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No abstract available. (Published: 10 February 2015) Citation: European Journal of Psychotraumatology 2015, 6 : 27328 - http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/ejpt.v6.27328

The signing of the peace agreement between the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Colombian government brought a change in the social dynamics of rural regions of Colombia that has affected small sheep producers in post-conflict regions. The aim of this study was to identify the sociodemographic factors that affect the implementation of Good Agricultural Practices (GAP) in extensive sheep systems in the Colombian post-conflict and their relationship with some health, production and economic indicators. Thirteen sheep farms located in Marulanda, Colombia were evaluated. The implementation of the GAP was determined through a structured evaluation instrument based on Colombian legislation (Res. 20277 of 2018). In addition, a sample of sheep under 1 year of age was taken from each farm to conduct clinical examinations and laboratory analysis to obtain sanitary indicators. Age (β=-0.31, p=0.04), secondary education level (β=7.91, p=0.05) and income (β=5.29, p=0.04) determined the adoption of practices contained in the GAP and these were translated in productive, sanitary and economic benefits such as the increase in the price of the live animal (r=0.85, p, La firma del acuerdo de paz entre las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia y el gobierno colombiano trajo consigo un cambio en las dinámicas sociales de las regiones rurales de Colombia que ha afectado a los pequeños productores ovinos en regiones del posconflicto. El objetivo de este estudio fue identificar los factores sociodemográficos que afectan la implementación de las Buenas Prácticas Ganaderas (BPG) en sistemas ovinos extensivos del posconflicto colombiano y su relación con algunos indicadores sanitarios, productivos y económicos. Trece granjas ovinas ubicadas en Marulanda, Colombia fueron evaluadas. La implementación de las BPG fue determinada mediante un instrumento estructurado de evaluación basado en la legislación colombiana (Res. 20277 de 2018). Además, se tomó muestra de ovinos menores de 1 año de cada granja para realizar un examen clínico y análisis de laboratorio para obtener indicadores sanitarios. La edad (β=-0.31, p=0.04), nivel educativo secundario (β=7.91, p=0.05) e ingresos económicos (β=5.29, p=0.04) determinaron la adopción de prácticas contenidas en las BPG y estas se tradujeron en beneficios productivos, sanitarios y económicos como el aumento del precio del animal en pie (r = 0.85, p

The UN. has intensified efforts to recruit female peacekeepers for peacekeeping missions. From 2006 to 2014, the number of female military personnel in UN peacekeeping missions nearly tripled. The ...

The authors report on a youth agency study conducted in post-conflict school settings in Sri Lanka. In a three-month field-based, qualitative research study, youth collaborated with the first autho...

Once a war conflict has been overcome, uncertainty always arises regarding what awaits the territories that left the violence and its development behind. Hence, it is necessary to propose the scenarios that may occur in the near future in order to define actions capable of building lasting peace and sustainable development. In this sense, the main objective of this paper is to do a prospective exercise referring to the probable scenarios for the Department of Sucre, Colombia, in its path of overcoming war, scope of peace and territorial development. The results indicate that the wager scenario, called «A treasure of incomparable beauty», will be the way to achieve a territory of peace and development in the department of Sucre.

Why do some towns recover faster than others after intrastate conflict? Many important decisions about post-conflict recovery are made at the substate level, but little empirical work has investigated what causes differences in recovery outcomes within a country. This article suggests that proximity to ethno-religiously diverse neighbors slows a town’s post-conflict recovery. A town has ‘diverse neighbors’ if towns with different plurality ethno-religious groups are nearby. This hypothesis is tested by exploring variation in recovery speed among Iraqi towns after the 2014–17 Islamic State insurgency (ISIL). The article constructs 81-month panels of economic activity for 379 Iraqi settlements occupied by ISIL by using satellite-observed nighttime light emissions as a proxy for economic activity. The panels reveal large variation in post-conflict recovery among towns during the first year of peace. Village-level survey data are then used to construct a measure of neighbor diversity, which is combined with lighting-based recovery scores in spatial autoregression. The results show that greater neighbor diversity is robustly associated with slower settlement recovery. The neighbor diversity penalty cannot be fully explained by cleavages between groups ‘on opposite sides’ of the conflict; proximity to out-group neighbors appears to slow recovery even between wartime allies. Several explanations are considered, and this article suggests that the types of post-liberation controllers that arise in diverse areas – which tend to be substate militias rather than the government – may be one important mechanism.

Somalia adopted federalism in 2004 and embarked on its implementation in 2012. This paper provides critical insights on the reception and performance of Somalia’s federal project since 2012. The an...

Using digital ethnography and in-depth interviews, this study offers a comprehensive understanding of how diaspora journalists maintain connections with their conflict-torn homeland and advocate fo...

This study provides some insights into agribusiness involvement on cause-related marketing arguments related to the Colombian post-conflict. We conducted a mixed experimental design with four betwe...

The Ebola crisis in the Mano River States and inadequate state responses to the outbreak heightened the challenges post conflict societies face during emergencies. There have been enough literature discussing the issues of Ebola especially in the Mano River Union; however, there is little discussion on the capacity of the Mano River Union to respond to the Ebola epidemic. Against this background, the study sought to investigate the nexus between post conflict societies and their capacity to respond to the Ebola epidemic in the Mano River Union. A non-empirical qualitative case study approach involving extensive review of secondary data in the form of books, journals, internet sites and conference papers was adopted. The results showed that all the countries in the sub-region were unprepared for the outbreak. Even though some countries had disaster management divisions, none had any disaster management plans in place hence the Ebola Virus Disease and its subsequent crisis could not have been anticipated. Following the findings, a strong case has been made for countries in the sub-region to have disaster management plans and other early warning and resilient systems in place in place to reduce the scale of the outbreak and the high number of deaths.

Quantitative research on the “durability” of peace following civil wars typically captures the breakdown or survival of “peace” in a binary manner, equating it with the presence or absence of civil war recurrence. In the datasets that underpin such studies, years that do not experience full-scale civil war are implicitly coded as “peaceful.” Yet, post-civil war environments may remain free from war recurrence, while nevertheless experiencing endemic violent crime, state repression, low-intensity political violence, and systematic violence against marginalized groups, all of which are incongruent with the concept of peace. Approaches to assessing post-civil war outcomes which focus exclusively on civil war recurrence risk overestimating the “durability” of peace, implicitly designating as “peaceful” a range of environments which may be anything but. In this article, we discuss the heterogeneity of violent post-civil war outcomes and develop a typology of “varieties of post-civil war violence.” Our typology contributes to the study of post-civil war peace durability, by serving as the basis for an alternative, categorical conceptualization of “peace years” in conflict datasets.

The cycle of individual and communal lives from birth to death is supposedly preserved by the government through institutions. However, political, social, and economic activities are engaged to make ends meet wherein the government is to serve as an unbiased regulator. The activities that play out in Southern Kaduna reflected politics of being on one side with interplay on origin, identity, religion, and locality. On the other hand, it reflects politics of belonging that play on kin, reciprocity, and stranger status. It has thus resulted in violence, suspicion, and persistent conflict. The study examines citizen’s inclusiveness in peacebuilding initiatives and the people’s perception of the sincerity of the government. The research relies on secondary sources where governmental and non-governmental publications and documents from relevant and reliable sources enriched the socio-historical approach, particularly those relating to contestation in the region. The study found out that just like situations in the other northwest states of the country, the crisis exacerbates by the government’s inability to mediate fairly between warring parties to ensure fairness and justice as well as failure to apprehend and punish the culprits, even as recommendations from the various interventions were unimplemented. Thus, the spate of violence continues.

This study aims to outline the educational reforms that have been taking place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) since the late 1990s and to explain the ideological and social dynamics shaping their ...

Tackling gender gaps in political representation is a key pillar of peace building and development interventions in conflict-affected environments, which has been addressed using special measures (e.g., gender quotas and reserved seats). We argue that although this is a necessary first step, these interventions privilege descriptive or quantitative indicators that may not equate to the substantive participation of women. Instead, a focus on qualitative transformation of deeply entrenched inequitable social structures is required. Our argument is illustrated by the case study of Timor-Leste, where control of political institutions is held by a small group of privileged, male leaders, legitimised by a rigidly defined social hierarchy. We argue that any special measures need to be accompanied by social change that provides equality of opportunity for participants within political parties, political institutions and electoral systems. By providing this analysis the article aims to contribute to the discussion of the ways in which gendered structural limitations can be better identified and addressed to promote more effective participation by women in politics in post-conflict settings.

North Waziristan, one of the former tribal agencies of Pakistan, was brought to the spotlight largely by militancy and terrorism. After curtailing terrorism through the military offensive, the focu...

Addressing social issues that arise due to wars and how they impact on post-conflict reconstruction is an area of theoretical debate and policy interest. This article explores the social impact of ...

While there has been a flurry of research on party system institutionalisation (PSI) and regionalist parties, very little research has been conducted on their imbrication. This study aims to fill this gap by analysing the impact of local parties on the party system in post-conflict Aceh, Indonesia. It contends that the presence of local parties in Aceh has had a hybrid effect on the institutionalisation of the party system. Similar to national parties, local parties in Indonesia have weak societal roots and party organisations that obstruct PSI in Aceh. That notwithstanding, local parties in post-conflict Aceh have assisted in solidifying the party system by improving the legitimacy of parties and elections and by creating a less fragmented party system. This hybrid effect is also strongly influenced by Aceh’s long wartime history and its post-conflict status.

This article explores Syrian higher education (HE) teachers’ perceptions of their role as change agents in the reconstruction of post-conflict Syria. It utilises the notions of ‘change agent’ and ‘strategic competence’ (previously developed in relation to academics by Idahosa and Vincent) for exploring HE teachers’ capacity to contribute to the post-conflict reconstruction of Syria. This article is based on a small-scale, qualitative study using in-depth interviews to explore the experiences and perspectives of HE teachers who have been working at a conflict-affected university for the duration of the conflict. The study concludes that HE teachers may be considered change agents in post-conflict societies, but that the challenges these teachers face must be taken into account, as must considerations of how the institution and the HE system can facilitate teachers in their change-making remit.

This paper presents the transformations in the customary marriage processes, practices and gender relations among Lango in northern Uganda. The paper takes a qualitative approach using generational in-depth interviews with participants in the sub-counties of Lira and Ogur, Lira district northern Uganda. The findings indicate that marriage was a highly respected institution in Lango culture accomplished by the payment of bride wealth called ‘lim nyom’ but greatly transformed over time from material to monetary demand. The traditional marriage process was punctuated by eight designated sequential events and installment payment of the bride-wealth. However, this paper underlines that Lango customary marriage (‘Nyom tekwaro Lango’) has changed over time due to the rapid social, economic, cultural and traditional changes to match the socio-economic and ideological realities dictated by the globalization process. Core among the factors that have influenced and undermined Lango customary marriage is borrowing the alien value system to suit the contemporary social and economic changes. This paper argues that whereas it is important to adopt the new marriage principles and practices, the shift affects gender relations and thus it is worth retaining the significant valuable customary practices that knit family and community members.

In societies emerging from conflict, education plays an important part in instituting peace and reconciliation, and school leaders are key to this. This paper examines the complexity of school lead...

Whether foreign aid promotes or hinders democratic institutions has been debated with opposing views. This paper investigates short- and long-run effects of foreign aid on democratization in post-conflict Cambodia using autoregressive distributed lag bounds testing and Gregory–Hansen structural break testing approach for cointegration over 1980–2015 period. The findings reveal that net bilateral foreign aid per capita, aggregated and classified into purpose-based ‘governance aid’, ‘economic aid’, ‘other aid’ and ‘donor-specific aid’ from the US, EU, France, Australia and Japan, promote long-run democratization. In the short run, only governance and economic aid appear to have a consistent positive effect on democratization.

Purpose Rejecting building information modeling (BIM) can negatively impact the architectural, engineering and construction (AEC) industries. While BIM is trending globally, its implementation in post-conflict low-income economies is still limited. The purpose of this paper is to identify the critical factors for implementing BIM in a post-conflict low-income economy, using Afghanistan as a case study. Design/methodology/approach This study identifies potential affecting factors for BIM implementation through reviewing existing literature and interviewing AEC professionals in Afghanistan. Then, the factors are inserted into a questionnaire survey and disseminated with Afghanistan’s AEC practitioners. The collected data was analyzed to determine the critical factors. Also, the underlying relationships between the critical factors were established through factor analysis. Findings A total of 11 critical factors are affecting BIM implementation in Afghanistan. From those, nine factors can be grouped into the following three components: technological, environmental and organizational. Two factors, “cost-benefit of implementing BIM” and “market demand for BIM,” are recurring in low- and middle-income economies. Conversely, the “presence of appropriate projects to implement BIM” is the unique critical factor for Afghanistan that might affect other post-conflict low-income economies. Originality/value This study focuses on affecting factors for BIM implementation in post-conflict low-income economies, using Afghanistan as a reference rather than other types of economies that have been widely studied.

This paper attempts to disentangle the concept of security by exploring the duality between state security and societal security in post-conflict North Waziristan, Pakistan. The conceptual explicat...

This paper examines how three decades of civil conflict in Sri Lanka has impacted the perceptions of the accounting practitioners with regard to human rights (both during and post-conflict). Using the legitimacy lens in social accounting and the role of the state-supported accountancy body - Institute of Chartered Accountants Sr Lanka (CASL) human rights case is investigated. Specifically, the study’s scope is on rights and the degree of legitimacy formation for which accounting associations are accountable for human rights disclosure in a post-conflict environment in an emerging economy. The study interprets documentary evidence and a survey data that was administered among the members of the CASL. The findings reveal that the civil conflict had not hindered the accountants being in parallel with the legitimacy of social accounting notions adopted by the Western world in the disclosure of human rights. At the individual response level, they perceive that the accounting discipline as agents to promote human rights disclosure in business entities. Despite the fact, that this study has a low response rate, what is generalisable is an understanding of the processes and mechanisms which relate to the way the accountants perceived human rights by themselves. The practical implication indicates that urgent measures need to be undertaken to mainstream the legitimate human rights obligations of business entities since there is no one-size-fits-all strategy in a post-conflict environment. The social implication is that awareness of human rights issues, especially among the next generation of accountants is vital since this transformation would enable them not only to be technically competent but also to be ethical in a post-conflict environment. The study contributes to the literature on perceptions of human rights in a post-conflict environment from a social accounting perspective in an emerging economy.

Alcohol use remains a major public health concern among youths worldwide because of its deleterious effects on physical and mental health. This study aimed to investigate the prevalence and correla...

During the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, some individuals risked their lives to save others. While much research has analyzed why people rescue during genocide, no studies have systematically analyzed t...

Purpose. The purpose of this work is to analyze the existing composite reinforced concrete girder structures of bridges, determine their advantages and disadvantages, study of stress changes in the elements of the girder structure and its deflections caused by the coupling of metal beams and reinforced concrete roadway, the possibility of using these structures in post-conflict reconstruction. Methodology. Examination of the data covered in the literature. Studying the experience of design and construction of reinforced concrete girder structures of bridges in our country and abroad. Construction of the calculation model, its loading, change of thickness of a reinforced concrete plate, the analysis of results. Findings. The result of this work is collected data on the advantages and disadvantages of reinforced concrete girder structures of bridges under the railway, the impact on stress in the elements of the girder structure and on its vertical deflections by the joint work of metal beams and concrete slab, analysis of the possibility of using such girders for fast resumption of train traffic. Originality. It lies in that for the rapid and high-quality restoration of destroyed transport infrastructure, including railways, it is proposed to use metal beams of long-term storage (mobilization reserve), which are made on standard projects in the middle of last century, combined with reinforced concrete slab included in joint work, thereby obtaining composite reinforced concrete girder structures. This will allow rational use of the available reserve of materials, high recovery rates and reliable recovery of train traffic. Practical value. Based on the obtained data, it is possible to conclude that the method of combining the long-term stored metal beams and reinforced concrete slabs of the carriageway increases the load-bearing capacity of the obtained girder structures, so the use of these structures can ensure the effective restoration of war-torn railway structures in a short time.

Local and environmental governance is crucial for contending with the complex problems of land-use systems and socio-ecological conflicts that bedevil progress toward sustainable development. The community-based governance (CBG) framework is a practical instrument designed to identify collective problems, source the appropriate institutions and articulate joint solutions. It uses community perspectives to construct local and environmental governance models. Through a literature review, two expert workshops and 37 applied questionnaires, a bottom-up CBG model that could enhance environmental and local governance in a post-conflict era for two Colombian administrative departments is developed. Strengthening law enforcement, supporting sustainable land-use systems and promoting education are integral to a participatory-led approach to socio-ecological conflict prevention and resolution. The results are instructive for other communities and regions facing persistent conflict.

Disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) processes will often dismantle the command-and-control structures of non-state armed groups (NSAGs) to prevent possible remobilization. Recent s...

A great deal of research has shown that current conflicts are in fact recurrences of past conflicts. While some studies focused on underlying causes of these conflicts, political leaders’ inclusive...

The construction of victimhood after conflict is contentious and relies in part upon public recognition. This article argues that humanitarian and stabilization actors often provide this recognitio...

Where do newly formed rebel parties run their candidates for local elections? Most work on rebel parties examines the factors that explain rebel party success on the national level. However, few st...

Wildfires have increased in protected areas (PAs) of the Colombian Amazon following the 2016 peace agreement between the Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forced of Colombia (FARC—Spanish acronym). Recent study efforts to understand this issue suffer from data scarcity and limited consultation of local stakeholder perspectives on factors affecting wildfires. This study uses a social–ecological systems framework to investigate local perceptions of factors driving and/or preventing wildfires in the Los Picachos, La Macarena and Tinigua PAs, which are shared by two Amazonian departments experiencing wildfire increase. Four stakeholder categories were selected to represent varied and possibly conflicting interests: cattle ranchers, the national park service, local authorities and cross‐sectional stakeholders. We combined a participative mapping approach with interviews to illustrate stakeholder perceptions of interactions between key variables in graphical causal models. Network analyses were used to determine areas of agreement on key variables, and to compare local priorities with those of key informants at the national level. Local stakeholders and key informants widely agreed on the roles of extensive cattle ranching and land grabbing as key drivers of wildfires. The analysis identified areas for further research into wildfire occurrence within PAs. These include lack of governance and untitled land, as well as the effects of poor access to basic public services on unsustainable ranching methods. This study revealed contested opinions between ranchers and other stakeholders over interactions between ranching, roads and illicit crops, and consequently their effects on wildfire occurrence. This indicates the need for cautious implementation of the National Development Plan, prioritising road maintenance over expansion, integrating arable alternatives to cattle ranching and considering multiple stakeholders in regional decision‐making around wildfire reduction. The strengths and limitations of the participative mapping approach employed here are discussed with a view to aiding decision‐making in post‐conflict regions of the Global South.

This study discusses the role of ex-combatant parties in advocating post-conflict women by using the Aceh Party case study. Aceh Party is one of the parties that transformed the struggle movement from the armed movement into a political party movement through general elections. The ex-combatant party was formed by post-conflict combatants after peace negotiations. The ex-combatant party which later became the case study material in this study was the ex-combatant party (Aceh Party) in Aceh. The presence of ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process has a different reception towards the equality discourse of women in the participation and representation of public spaces, especially representation in politics. The Aceh Party has a tendency for women only as a formality to fulfill a 30 percent quota, without involving women seriously in political matters. This certainly can be seen how the party programs tend to be gender biased. The purpose of this study is to look at the phenomenon of the presence of post-conflict ex-combatant parties as part of the democratization process in providing advocacy for women. Through this research with a qualitative approach both sourced from primary and secondary data by tracing various literature, documents, and other supporting materials.

The office of political party leader remains one that women rarely occupy. In the largest comparative study of party leadership to date, only 10.8% were women. One region which has made significant advances in this area is Northern Ireland. Since 2015, the two largest parties, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party, have experienced a rapid feminisation of their leadership. Such a development is particularly remarkable given Northern Ireland’s historically poor record on gender equality. This article explores the puzzle of gendered leadership change in Northern Ireland to reveal that the transition was primarily facilitated through the parties’ informal practices rather than embedded structural change. In doing so, it demonstrates the relative importance of party- and system-level factors on women’s political presence. As a power-sharing democracy, this case also provides comparative insights for those interested in addressing persistently low levels of female representation in post-conflict settings.

Post-conflict North Waziristan is experiencing a fundamental shift in the political and economic environment at a very fast pace. This paper examines the complex political economy of post-conflict North Waziristan to assess factors promoting sustainable peace in the region. It identifies the multi-pronged official strategy that is significantly contributing to the transformation of the political and economic environment in the post-conflict setting. These steps include inter alia effective border management to counter illicit trafficking and cross-border terrorism, security sector reforms, improving the mechanism of governance, and diversifying ‘formal’ economic opportunities. The analysis suggests that post-conflict North Waziristan exhibits considerable improvements towards establishing and promoting conditions that are pivotal for sustainable peace.

This article explores the challenges and opportunities presented for the teaching and practice of public history in a post-conflict society that remains deeply divided over its past. It examines some of the negative ways in which history is used in the public arena, but also the potential of public history initiatives for building a more cohesive and forward-looking society. It examines how students can use the rich cultural landscape of Northern Ireland and engage with a wide range of experienced practitioners to learn more about the ways in which history divides; how we can negotiate these divisions over interpretations; how different communities understand, represent, and engage with their past; and why this matters.

Este articulo se enfoca en la poesia salvadorena-americana que explora el trauma nacional de guerra y desplazamiento de los salvadorenos. En esta poesia, el trauma de la guerra evoluciona para convertirse en un trauma del pos-conflicto y pos-migracion que pide reconciliacion con memorias de la guerra y con un presente violento e inestable. Analizo poemas de Jorge Argueta (1961), William Archila (1968) y Javier Zamora (1990), tres poetas nacidos en El Salvador e inmigrantes a los EEUU. Estudios sobre el trauma y la reconciliacion en sociedades de pos-conflicto enmarcan mi analisis de una poesia que excava y reconstruye a los muertos de una diaspora salvadorena que no se ha reconciliado con su trauma.

The text presents the results of the external evaluation of the project: ‘Community Radio for Peace and Coexistence’ (CRPC), implemented between 2015 and 2017 by the community media network RESANDE...

How do policing institutions affect the prospects for peace in post-conflict settings? We present a principal-agent theoretical framework to explain how the institutional design of policing affects the recurrence of civil conflict. We argue that the fragmentation of police forces can reignite conflict dynamics by impeding coordinated action, undermining information sharing, and enabling agents to pursue their own interests. We test these expectations with the Police Force Organization Dataset (PFOD) on police forces in over 100 developing states. Our empirical analyses show that increasing the number of distinct police forces is systematically associated with an increased risk of conflict recurrence in post-conflict states. We also find that a larger number of police forces is associated with more abuse against civilian populations in post-conflict states, setting the stage for new grievances that may undermine peace.

This article explores how the concept of military service develops in the post-conflict society of Cyprus (RoC), following its accession to the European Union (EU). It is based on an exhaustive ser...