music, and archaeology. In this article, the authors will review the course design, assignments, and experiential learning components before sharing reflections on this unexpected pedagogical outcome.

The Zimbabwean crisis, which began around 2000, had serious ramifications for the teaching of history in the country, especially in high schools. This study investigated the impact of Zimbabwe's economic and political crisis on the production of syllabi for teaching history at high schools. It analyses the hurried changes in the secondary school history syllabi which saw the subject being declared a compulsory subject for all students. In the high schools, history was at the centre of an ideological struggle as the government sought to teach the students "patriotic history." However, others have seen this as a cheap propaganda tool meant to brainwash and hoodwink students into supporting the ZANU-PF regime that presided over the political, social, and economic crisis bedevilling the country. This article, therefore, unpacks the changes in syllabi for schools and analyse how this impacted on the teaching of history in the country. A comparative analysis of the content of the successive syllabi was carried out to flesh out the inclusions and exclusions in the new syllabi. The syllabi compared are 2160, 2166, and 2167 for the ordinary level certificate.

Situated in the contemporary contexts of Tibetan language movement and development in the education field, this article draws attention to the interactional nature of state-society relations and dynamic language ideologies in Tibet. It focuses on the ideological process underlying the discursive sensemaking patterns in official remarks and Tibetan reactions in the aftermath of a high-profile state intervention to reform Tibetan education in one part of the Tibetan region of Amdo in China. Although Tibetan people's concerns over language education and appeals to 'Tibetanness' empower them in resisting the repressive policy interventions from local authorities, this resistance also deploys the same metanarrative of legitimation that is fostered in state propaganda. As a result, Tibetan people's appeal to 'pure' language ideology accommodates speakers as much as it sets boundaries in the Tibetan society in the process.

This study brings together insights from the Science Education Initiative with a new course, "Spy Novel Diplomacy: Propaganda and International Relations," which has been taught as a General Education Seminar for first year students. The class will continue on an annual basis from the spring semester of 2020 onward. Thus what follows is a combination of the Science Education Initiative with innovative teaching that incorporates literature. After an overview, work proceeds in five additional sections. The first section summarizes the Science Education Initiative and considers its potential for more expansive implementation. Ideas from that venture are identified for adoption in the new course on Spy Novel Diplomacy. The second section explores the potential value from works of fiction and visualization in the International Relations classroom. Section three introduces the new course on Spy Novel Diplomacy, connecting at a general level with innovative teaching techniques. Section four applies insights from the Science Education Initiative to the class in specific ways. The fifth and final section reflects on the Spy Novel Diplomacy course in relation to the Science Education Initiative, along with future directions in pedagogy.

The rise of social media outlets along with the explosion of information platforms has helped to fuel an intensification of tribal epistemology. As a result, propaganda aimed at uplifting one group over another is on the rise. This article aims to explain the nature of propaganda and historically situate propaganda techniques currently employed. Using past efforts of the Institute of Propaganda Analysis from the 1930s, the author resynthesizes some popular propaganda analysis tools to better serve the contemporary citizenry to identify and analyze modern political propaganda. This article provides these tools and incremental steps that teachers can use as a practical effort to empower students to be better critical consumers of propaganda, particularly image-based propaganda.

Social media is a key player in contemporary political, cultural and ethical debates. Given much of online engagement is characterised by impulsive and emotive responses, and social media platforms encourage a form of sensationalism that promotes epistemic vices, this paper explores whether there is space online for "moral" responses. This paper defends the need for moral engagement with online information and others, using an attitude entitled 'critical perspectivism'. Critical perspectivism sees a moral agent adopt a critical eye, supplemented by a caring disposition, when engaging with interactive digital media and the stories of others that are technologically mediated. Such an ethical attitude is required given our globally connected, technological world features new versions of recognisable challenges to democracy and the reasonableness of citizens. There is a vital role for educationalists to play in teaching and making space and time for students to practice being critically perspectival.

As multivalent concepts, projects and formations such as China's Belt and Road Initiative continue to cleave through new spaces, it is increasingly important to attend to the construction, framing, maintenance and dissemination of the sign systems that enable them. Whether or not these systems constitute forms of cultural imperialism, move across '-scapes,' create 'frictions,' or expand geo-political power; the discourses that globally extended actors mobilize will increasingly play the pivotal and contentious role of mapping and stabilizing meaning. This article explores this problematic by considering one actor, the Belt and Road Studies Network (BRSN); one space, its website, brsn.net; and the sign system these construct. The language and technological affordances of brsn.net are analyzed with respect to a selection of salient contextual aspects: the monumental revival of a new 'Silk Road', the propaganda work of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the United Front Work Department (UFWD), and the expansion of think tanks in response to the continuous uncertainties of geo-political ecologies.

Newspaper coverage of the Canudos War dehumanized the "sertanejos," portraying them in such a way that empathy or grief for their suffering was inaccessible to the Brazilian readership. Euclides da Cunha, a war correspondent for the newspaper "O Estado de São Paulo," was amongst those who contributed to the state's war narrative that represented the "sertanejos" as an inhuman mass and glorified the republican soldiers as heroes. However, in retrospect to the war, Euclides writes his "Os sertões," undermining much of the journalistic rhetoric established during the war by exposing the republican soldiers' cruel acts of violence and condemning the war as illegal. In effect, he inadvertently elevates the sertanejo to the level of a perceivable individual whose death can be mourned. This article juxtaposes a reading of newspaper coverage of the Canudos conflict with Euclides' account in "Os sertões." In doing so, this article elucidates the relationship between life and suspended law, ultimately providing a biopolitical reading of these texts.

This article demonstrates how educational film in interwar China served the dual purpose of mass recreation and political indoctrination. It places educational film in China in the context of Chinese tradition and the predominance of utilitarian scholarship. On the one hand, China has a long history of using mass-recreational tools in order to influence and control society. On the other hand, foreign educational films available in the early twentieth century were not attractive to Chinese audiences. Hence, the boundary between recreational and educational film at the time was ambivalent and the combination of recreation, education, and propaganda was reflected both in the phenomenon of showing educational films and in the contents of the films themselves.

This article provides a critical analysis of adult educators' cherished notion of "experiential learning" and of the ways in which our assumptions limit our ability to respond effectively to a world of "truthiness" and "alternative facts."

In this essay, Chung-Hin Kevin Ho, a history education university student in Hong Kong, narrates his search for civic identity. Composed through a process of critical and reflective dialogue with Hayes Tang, the essay describes the tension between Chung-Hin's Chinese ethnic and cultural identity and the democratic values held by Hong Kongers. As a student, he and his peers had to navigate these competing conceptions of identity in their coursework and examinations. The youth of Hong Kong, including Chung-Hin, have protested against the Chinese government, and have fought to protect the values of Hong Kong. As a future educator, Chung-Hin has advice for the government administrations of both Hong Kong and China: work with Hong Kongers to help them "build their own house." Chung-Hin argues that if Hong Kong is to become closer to China, it cannot be done through force or propaganda. Further, Chung-Hin contends that education initiatives that change the history curriculum of Hong Kong schools is not enough to bring the youth of the city to heel. Chung-Hin's experiences, and his own understanding of history education in Hong Kong, have helped him see that the values of Hong Kongers need to be respected if there is any hope of gaining their trust and acceptance. In this timely essay, Chung-Hin highlights how government policies and historical legacies have shaped his personal experience and educational trajectory in Hong Kong, as well as the other students who are a part of the largest youth protest movement in recent memory.

This essay focuses on the disavowed histories of Italy's fascist past with a specific focus on how select historical disavowals reverberate in the present through the law of restricted citizenship, policies governing the lives of migrants, and recent pro-natal campaigns. I take as the occasion for my discussion, the 2017 exhibit at the "Museo della Shoah" in Rome, entitled "The Enemy Race: Nazi and Italian Fascist Propaganda." Through representations of the child during Mussolini's reign, the exhibit represents Mussolini's investment in the Italian child, conceived of as Catholic, Aryan, and born on Italian soil. His regime aimed to cultivate a future generation that would purify the nation through physical vitality, a belief in racial elitism, and loyalty to the nation state, while casting Jewish and "non-Italian" children as enemy subjects. I argue that the pedagogical impulse of the "Museo della Shoah" aims, not only to represent life histories that have been imperfectly erased from post-war memory, but also to recognize such a project as an interminable process of reflection that unfolds in a country that continues to suffer under the weight of its disavowed colonial and anti-Semitic history.

Since the mid-2000s Russian authorities banned lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) education propaganda domestically. However since at least 2014 Russia promoted both pro-LGBT and anti-LGBT education propaganda memes internationally, with a strong focus on LGBT youth. This article aims to explore Russia's double-use of LGBT education propaganda. It outlines Soviet, Neo-Soviet and Eurasianist information operations concepts contextualizing Russian propaganda strategies and LGBT ideology for both defense and attack. It reports on a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) study investigating what 3,519 Facebook propaganda memes released by the US House of Representatives in 2018, and related US indictments, reveal about Russian online disinformation tactics. Analysis showed that the memes targeted both progressive and conservative 'patriot' groups using oppositional discourses on LGBT youth. Patterns of engagement began with relatively innocuous-looking memes the article names 'Membership Calls' and 'Identity Celebrations', linked to group pages and data collection forms further snowballing target group numbers. Increasingly, 'both sides' were pitched against each other and government(s) in destabilizing ways, through memes the article terms 'Division Provocations' and 'Political Influence Attempts'. The memes reflected both existing and novel Russian information operations concepts and tactics on LGBT people; and exploited opportunities unique to social media to devastate democratic 'majority rule' debates.

In this commentary, the author considers the rise of algorithmic personalization and the power of propaganda as they shift the dynamic landscape of 21st-century literacy research and practice. Algorithmic personalization uses data from the behaviors, beliefs, interests, and emotions of the target audience to provide filtered digital content, targeted advertising, and differential product pricing to online users. As persuasive genres, advertising and propaganda may demand different types of reading practices than texts whose purpose is primarily informational or argumentative. Understanding the propaganda function of algorithmic personalization may lead to a deeper consideration of texts that activate emotion and tap into audience values for aesthetic, commercial, and political purposes. Increased attention to algorithmic personalization, propaganda, and persuasion in the context of K-12 literacy education may also help people cope with sponsored content, bots, and other forms of propaganda and persuasion that now circulate online.

Within the polarised political culture of the 1970s, in which political differences were emphasised instead of being played down, Dutch right-wing politicians frequently accused left-wing politicians and educators of indoctrination in educational settings. In this period of economic stagnation and an ongoing Cold War, peace education -- which was vulnerable to accusations of indoctrination -- became an optional part of the secondary school curriculum. This article addresses the aims and strategies of the Working Group for Peace Education in implementing the peace education curriculum and relates it to politics, place and pedagogy. The study centres on the content, intentions, and methods of the Working Group's curriculum, especially with regard to topics relating to the Vietnam War and nuclear weapons. The results suggest that the members of the Working Group for Peace Education aspired to educate young people to become citizens who would be actively engaged in global problems. Sensitivity to possible accusations of indoctrination led the Working Group to present these ideals with caution.

Italy opened the doors of its universities to female students in 1875. The general view was that very few women were clever enough to obtain a degree, so they would not threaten social stability. Female professors would be even rarer -- a few exceptional "male" women. Access to the professions was impossible in the case of the legal profession, or limited in terms of medicine. In this context, where both Catholics and Positivists opposed women's careers, seeing them as incompatible with motherhood and marriage, five women managed to enter the academic world as unsalaried lecturers: Giuseppina Cattani (1887, Pathology), Paolina Schiff (1891/1893, German literature and language), Rina Monti (1899, Anatomy and Comparative Physiology), Teresa Labriola (1901, Philosophy of Law) and Maria Montessori (1904, Anthropology). With archival documents and other contemporary texts, this paper reconstructs who these women were and the many difficulties they faced in academic life. Four of them were emancipationists and did not marry. These choices debarred them from pursuing a full academic career. Only Monti, who had a family and took no active part in female propaganda, managed to become a full professor in 1911, the first woman in Italy to do so.

This article aims to offer a theoretical critique of the propaganda against the affirmative action programmes, as well as to unpack the veil of merit and provide justifications for affirmative action for the underprivileged in Kerala. For this purpose, Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital and its origin would be introduced as the central focus of analysis. Next, hate campaigns through social media against affirmative action and misconceptions about merit will be introduced briefly. Second, this article will present the implications of Bourdieu's concepts for affirmative action in India. Third, it will critically explore how caste system creates different fields for the reproduction of cultural capital with family habitus and the circulation of capital in different forms on behalf of the dominant communities. Fourth, the relative aspect of merit regarding the caste bound traditional occupational culture will be discussed. Fifth, this article will critically analyse the extent to which dominant communities reproduce embodied cultural capital historically and claim privileges in political engagements. To conclude, some recommendations to deal with anti-affirmative action mind-sets in relation to merit will be presented.

This study investigates, pragmatically, the language of five electoral political propaganda texts delivered by Barak Obama. It attempts to achieve the following aims: (1) identifying the speech acts used in political propaganda, (2) showing how politicians utilize Grice's maxims and the politeness principle in issuing their propaganda, (3) analyzing the rhetorical devices used in political propaganda. To achieve the aims of this study, it is hypothesized that: (1) The speech acts of statement, assertion, and advice can be used in political propaganda, (2) the cooperative principle and the politeness principle are frequently observed in political propaganda, (3) persuasion, metaphor, repetition, and manipulation are the rhetorical devices used in political propaganda. The following procedures have been followed: (1) reviewing the literature about political propaganda along with some pragmatic notions such as speech acts, the cooperative principle, politeness strategies, and some rhetorical devices such as persuasion, metaphor, repetition, and manipulation that are relevant to the aims of the study, (2) analyzing five electoral political propaganda texts according to a model developed by this study. The findings of the analysis verify the above mentioned hypotheses. A bibliography is included.

In the period of the People's Republic of Poland, there were almost no students with disabilities at universities. The legislative, organisational, social and educational conditions at universities and students' dormitories made it impossible for people with disabilities to start higher education. In the period of serious socio-political, economic, and educational crisis which took place in Poland in the eighties, students and lecturers, as well as the whole society, fought for broadly defined freedom, and also the access to education in open-access institutions, without restrictions in the field of social background or state of health. The actions of a student organisation, the Independent Students' Association (Niezalezne Zrzeszenie Studentów-NZS), were of great importance during the implementation of these changes. The organisation was founded in 1980 and it was an expression of a protest of student community against policies of the People's Republic of Poland. NZS worked mainly in the field of politics and propaganda, organised demonstrations and strikes--it was opposed to the communist government, the lack of democracy, injustice and the lack of freedom of speech. The program of NZS aimed at changing communist political system, education and economic system. After the year 1989, the Independent Students' Association begun the next phase of its activity and the profile of the organisation was changed. The aim was to fight for the interests of students and the development of cultural and entertaining activity, as well as social and educational conditions for students with serious problems resulting from their state of health.