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This article analyzes the provisions of the Law of Ukraine On the Legal Regime of Martial Law, adopted after the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine’s territory. The author proves that the second clause of Article 11 of the mentioned law, granting the President of Ukraine powers to suspend public officials during martial law, contradicts the Constitution of Ukraine, whereas the latter has not vested such powers with the President of Ukraine. The author compares the suspension and the dismissal of a public official from the office and proves that the newly adopted provision contradicts the very nature and purpose of martial law. In the article, the author analyses a list of public officials to whom the adopted provision applies and argues that the only purpose the latter was adopted is to allow the President of Ukraine to dismiss public officials from their offices without proper legal grounds and the approval of others state authorities as required by the Constitution.

The question of the relationship between the head of state and the executive branch is of fundamental importance in governance. In a presidential republic, the president is functionally and structurally integrated into the executive branch and heads the system of relevant bodies. In a parliamentary republic, the president is distant from the executive branch. In a mixed republican form of government, the president is not a structural component of the executive branch but is substantially integrated with it by functional duties. The level of this combination is significant and causes a dualism of executive power. The presence of the two leading executive bodies prevents abuse of executive power. This issue is becoming extremely important for many post-Soviet republics.

Improvisation, Irrationality, and Provocative Cruelty.

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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The term organisation means a social unit that includes many people who perform structured and clear activities, co-operate on the basis of defined relationships, and by co-ordinating their actions aim to achieve common goals. There are different types of organisations which are differentiated by the purpose for which they were established, the size, volume, and complexity of their work, etc. Even the state is considered an organisation (political-legal organisation). The state is a large and complex organisation. The political-legal character, organisation, constitutive elements, diversity of bodies (institutions), the large volume of work, and their complexity are just some of the characteristics that differentiate the state from other organisations in society. The disposal of the apparatus of physical violence (monopoly of physical force) and public power are exclusive features of the state that are not found in any other organisation in society. The basic elements in the composition of state organisations are the state bodies. The state as a large and complex organisation in society is characterised by diverse bodies (institutions), such as the president, the government, the parliament, the ministries, the courts, the ombudsperson, the public prosecutor, etc. Each state body implements state power independently and performs certain functions, while their establishment and competencies are determined by the constitution and by positive laws. The organisation of power represents the core of the constitutional and political system both in the horizontal dimension (which means the relations of the institutions of the same level) and the vertical dimension (which means the relations of the central institutions with those of lower levels). The highest state bodies are the legislative body (Parliament), the executive body (Government and President) and the judicial bodies (Courts). This study deals with and analyses the organisation of the state in the political system of the Republic of North Macedonia. For this study, we have been used: descriptive-comparative method, doctrinal research, and analysis of positive legislation. This study concludes with suggestions that will contribute to the advancement of democracy in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The parliamentary system is one of the most widespread forms of democratic governance in the world which has been adopted by many states, one of which is the Republic of North Macedonia (hereafter RNM). The political system of the RNM was created with the Constitution of 1991, according to which the RNM is a democratic, independent, and sovereign state. Sovereignty originates from the citizens and belongs to them. The political system consists of the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The separation of powers means their independence, accountability, and mutual control. The RNM functions according to the parliamentary democracy model. Parliament is a representative body of citizens and the bearer of legislative power. Parliament is the place where popular sovereignty originates. Its main task is to approve the constitution and laws which are binding for all citizens of the country. In general terms, it can be said that parliament performs three main functions: that of representation, legislation, and control. The organisation and operation of the work of state institutions is regulated by the constitution and special laws. Executive power is exercised by the President and the Government, however the Government has superiority in exercising the executive function, while the President has more of a ceremonial role and is "under the shadow" of the Government. The Government is elected and controlled by the Parliament, which through a number of tools and mechanisms (vote of no confidence, interpellations, parliamentary investigation) provided by the constitution, and the rules of procedure can shorten its mandate before its expiration. Parliamentary practice is characterised by the functioning of the coalition government. This study provides a general overview of the Parliament, including its composition and powers; however, the focus is on the relationship and interweaving of the legislative power with the executive power. This study analyses the political control exercised by the Parliament over the Government, the indirect influence of the President on legislation, and the procedure for legal responsibility of the President initiated by the Parliament. This study offers recommendations for a more effective and functional governance. For the needs of the work, descriptive, historical, comparative methods have been used, as well as analysis of positive national legislation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of New Economics & Social Sciences (IJONESS) is the property of International Institute of Innovation Science-Education-Development in Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political science research is conflicted about the impact of political scandals on survival in office. Scholars have found strong negative impacts to some scandals but others have found minimal or no effects. The literature has explored several consequences but no one work examines them collectively. This article examines presidential, gubernatorial, and Congressional scandals from 1972 to 2021 to assess the impact of scandal in a polarizing America. We find the negative consequences from scandals vary across time and institutions. Scandals in the Watergate era led to more resignations in Congress but fewer resignations of White House officials in the 1990s. During the Trump administration, White House officials did not survive in office at rates greater than past eras, demonstrating little support for the "Trump Effect." However, politicians generally survived scandal more in the polarized era, hinting at the changing role of political scandals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the politically charged immigration system in the United States, Congress mandates the entry of in absentia removal orders against immigrants who fail to appear for immigration court hearings. Statutory guidance similarly constrains the ability of appellate courts to overturn those in absentia orders. In this article, we examine how federal circuit court judges make decisions in the review of in absentia orders when faced with discretion-revoking congressional statutory language pitted against a highly politicized area of law where policy preferences sit at the forefront of judges' minds. Using an original dataset of U.S. Courts of Appeals cases decided from 2001 to 2020, we find that pro-immigrant decisions are rare, as intended by the governing statute. We also find, however, that judicial policy preferences predict the degree to which federal judges support the petitioning immigrant through statutory factors related to the adequacy of government notice and the presence of exceptional circumstances to justify nonappearance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research has suggested that Republican candidates in U.S. presidential elections benefit from voter bias against non-White groups. The present study supplements this research by including in the analysis bias against Whites. Estimates from the American National Election Studies 2020 Time Series Study indicated that a nontrivial percentage of the U.S. population has a bias that disfavors Whites, with this bias more prevalent among Democrats than Republicans. Further analyses estimated the extent to which the type of voter racial bias that favors Republican presidential candidates offsets the type of voter racial bias that favors Democratic presidential candidates. Estimates for the 2020 U.S. presidential election indicated that the two-party vote share for Donald Trump was higher among voters who rated Whites, Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians/Asian-Americans equal to each other on 0-to-100 feeling thermometers than among the full population of two-party voters, suggesting that Donald Trump was disadvantaged on net by the electorate including racially biased voters. These results call into question research that has used an unrepresentative set of racial attitudes to suggest that, in recent U.S. presidential elections, only Republican candidates have benefitted from racial bias among the electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The young nation of West Africa, part of the former French colonial system, has a long history showing a clear integration within the context of the Sahel region. After independence, it followed a particular evolution: though its economic and social development was not free of the contradictions and the failures so characteristic for former colonies, compared to other African states, Senegal showed a considerable political stability, successfully avoiding civil wars, military coups and dictatorships and maintaining a multiparty system. However, recent evolutions show a certain tendency towards constitutional instability, a weakening of the rule of law and certain signs of drift towards authoritarian governing. The present international situation of the Sahel and of West Africa represent a further challenge for Senegal, because it can play a crucial role there showing a positive example, on the condition of preserving its stability and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academics usually look for constitutional conventions in Westminster-style democracies, such as the United Kingdom, Canada, or Australia. Nevertheless, growing evidence from practice shows that constitutional conventions are similarly essential attributes of even substantially different political regimes. This article is the first paper to systematically deal with constitutional conventions in the Czech Republic. To be more specific, I identify eight existing constitutional conventions there: (1) respect for the parliamentary majority, (2) institution of a formateur, (3) simultaneous existence of two prime ministers, (4) new cabinet's statement of policy, (5) delegation of negotiation and ratification of international treaties, (6) appointment of a (vice-)governor of the Czech National Bank without a countersignature, (7) missing signature of the president under laws, and (8) single vice-chairperson of the Supreme Court. On one hand, the scrutiny shows that constitutional conventions play an already established and important role even in a Central European democracy. On the other hand, the lack of political respect for unwritten rules and the relative immaturity of Czech democracy confirm that constitutional conventions are as fragile (or as strong) as political actors allow. Thanks to these facts, the study of constitutional conventions in the post-communist country is a precious laboratory with universal findings even for long-existing democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Magazine of Historical Studies & Archaeology is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The pandemic period in the United States has become a test of the strength of many state mechanisms, raised the question of the limits of the extraordinary powers of the President and governors and effectiveness of the public health system. The reasons why one of the most prosperous countries in the world has become the most affected state by the pandemic largely lie in the sphere of public administration system and historically established precedents for expanding the powers of the executive branch in times of emergency. The aim of the study is to identify the foundations of constitutional and legal regulation in combating the consequences of the pandemic in the United States and to trace correlations between peculiarities of distribution of powers in the field of public security and effectiveness of measures to counter the COVID-19 spread. One of the tasks is to identify both advantages and disadvantages of the US political structure in the context of countering the nationwide threat. The historical method of research allowed to determine the specifics of the extraordinary powers of the US President, while the specific legal method was used as the basis for analyzing the structure and powers of legislative and executive authorities along with comparative legal, system-structural and functional approaches. In the fight against the pandemic, the mechanism of public administration in the United States has shown its inability to counter threats of a nationwide nature. In many ways, this situation is explained by peculiarities of the legislative regulation of the healthcare sector, transferred to the autonomous regulation of state authorities, a disparate system of legal regulation of emergency response, as well as the very modest capabilities of the head of state in responding to epidemiological threats. The study allows to conclude that there is a correlation between the features of the public administration system in the United States, its legislative regulation and the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic caused by uncoordinated actions of federal and regional government authorities.

One of the content materials in constitutional amendment process is Article 7 of 1945 Republic of Indonesia Constitution concerning the President's term of office being limited to only two terms. During the era of President Joko Widodo's leadership, the issue of extending presidential term into three terms resurfaced. This study raises the main issues studied are, First, how is the legal politics of extending the President's term of office in terms of the Presidential Government System. Second, what is the urgency of President's term extension in terms of the Presidential System. This research is a normative juridical research with legal materials. The approach method used is the statutory approach and the conceptual approach. This study uses a qualitative descriptive analysis technique. Based on the results of research and discussion, that First, legal politics in extending the presidential term of office, namely placing a place to filter leaders so they can advance in a direct democratic party has a logical consequence so that in a presidential system of government, the existence of political parties can certainly have an influence on support on every presidential policy taken. Second, the urgency of an extension of the term of office of President in terms of Presidential Government system, that there is no need to extend the term of office for three terms because it causes discontinuity regarding the terms of office of the President and Vice President in Indonesia in order to prevent authoritarianism. The advice from this paper is that the extension of the term of office of the President and Vice President is sufficient for 2 periods and there is no need for an extension of the term of office of the President for more than two consecutive terms, because it can lead to abuse of power.

An editorial discusses the 2024 Legislative Session. It reflects on the session's healthcare-related developments, particularly focusing on Medicaid expansion and other pertinent legislative matters. It emphasizes the importance of physician engagement in the legislative process and highlights the efforts of MSMA (Mississippi State Medical Association) leadership in advocating for healthcare-related issues.

The registration for the 2024 presidential candidates began at the end of 2023, but the euphoria of the 2024 presidential candidates began to be felt since the beginning of 2022. Several survey institutions issued public opinions regarding several 2024 presidential candidates. Public opinion about the 2024 presidential candidates cannot only be obtained through direct interviews. Public opinion acquisition can also be done through social media such as Twitter. Therefore this research has the aim of studying communication networks and determining actors who hold influence in the #Prabowo and #anies baswedan network on Twitter social media. This study uses the Social Network Analysis (SNA) research method or social network analysis with the theory of Computer Mediated Communication. The results of this study show that #Prabowo's information spreads quickly and easily on Twitter. Based on data collected from 2,500 actors, there are a total of 682 interactions between actors in the #Prabowo network. The results of #anies baswedan show that this communication network has a relationship typetwo mode and the network is direct and has the direction of the main actor, namely #anies baswedan with valuedegree centrality 766 and the relationship between actors in this communication network is very close.

From ancient times to the present day, many thinkers and philosophers have had important discussions and made various suggestions about state governance and the qualities that the head of state should possess. These criteria may vary according to geographical and demographic characteristics, political culture, traditions, the regime of the country, religion and many other factors. However, despite all these differences, it is possible to identify a ranking of the basic characteristics that heads of state should possess for the case of Turkey. This study aims to put into a hierarchical ranking some of the characteristics that the head of state, the President, should possess. In order to realize the ranking, the Analytic Hierarchy Process method was used in the field research part of the study. Accordingly, the ranking consisting of the comparison of 7 criteria is as follows. The President should be honest, experienced, stable and consistent, impartial and non-partisan, a charismatic leader, have strong oratory skills and have an ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Referring to the general understanding that in internal forums and external forums there is freedom regarding what to believe. This would be fairer if an understanding of the meaning of disgraceful conduct as one of the conditions for the dismissal of the President and/or Vice President could be realized. The definition of disgraceful acts refers to Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, namely acts that are contrary to religious norms, moral norms and customary norms, such as gambling, drunkenness, narcotics addiction and adultery. This means that there is a mixture of interpretations of disgraceful acts from the perspective of religion and customs. This is contrary to the highest legal goal, namely legal certainty when a legal norm is formed. In interpreting the phrase "despicable act" requires a different understanding between legal knowledge and other experiences in the form of knowledge. Then the phrase "despicable act" must provide various types of understanding, especially from each religion and/or belief with the aim of having good legal implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Actual Problems of Jurisprudence / Habaršy. Zan̦ Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

More than any other president of a contemporary parliamentary democracy, the Italian head of state has played a significant political role. Indeed, since the transformation of the Italian party system in 1992–3 and especially in times of economic crisis or political turmoil, Italian presidents have actively intervened in a significant way to safeguard the Constitution and improve the working of the Italian political system. In this context, the 'extended presidency' of Sergio Mattarella, originally elected in 2015 and then re-elected for a second, exceptional term in 2022, is no exception to the rule. As a matter of fact, the re-election of Mattarella (after the – at the time unprecedented – re-election of Giorgio Napolitano in 2013) has not only strengthened the role of the head of state vis-à-vis other political institutions and even more so the political parties, but it has even raised a number of questions concerning the very nature of Italy's parliamentary regime. Against this backdrop, this article analyses, from different analytical perspectives, the evolving role of the president of the Republic within the changing Italian political system by taking into consideration presidents' relationships – not always smooth – with the political parties, their atypical style of political communication (both online and offline), their exercise of executive power and, finally, their peculiar contribution to that process of more or less covert presidentialisation that has characterized Italian politics since the early 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among political scientists, presidents in parliamentary democracies have received little attention as compared to their popularly elected counterparts. Yet, there is evidence of influential heads of state beyond semi-presidential and presidential systems, and the Italian one is a case in point. Scholars agree that the 'informal power' of Italian presidents has grown substantially since the early 1990s, due to the combination of weak party organisations, the personalisation of politics, and the mediatisation of the presidency. While the literature shows that the choice of the president has become more salient for parties, hardly anything is known about the impact that the increased presidential power has on the complexity of the selection process. This article argues that, when presidents are powerful, parties face high adverse selection costs and, therefore, party leaders will be less likely to compromise on candidates. This, in turn, can lead to political stalemates. Using a novel measure of bargaining complexity, the empirical analysis supports this argument, which holds also after controlling for the contingent features of the parliamentary party set-up. The findings have implications for the study of political leaders and party behaviour at a time of party government decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: to study the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of the elections of the President of the United States of America (by the example of the 59th US presidential election).Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-logical, sociological.Results: apparently, Democrats and Republicans have their own views as to which voting procedures should be in place, how votes should be counted, and what a fair and accurate result is. The US history is full of ballot battles that share certain characteristics with what happened in 2020 and with how new laws are shaping the sixtieth presidential election. The US history is also replete with legal and popular efforts to expand voting rights, ensure that voting procedures are fair and objective, and ensure that those who are sworn into office were the ones actually elected. In this regard, an alert, informed, and active citizenry is absolutely essential for an inclusive, transparent, and fair electoral system in any state. The fifty-ninth presidential election reflected an extraordinarily contentious landscape. The next presidential election may be even more polarizing and there is no assurance that democratic institutions and norms of peaceful succession will hold.Scientific novelty: for first time, the article considers and analyses the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of elections of the President of the United States of America (by the example of the 59th US presidential election). Special attention is paid to restricting ballot access, changing the voting rules, counting the votes, attacking the results and election subversion.Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering the issues related to the appointment, preparation, conducting and determining the results of the US presidential elections due in 2024.

The relevance of the study is determined by the resistance to the armed aggression of the russian federation, specifically by the security state body – the Council of National Security and Defence of Ukraine, which, to repel the enemy and liberate the occupied territories, activated its operations under the President of Ukraine as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics of the administrative legal status of the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine and provide proposals for improving the status, considering the martial law in Ukraine. Multi-level methods of scientific search were used, the most effective and active among which were the comparative method and methods of analysis. The author of the study summarized and confirmed the scientific originality of the subject under study, as well as outlined several gaps in the legal support of the administrative legal status of the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine. Specifically, to establish the procedure for the work of this body, it is proposed to approve the Regulation, which currently stays relevant. The expediency of developing and approving a strategically important document in the current conditions – the concept of countering russian aggression and expansion (military and other) – is proved. The author of the study believes that the security state body of the country can initiate a strategy to protect the security of the states of the world, since Ukraine is one of the countries of the world that is currently suffering from the armed aggression of the enemy-neighbour. The practical value of this paper and the conclusions made by the author lie in particular provisions that can be used to improve the effectiveness of the state body under study, especially in conditions of martial law, namely, strengthening the state's defence capability, repelling the perfidious attack of the enemy, improving the functioning of the presidential power, as well as the executive power in general and its branches, especially in ensuring the national security of the state

The courts of special jurisdiction are the courts granted by the Algerian legislator the jurisdiction to combat corruption, and which among them, the military courts have jurisdiction to consider corruption crimes committed by the military, and there are courts that specialize in trying members of the government, judges, and some officials who commit these crimes during As for the Supreme Court of the State, it is competent to try the President of the Republic when he has committed high treason, and the Prime Minister( or Presedent of government) if he has committed felonies and misdemeanors while performing his duties. And the military courts we note that they have started trying the perpetrators of corruption crimes since their establishment, In contrast, we note the absence of the role of the Supreme Court of the State in combating corruption because it was not created despite its stipulation in most successive constitutional amendments, This constitutes a violation of the legal security of the state, as it is not possible to punish its high employees who commit corruption

The dualistic parliamentary-presidential character of the political regime of the Fifth Republic in France is analyzed, which is characterized by the broad powers of the president and the lack of a balance of power between the executive and legislative branches of government. The election cycle of 2022 has changed the configuration of the political space, the role of political parties and Parliament has increased, the presidential party did not receive a parliamentary majority and had to look for situational partners when voting bills. The systemic parties were completely pushed to the periphery of political life and a three-pole political space was formed, in which radical opposition parties operate along with the presidential party «Renaissance». In the new situation, the authorities are facing an acute question about the methods of state management.

The prosopographic portraits of the founding fathers of the Ukrainian independent state and the Republic of Lithuania, restored in 1990 and 1991, are revealed. The research is based on general scientific and special historical methods, among which the comparative method and the method of prosopography occupy a special place. The first part of the article is dedicated to the leaders of those sociopolitical organizations that formed the core of the opposition movement against the dictatorship of the Communist Party - Vytautas Landsbergis, Vyacheslav Chornovol and Levko Lukyanenko. Thanks to the appropriate methodological tools, it was possible to reveal the common and distinctive features of leaders in both countries: national-democratic bias, duration of dissident activity, belonging to one or another social stratum, participation in political activities, personal contribution to the development of the country's independence, etc. Attention was also drawn to the fact that the leader of the national-democratic forces of Lithuania V. Landsbergis was the highest political figure of the Restorative Seimas for almost three years (1990-1992), while the leaders of the Ukrainian democratic movement were given mediocre roles in the shadow of the communists. Which at that time dominated the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The second part of the study paints a prosopographic portrait of the first presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Lithuania. Ukraine is considered number one here because the institution of the presidency was founded on its territory in 1991, and in Lithuania in 1993. Despite the fact that the presidency of Leonid Kravchuk and Algirdas Brazauskas is considered taking into account the time factor, it depicts significant differences in the strategies of the state behavior of these two natives of the same communist system, who were almost the same age. In particular, this concerns the issue of distancing from the Russian Federation and the country's geopolitical choice of joining the European Union and NATO. Thus, in conclusion, we see that the path to independence in both countries was paved by national-democratic movements led by the intelligentsia. However, not everyone achieved the final result of the activity. We also notice that both in Ukraine and in Lithuania, former Communist Party members became the first presidents.

Constitutional law is one of the most important fields of legal knowledge and its close connection with political science has led thinkers in the other fields of humanities to discuss the concepts and principles of this knowledge. Max Weber, one of the most important thinkers of recent centuries, has carefully reflected upon the knowledge of law, especially Constitutional law. He lived in a turbulent time and witnessed the rise of Germany as well as its decline. In the midst of World War I, Weber addressed Constitutional law issues and provided analyses in this regard and later played a vital role in drafting the Weimar Constitution. He was a supporter of the presidentialism and the extraordinary powers of the president, which were enshrined in the Weimar Constitution and later created many problems. This article aims to examine Weber's theory of Constitutional law and to explain his outlook and interpretation towards issues such as the president, parliament, and democracy

The article compared and systematized the parameters and features of interrelation between the indicators and patterns of stability, conflictivness and effectiveness of inter-institutional relations within the framework of various types of semi-presidentialism in European countries. For this purpose the research initially proposed the definition and clarified the definitive features of semi-presidentialism, as well as singled out its examples as the most common system of state government in European countries, and then it is argued that it is appropriate to speak of semi-presidentialism in the plural. With this in mind, three basic classifications of semi-presidentialism, in particular formal or institutional, factual or political and formal-factual or institutional-political one, as well as types of semi-presidentialism within each of them were highlighted and filled with content and details. Given this, the study empirically verified and confirmed, predominantly based on the experience of European countries, the position theorized in Political Science, according to which semi-presidentialism and its separate types lead to quite different and even mutually exclusive consequences, risks and prospects. The latter, among others, are manifested in the multidirectional interrelation between semi-presidentialism and its options, on one hand, and stability, conflict and effectiveness of inter-institutional relations in the triangle „president — prime minister/governmental cabinet — parliament”, on the other hand. Thus, the article confirmed the expediency of interpreting semi-presidentialism as not a homogeneous, but a heterogeneous phenomenon that causes dissimilar effects, including that on stability, conflict and effectiveness of inter-institutional relations within the framework of various types of the analyzed system of government in European countries. Taking this into account, it was concluded that precisely different types of semi-presidentialism (but not semi-presidentialism in general) both theoretically and empirically are more reliable and valid indicators for the choice of systems of government than criticism of each of them, since the former can manifest themselves differently in diverse situations, thus approaching or moving away from the optimal and desirable construction of inter-institutional relations.

Le Président Macron joue sur les différences de registres linguistiques en s'adaptant à son auditoire. S'agit-il d'une stratégie de communication ou d'un instrument linguistique? La rhétorique de Macron est-elle comparable à celle de ses prédecesseurs? Dans cet article, nous chercherons, dans un premier temps, à considérer ce qu’est ‘la langue politique’, qui l’utilise, et à quelles fins et nous tâcherons tout particulièrement de décrypter, aux prémices de la guerre en Ukraine, le discours de Macron vers l’Elysée en nous intéressant aux notions de langue de bois et de ‘parler-vrai’.

When backsliding occurs at the hands of populist presidents who were elected in landslide elections, producing dominant executives with few institutional checks and weak opposition parties, should we blame the decline in democracy on their populist ideology, their presidential powers, or their parties' dominance in the legislature? The literature on democratic backsliding has mostly arrived at a consensus on what backsliding entails and collectively has revealed its growing prevalence around the globe. Yet, scholars have not settled on causal explanations for this phenomenon. We assess the evidence for recent ideology-centered arguments for democratic backsliding relative to previous institutional arguments among all democratically elected executives serving in all regions of the world since 1970. We use newly available datasets on populist leaders and parties to evaluate the danger of populists in government, and we employ matching methods to distinguish the effects of populist executives, presidents as chief executives, and dominant executives on the extent of decline in liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to identify and analyze the use of primordial sentiments in practical political aspects such as in the context of elections in Indonesia. The approach used in this study is a qualitative approach. A qualitative research approach is a process of research and understanding based on methodologies that investigate social phenomena and human problems. As a result, due to decentralization, the locus of political science studies began to pay more attention to aspects of ethnicity, regionality, sultanate and custom in political aspects. Second, the strengthening trend of using primordial symbols in tandem with the process of political liberalization manifested through multi-partypolitical systems and direct electoral systems that tend to emphasize the principle of majority vote, thus making the use of primordial elements more fertile. In conclusion, as for the reality, the strengthening of the use of primordial sentiments in the context of politics is then considered to have made the political pattern tend to be primitive-traditional because some political figures and national and regional leaders tend to use primordial elements to achieve their respective political interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the dissolution of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the creation of the independent state of Macedonia, fragile foundations of a state were laid, precisely by personalities who were considered ideologues of this cause! The visionary leader of the independent state cause, the President of Independent Macedonia, a former communist, aimed to create a Slavic-Macedonian nation-state, even though his cause was not in line with historical or ethnic reality. A former communist of his time, he had traded his uniform for democracy, at the end of his ten-year rule, he wrote the book "Makedonija e se shto imame" ("Macedonia is all we have "). In this work, besides revealing numerous facts about the political developments of the time, Gligorov reveals his entire idea, which led Macedonia into an interethnic conflict--a conflict that could serve as a spark for the entire Balkans. In his book, Gligorov reveals his face as a nationalist, who served the Serbian cause of Milosevic, as Milosevic aimed for the explusion from the age-old homelands, Gligorov had to fulfill his duty - to open the corridor for the dispersal of Albanians worldwide, like the Jews who were expelled and scattered from their ancestral land two thousand years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Along with the eligibility conditions, the one who exercises the position of President of Romania is also subject to some incompatibilities. The eligibility conditions are required to be fulfilled on the date of submission of the candidacy, and the states of incompatibility must cease after the elections, until the beginning of the exercise of the mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legal-political changes in the Russian Federation during the first presidency of Vladimir Putin, covering the years 2000-2008, are the subject of the article. The study first focuses on the strengthening of executive power, both at the central and regional levels, consolidating the power camp and shaping the political system of the state. In the period under analysis, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation were increased, the Federation Council was weakened, control over the regions was strengthened, and a number of rights and freedoms of citizens were limited. In his actions, Putin relied on the power ministries and secured the loyalty of the State Duma and the oligarchs. The United Russia party became his political base. Putin’s political opponents and competitors were ruthlessly eliminated from political life. An analysis of the features of the political system of the Russian Federation indicates that it had become an authoritarian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)