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The article explores the relationship between political norms, legitimacy, and democracy through a radical realist lens, focusing on the establishment of politics and the deepening of democracy. It critiques Bernard Williams' concept of a "basic legitimation demand" and argues that the establishment of politics does not necessarily encompass the conditions for deepening democracy. The authors suggest that elite forbearance and acquiescence of the relatively powerless are key factors in politics, challenging the idea that legitimacy is the universal objective of politics. The article also discusses the implications of de-politicization and de-democratization in the current "crises of democracy." [Extracted from the article]

"Reconstruction Revisionism Revisited" by Manisha Sinha in Reviews in American History delves into the complexities of defining and understanding the Reconstruction era in American history. Sinha challenges traditional narratives and offers a new perspective on Reconstruction, emphasizing the agency of Black people, the struggle for interracial democracy, and the interconnected reconstructions of democracy, capitalism, women's rights, and the West. The text highlights the ongoing scholarly debate surrounding Reconstruction, its impact on American society, and its relevance to contemporary challenges to democracy and racial equality. [Extracted from the article]

Contrary to the dominant narrative of the historical formation of democracy in Denmark, which emphasises a smooth and gradual linear transition to democracy and modernity, this paper accentuates a discontinuous and contentious road towards democratisation. Based on quantitative and qualitative sources, this article identifies four major waves of popular mobilisation that paved the way for the introduction and expansion of political rights. The first wave of popular protest began in the 1830s and culminated in 1848 with the fall of absolutism and the transition to constitutional monarchy. The next protest wave from 1885 to 1887 arose from the so‐called 'constitutional struggle' and mobilised hundreds of thousands of ordinary Danes and contributed to the nationalisation and parliamentarisation of the political system. The third wave unfolded around the end of the Second World War, while the hitherto last wave of popular struggle erupted in 1968 with the youth rebellion. The analysis shows that 'democracy' was the central issue of contention in all four protest waves and supports the main thesis that periods of intense interaction between popular protest and the state have had a decisive formative influence on the genesis and further development of Danish democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Brunei's state formation and development from 1906 until 2023 to demonstrate the hybridization and reformulation of subjecthood and citizenship within the last absolute monarchy in the Asia-Pacific region. The absence of active political parties and calls for a representative government has led most scholars to portray Bruneians as passive subjects of the Sultan. Such a portrayal is inaccurate; Bruneians are both citizens and subjects. The article thus introduces a new category of political membership based on synthesized ideas of subjecthood and citizenship, termed here, "civic subjecthood." This coexistence is only possible as a result of the British residential system, which was established in the Bruneian Sultanate at the beginning of the twentieth century. The British resident initially created a dual-state apparatus – consisting of the traditional negara and the modern state – to keep the façade of indigenous rule in Brunei. However, the Sultan of Brunei and the traditional ruling class eventually took control of both apparatuses after abolishing the residential system in September 1959. Both apparatuses function to this day, allowing for the coexistence of subjecthood and citizenship in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral control refers to attacking elections by adding, deleting, or partitioning voters or candidates. Hemaspaandra, Hemaspaandra, and Menton recently discovered, for seven pairs (T, T ′ ) of seemingly distinct standard electoral control types, that T and T ′ are in practice identical: For each input I and each election system E, I is a “yes” instance of both T and T ′ under E, or of neither. Surprisingly, this had previously gone undetected even as the field was score-carding how many standard control types various election systems were resistant to; various “different” cells on such score cards were, unknowingly, duplicate effort on the same issue. This naturally raises the worry that perhaps other pairs of control types are identical, and so work still is being needlessly duplicated. We completely determine, for all standard control types, which pairs are, for elections whose votes are linear orderings of the candidates, always identical. In particular, we prove that no identical control pairs exist beyond the known seven. We also for three central election systems completely determine which control pairs are identical (“collapse”) with respect to those particular election systems, and we also explore containment and incomparability relationships between control pairs. For approval voting, which has a different “type” for its votes, Hemaspaandra, Hemaspaandra, and Menton’s seven collapses still hold (since we observe that their argument applies to all election systems). However, we find 14 additional collapses that hold for approval voting but do not hold for some election systems whose votes are linear orderings of the candidates. We find one new collapse for veto elections and none for plurality. We prove that each of the three election systems mentioned have no collapses other than those inherited from Hemaspaandra, Hemaspaandra, and Menton or added in the present paper. We establish many new containment relationships between separating control pairs, and for each separating pair of standard control types classify its separation in terms of either containment (always, and strict on some inputs) or incomparability. Our work, for the general case and these three important election systems, clarifies the landscape of the 44 standard control types, for each pair collapsing or separating them, and also providing finer-grained information on the separations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research on Indigenous educational policies (IEPs) in the postcolonial histories of Colombia and Mexico focuses on: 1) identifying key normative concepts encoded in IEPs adopted in national policymaking, 2) analyzing how the evolution of normative concepts relates to political tensions between state, Indigenous, and international actors, and 3) discussing how the evolution of IEPs expose achievements and obstacles to decolonial struggles to advance Indigenous rights and pluriversal knowledges. A critical discourse analysis of laws and regulations adopted between1820 and 2020 in Mexico and Colombia shows a gradual and conflictive recognition of cultural and political rights, most recently through normative concepts like bilingualism, biculturalism, interculturalism, autonomy, and self-determination. These discursive shifts have operated, however, against the backdrop of ongoing political struggles of Indigenous peoples to demand that nation-states implement the agreements and principles enacted. This history of IEPs thus illuminates continuing tensions between the semiotic and material conditions of Indigenous communities as well as emerging practices of resistance and organization that may carry implications for further policy development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores Alain Locke's value theory in relation to his defense of beauty in the 1920's "beauty vs. propaganda" debate. Animated by a pragmatic commitment to resolving real-life value conflicts many theories of valuation—including those proposed by Ralph Barton Perry and John Dewey—explored the question of whether values can be formed beyond interest and whether they can be arranged in a single hierarchy and compared. Locke turned to transvaluation—changes in value category—as a potential resolution for real-life value conflicts. This essay examines how Locke's philosophical work as a value theorist can be brought in relation to his other forays into African American cultural politics: mainly his unremitting defense of beauty and cultural production even in the face of more urgent imperatives like civil and political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cultural heritage is one of the manifestations of cultural rights. Therefore, its protection should be analyzed in the field of cultural rights. The Human Rights Council acknowledged in its Commentary to Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) that the logic of protecting the rights of members of linguistic, ethnic, and religious minorities is a collective one and that these rights cannot be realistically secured on the individual level. The same logic applies with regard to the human right to have access to and enjoy cultural heritage, as this article examines. Therefore, the main concern of this article is the seemingly collective nature of cultural rights. The recognition of the collective character of much, if not most, Intangible cultural heritage and of the related cultural rights inevitably raises the question of traditional cultural practices that are important to the collective but that individual members view as discriminatory. In this article, this evolution in human rights thinking is examined as well as the challenges associated with ascribing a collective character to such rights. As a result, cultural negotiation is suggested as a solution to adjust and solve the mentioned challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the notion of a 'morally equipped' childhood and adolescence, and how such a notion can help us get a fresh perspective on the relation between young people's participation and empowerment, and the formation of personal and the collective moral repertoires of modern society. Utilising a mixed-methods approach inspired by the sociology of conventions (SC) and the sociology of regimes of engagement (SRE), we analyse letters to the editor of the Norwegian children's newspaper Aftenposten Junior, to investigate the formats of children's generalised moral arguments. We demonstrate that our informants exhibit a broad moral sensibility in the letters we have analysed, particularly showing keen engagement with issues related to civic rights. We discuss the young participants' expressions in the light of convention theory. We make a case for how becoming 'morally equipped' could be understood as being able to engage, challenge, and articulate the tensions and negotiations between personal formats of daily experiences and interactions, and collective formats, such as public expressions, throughout childhood and adolescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the limitations associated with the basic classification of human rights into several categories. The topic of whether international trends have an impact on the view of the State regarding the significance of implementing rights through the acceptance of individual complaint procedures is complex. Starting with an acknowledgment of the infinite extent of the issue, this paper displays a belief in the fallacious conceptions of differences in human rights. It investigates and assesses the institutional contribution to the advancement of human rights through a chronological analysis of historical processes that give rise to changes in the 20th century. To address this particular distinction, this paper examines the 1993 Vienna Declaration and Program of Action and the new Optional Protocol for validation and endorsement. By highlighting many similarities in the language and nature of State responsibilities, it challenges the reader to consider whether non-justiciability provides a basis in the first place. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the function of dispute resolution mechanisms during the implementation phase. From a practical standpoint, it compels the reader to contemplate if the committee procedures outlined in international conventions serve just as symbolic representations of non-cooperation by States or are put into effect. This paper ultimately presents the reader with some thought-provoking material in the dichotomy between enforcement and justiciability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, drawing on Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and embracing the decentring agenda in European Union (EU) external relations, discusses the substance of human rights promotion in the negotiations of the Samoa Agreement. It documents how the EU has concentrated on civil and political rights, whereas Africa has advanced an innovative approach to economic, social and cultural rights underpinned by the right to development. More importantly, going beyond the 'heaven–hell binary', which draws neat lines between the good North and the bad South, and the 'one‐way traffic paradigm', which claims that human rights flow from the North to the South, it shows that the human rights corpus may be slowly evolving from its paradigmatic western orientation towards a truly universal project: the EU and Africa have started recognising each other as being holders of diverse yet legitimate perspectives on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism, a federal policy that emphasises cultural, social, and political rights for ethnic minorities in Canada, is a crucial aspect of immigrant life. Concurrently with the implementation of multiculturalism by the federal government, Canada adopted bilingualism as its official language policy. Although the primary motivation for this policy was to protect the French language and culture, it holds significant relevance for immigrants, especially those residing in Francophone-dominant areas such as Quebec. Despite the importance of these policies to immigrant life, few studies have explored immigrants’ perspectives on both federal policies. Addressing this gap, the present study examines the lived experiences of six adult Chinese immigrants who arrived in Canada and obtained permanent residency or Canadian citizenship after 2010. Through narrative inquiry, this research shares participants’ stories to explore how recent adult Chinese immigrants understand Canadian multiculturalism and bilingualism. Taking a critical stance on multiculturalism and bilingualism, this study examines, discusses and interprets the lived experiences of its participants with the goal to confront issues of inequality, privilege, and power dynamics. The findings reveal that Chinese immigrants’ understanding of multiculturalism and bilingualism is shaped by their personal experiences with both policies. Participants leverage their experiential knowledge of multiculturalism and bilingualism to navigate their new lives in Canada. Although participants voice some concerns about these policies, they also presented nuanced perspectives and opinions on both federal policies. These perspectives not only enrich the literature on Canadian multiculturalism and bilingualism, but also highlight Chinese immigrants’ desire for integration in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Amid Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state, leaving the human rights implications of Ukraine's martial law on civilians largely unexamined. This article highlights the ways Ukraine's travel restriction on "battle-aged" civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups: civilian men, families (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals. It then demonstrates that wartime policies such as this one are at odds with several areas of international human rights and humanitarian law: the right to freedom of movement, the right to conscientious objection, and the principle of respect for family life—all of which are meant to be implemented without discrimination on basis of gender. We conclude this type of gender-based law is not justified according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights' rules on derogation in time of national emergencies and emerging customary law and should receive greater attention by the human rights community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies to date on the political and institutional determinants of life satisfaction have been constrained by country sample size and timeframe. The Gallup World Poll now provides extensive coverage of countries and a long enough timeframe to allow for meaningful within-country evaluations as democratic performance ebbs and flows over time. Using these updated data, the analysis reveals that common measures of level of democracy focused on political rights and competitive elections appear unrelated to life satisfaction with a worldwide sample. Breaking down the quality of democracy into process and delivery using the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators also reveals no relationship. However, when the six indicators are tested individually, higher levels of government effectiveness in particular are related to more positive life evaluations using two-way fixed effects models and a variety of robustness checks. These findings provide additional understanding about the relationship between democratic performance and life satisfaction around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a special issue of the Hague Journal on the Rule of Law focusing on populism, democracy, and the rule of law in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The issue originated from a conference on Democratic Constitutionalism in the Age of Populism, where scholars and graduate students gathered to discuss the impact of populist movements on democracy and the rule of law. The special issue includes articles that examine the rise of populism in CEE countries, particularly Hungary and Poland, and its implications for constitutionalism and the rule of law. The articles explore topics such as constitutional justice, the operation of constitutional courts, electoral law, informal checks on political authority, eternity clauses, and the relationship between democracy and the rule of law. The issue aims to contribute to the understanding of the challenges faced by constitutional democracy and provide insights into ways of addressing these challenges. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, the paid withdrawal of rural homesteads has become a widely discussed topic within the academic community. However, from the perspective of protecting farmers' rights and interests, literature exploring the impact of this policy's implementation remains scarce. As the reform of the separation of the three rights of the homestead deepens, disputes related to paid withdrawal of homesteads have escalated rapidly. This study aims to highlight the importance of protecting farmers' rights and interests, seeking to enhance their property rights and revitalize unused rural resources. Employing a case study methodology, this study systematically examines the issue of farmers' rights and interests protection during homestead withdrawal. This analysis is based on the survey, collection, and evaluation of 324 judicial cases. The findings reveal the following: (1) Disputes involving paid withdrawal of homesteads encompass the entire withdrawal process, with the majority of conflicts arising during the withdrawal stage. (2) Prior to withdrawal, farmers express heightened concern regarding their political rights, particularly the right to be informed and to participate in withdrawal decisions. (3) During the withdrawal process, farmers prioritize resettlement and compensation rights. Additionally, novel issues such as the allocation of withdrawal compensation surface after farmers receive resettlement and compensation benefits. (4) After withdrawal, farmers anticipate more suitable "alternative" social rights and remedies. Based on these findings, this study presents policy recommendations for realizing farmers' rights and interests in the context of paid withdrawal of rural homesteads. These suggestions include consistently respecting farmers' autonomy and preserving their political rights throughout the withdrawal procedure. During the withdrawal stage, emphasis should be placed on the comprehensive value of resettlement compensation, encompassing both the residential and social security aspects of rural homesteads. Post-withdrawal, farmers' social rights and the development rights of their homesteads ought to be fully guaranteed, ensuring a harmonious balance between farmers' immediate and long-term interests. Furthermore, optimizing the dispute resolution mechanism stands as a pivotal aspect of safeguarding farmers' rights and interests through legal recourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political empowerment possesses significant potential to facilitate the realization of economic inclusion by allowing marginalized groups to make claims on the state in the pursuit of justice and equality. This is particularly promising for individuals engaged in informal economic activity. Cape Town, South Africa, is in many ways a model for this idea: following its post-apartheid democratization process, governments at the local, provincial, and national levels officially recognize the value of informality and have adopted policies to support it. Yet persistent forms of exclusion for those who engage in informal economic activity remain. This article examines why this is the case. In doing so, it explores the forms of marginalization experienced by migrant and non-migrant workers in the Cape Town’s informal food economy and highlights the importance of three factors in explaining why democratization has not translated into greater inclusion: (1) the contours of inequality in the city; (2) the nature of local and national party politics; and (3) the specific dynamics that surround migration and informality. When seeking to translate institutional change into more inclusive forms of development, it emphasizes the importance of paying attention to both open democratic structures and processes and the forms of politics that fill them.

The article "Experimentalist Constitutions: Subnational Policy Innovations in China, India, and the United States by Yueduan Wang" published in Publius: The Journal of Federalism discusses how federal systems like those in China, India, and the United States allow for subnational policy experimentation while also maintaining central government control. The author, Yueduan Wang, compares the history of policy experimentation in these countries, highlighting the role of constitutional structures and factional infighting in shaping subunit policies. The book emphasizes the importance of understanding the interplay between central and subnational governments in fostering or restricting policy experimentation. Wang's analysis sheds light on the complexities of governance in these countries and offers valuable insights for researchers interested in comparative federalism and multilevel governance. [Extracted from the article]

"Beauty is in the Street: Protest and Counterculture in Post-War Europe" by Joachim Häberlen is a comprehensive study of protest and countercultural activism in Europe since 1945. The book covers a wide range of topics, including early countercultural movements, left-wing terrorism, urban activism, and alternative living practices. Häberlen emphasizes the transformative potential of activism while also acknowledging its negative aspects, such as oppressive hierarchies and coercive practices. The book provides valuable insights for readers interested in post-1945 social history and protest movements in Europe. [Extracted from the article]

The public servant’s exercise of political rights is not absolutely like this, but rather a set of determinants derived from the legislation at times, and from the subjectivity of the public function at other times, and the determination of such determinants does not aim to ban political rights, but rather to place the exercise of these rights in its correct framework compatible with job duties, so it is Either they are fixed by legal texts, or they are derived from the nature of the public job, and these restrictions are imposed on all public officials, but in a relative manner according to the type of job, and the employee’s rank in the levels of the administrative ladder. And others, neglecting the duty of presidential obedience and not disclosing job secrets, so it was necessary to state who the employee is and then clarify the determinants imposed by legal texts

This article, one of a series of three papers, analyzes citizen participation in housing programs in Venezuela, focusing on the Gran Misión Vivienda Venezuela (GMVV). In this second installment, it highlights the importance of establishing an active relationship between the between the State and society, promoting spaces of participation that guarantee the social, civil and political social, civil and political rights of the beneficiary citizens. A qualitative approach, we analyze their role in decision-making and in the management of community projects, as well as the importance of the various spaces and mechanisms for participation identified, which foster a sense of coresponsibility. In the urban development Ciudad Socialista Belén, which is home to approximately 3,700 families, the inhabitants have access to services in a variety of areas, as a result of the collaboration collaboration between community leaders and local authorities. However, challenges can be identified, which would be worth while to address and to be addressed and solved. In this sense, the article concludes that, in order to achieve effective participation, a joint commitment between the State, social organizations and citizens is essential, ensuring organizations and citizens, ensuring that the voice of the citizenry is fundamental in the formulation of th the voice of the citizenry is fundamental in the formulation of public policies that respond to their needs respond to their needs. By virtue of this, active participation not only guarantees rights, but also promotes a leading role for citizens in the construction of a more equitable and just society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the legal issue of women’s political (under)representation in the Croatian Parliament from the independence of the Republic of Croatia to the present day, with a special focus on the ineffectiveness of electoral gender quotas as positive measures to increase the number of women in parliament. Namely, Croatia is the only country in the European Union that introduced electoral gender quotas by law, after which it recorded a serious decrease in the number of women in parliament. The Gender Equality Act in 2008 and Act on the Election of the Members of the Croatian Parliament (amendments 2015) prescribes 40 % quotas for each gender. However, not only did these quotas fail to achieve the expected result, but unexpectedly, the number of women parliamentarians in Croatia even decreased after their introduction. For every modern legal state and democratic society, it is very important to understand how electoral gender quotas work and how they can positively affect the representation of women in political decision-making. Care should be taken in determining what legislative solutions and political activities should be undertaken to increase the number of women in parliaments. The article begins by addressing the definition and terminological challenges associated with basic terms, and then proceeds to offer an overview and analysis of positive legal regulations on electoral gender quotas and equality within the legal system of Croatia. Furthermore, the article provides an analysis of the number of women in the Croatian Parliament across all previous parliamentary elections from the country’s independence to the present day. In conclusion, it proposes a thorough and effective redefinition and redesign of existing solutions for electoral gender quotas, advocating for concrete measures and activities aimed at increasing the number of female parliamentarians in the Croatian Parliament. Although this research topic has predominantly been explored by political scientists in Croatian academia, it is also a legal matter. Given the lack of research in the field of law, this article aims to address this gap in legal science. In addition to employing standard scientific methods common in the scientific field of law, quantitative scientific methods are also used in the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critique of both homogenizing and vertical power runs through the Zapatista social project in Chiapas, Mexico, lending a distinctive character to both Zapatismo's political vision of self-governance and to the educational vision of its community schools. Zapatismo's critical practices may thus offer valuable contributions to antifascist praxis and pedagogy. This paper considers anti/fascism through a micropolitical lens, focusing on two prevailing tendencies: binarization of power relations and homogenization of identities. It then suggests that Zapatista practices undermine microfascist tendencies in social-political life through subversion of command relationships, plural identification, critique of representation and safeguarding of alterity. The paper concludes by tracing the manner in which a critique of state schooling within Chiapas's indigenous communities has led to the development of Zapatista autonomous schools, examining ways in which these schools refuse totalization and prefigure community autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the concept of freedom has been appropriated by the far right to impose a number of authoritarian policies designed to dismantle the critical functions of public and higher education. It explores, in particular, the ways in which Florida Republican Governor Ron DeSantis has used an appeal to freedom to punish critics, wage a war on trans people, misrepresent the history of slavery, and impose a new version of McCarthyism on higher education. It challenges what it terms neoliberal and fascist notions of freedom by making clear that democracy and capitalism are incompatible, and that any viable notion of freedom must address not only personal and political rights but also economic rights. Freedom from domination must be matched by a freedom to live in a world marked by the principles of justice, equality, and dignity. There is no freedom in the midst of massive inequalities in wealth, power, and education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rights of civilians during times of armed conflicts and wars must be maintained and must not be violated or encroached upon. Objectives: The current study aims to: )1( Clarifying the situation of civilians during armed conflicts throughout history. (2) Identifying the types of rights of civilians in times of armed conflicts. (3) Specifying the political and social rights of civilians during armed conflicts in Islamic Fiqh and international law. Methodology: The present study employs the descriptive method that is based on analysis while borrowing from both the deductive and inductive methods. Findings: The study at hand arrived at the following: (1) Islamic Fiqh established civilians’ rights during wars and armed conflicts including political and social rights. (2) Islamic Fiqh has precedence when it comes to the rights of civilians during such times, compared to International Law. (3) The application and maintenance of civilians’ rights during such times is considered a form of worship bringing Muslims closer to their Lord. (4) The text of International Law and the application thereof is subject to the fluctuations of political interests of major powers, international power balance and the hegemony of superpowers. Conclusion: Islam has precedence when it comes to the establishment of civilian rights during armed conflicts over International Law with regard to the same issue; moreover, Islam is superior to International Law in terms of the application of such rights and holding to account anyone that breaches or encroaches upon these rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Taiwan's robust democratic system and the challenges it faces in maintaining its democratic values amid increasing external pressures. Topics include the resilience of Taiwan's democracy in the face of growing authoritarianism, the impact of populism and racialization, and the implications of digital surveillance for privacy and public safety.

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social media platforms have played a significant role in recent elections in the U.S. and other democracies. While Facebook and Twitter (now renamed X) claimed that they are "on a journey to connect the world," to serve the goals of reforms and to bring about more democracy, their platforms have been effectively used to spread lies, misinformation, and disinformation which led some analysts to argue that we now live in a post-truth world and that the Orwellian dystopia is upon us. This paper is an attempt to assess whether big tech companies have created an Orwellian state in the U.S. We argue that the idiom of the Orwellian dystopia has been misused by scholars, commentators, and politicians on the political left as well as the political right. Our analysis of social media, especially Facebook, shows that the social media companies are not intentionally trying to subvert American democracy. Instead, as a business, they are driven by a profit motive and the logic of "surveillance capitalism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is an examination of war propaganda and correspondents in concomitance with the 1948 Resolution 217A of the UN Covenant prohibiting war propaganda under the rubric of media ethics and the applicable principles and guidelines. The thematic internal contradictions of war propaganda and the intentional or unintentional disregard for ethical news analysis, coverage, reportage, and objectivity are examined. The United Nations' International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits war propaganda. This qualitative study calls for the continuation of compelling scholarship to advance human rights to live in peace and constructive social change through serious ethical application and consideration in the coverage and reportage of war. Four of the objectives of this study are to (i) promote an update of the 1948 Resolution 217A of the UN Covenant prohibiting war propaganda; (ii) re-emphasize the necessity for media ethics in belligerent and non-aggressive theaters; (iii) address some of the internal conflicts in media ethics' principles of universality; and (iv) contribute to the literature on war propaganda, human rights to live in peace, and media ethics. The study is significant because there is the need for a dispassionate, objective and scholarly examination of the phenomenon at a time of crises across the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for association and cooperation in its primary forms is existentially determined, embedded in the human psyche and morality before it becomes a rationally realized expediency and long before it becomes a right. The right of association is a fundamental right referred to in the group of political rights and freedoms, economic rights, and personal rights. This right combines the liberal idea of individual freedom with the collectivist idea of uniting the efforts of more people to achieve certain goals; exercising the right of association is an expression of free will. The principle of solidarity is exploited by hegemonic state doctrines and governments – communitarian, totalitarian, religious-fundamentalist, nationalist, modernizations, which call for the solidarity of tolerating restrictions, the renunciation of freedom in the name of certain collective goals, as well as in the doctrines and practices of revolutionary violence. The Code of Administrative Procedure provides wide participation of organizations in the various proceedings, both before the administration and in judicial administrative cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text provides an overview of the Arctic Council, its purpose, and its composition. It discusses the role of the Council in managing international relations, promoting environmental research, and incorporating the voices of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic region. The text also explores different theories of international relations and their application to the Arctic Council, as well as the challenges of including non-state actors in international institutions. It presents a lesson plan that involves a role-play simulation of an Arctic Council meeting to further explore these concepts. Additionally, the text discusses a hypothetical scenario in which China seeks full membership in the Arctic Council, encouraging students to research and debate the role of non-Arctic states in the region. The simulation exercise aims to develop students' research, presentation, and collaboration skills while deepening their understanding of geopolitics and international relations. [Extracted from the article]

Cognitive linguistics, as a newly established method for the study of language that emerged in the 1970s, focuses on the study of general cognitive abilities and conceptual processes of human beings. With the development of society, many new lexical items and concepts emerge, and they all need to be encoded in the form of language expression. An economical and practical way is to give a word multiple meaning. Based on the prototypical theory of cognitive linguistics, this paper analyzed the semantic network and semantic distribution of the polysemous word "power." Fourteen senses of "power" used as nouns were collected from the Oxford Advanced English-Chinese Dictionary (9th Edition), and connections between different senses were explored by analyzing the semantic features. Meanwhile, 100 sentences containing "power" were randomly extracted from the BNC corpus to figure out the distribution of different senses. It was found that the prototypical sense and extended senses of "power" revealed the characteristics of family resemblance, and extended senses centered on the prototypical sense and extended radially outward. Among the 14 senses of "power," the sense of "political right" is the most commonly used, while the senses of "multiplication" and "deity" are rarely used. Finally, some suggestions on the teaching of polyseme are put forward hopefully to offer valuable guidance for English learners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 21st century, new means of information and communication technologies have become an important tool for many countries in terms of expanding political rights and freedoms, forming a rule-of-law state, and achieving the ideals of a democratic society. The paper aims to study trends and carry out a qualitative assessment of the interdependence of the media and social platforms and political culture of citizens of three Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. This work aims to fill the existing theoretical gap regarding the issues of mutual influence of political culture and media in the states above. The study reveals the factors of public political participation in the three countries examined through the prism of comparing indicators of public participation in political processes in the context of the development and emergence of new types of media and social network platforms. The paper analyses the essential features of each country’s development of democratic institutions and civil dialogue, considering the role of traditional media and social networks as implementation tools. Based on the experience of the three countries examined, the results of the study give reason to say that the media (including social networks and media platforms) do not have a decisive influence on the formation of political culture. Transformation processes in the sphere above of these countries are fragmentary, affecting to a greater extent issues of individual perception of political processes, as a rule, without significant external manifestation. The findings of the study provide grounds to assert that the theoretical comprehension of political culture in the examined countries is scarcely distinguishable from the concept of political awareness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses Jimmy Carter's foreign policy approach and legacies in the Middle East. Carter, despite limited foreign policy experience, focused on promoting human rights, advocating for Palestinian rights, and seeking a comprehensive resolution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. His administration achieved the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty but fell short of broader peace goals. Carter's post-presidency continued to emphasize Middle East issues, particularly advocating for Palestinian political rights. The article highlights Carter's challenges with American Jewish support, his clash with Israeli leaders, and the lasting impacts of his policies in the region. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the often-overlooked classification processes employed by courts in employment and labor law. Topics include the examination of the different classifications and exclusions of workers such as volunteers; a proposed framework for a narrower set of preconditions to enhance the consistency and predictability of labor laws; and the three suggested preconditions for employment status, which focus on the benefit to the employer.

The article discusses the pivotal year of 1976 in the history of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT). Topics include the founding and impact of TDU as a grassroots movement aimed at enhancing union democracy, the legal history of TDU in relation to federal labor law and the Labor-Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA), and the broader implications of rank-and-file activism in promoting transparency and accountability in labor unions.

"The Colonial Constitution" by Arghya Sengupta delves into the historical and legal origins of the Indian Constitution, emphasizing its colonial roots and the impact on society. The book challenges the notion of the Indian Constitution as a holy text, suggesting it retains colonial characteristics. Sengupta explores the Constitution's transformative qualities while critiquing its limitations in protecting individual liberties. The author raises questions about the need for constitutional renewal and the role of majoritarianism in shaping new constitutional values, making it a crucial read for those interested in law, politics, or history. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal is the property of Humanities & Educational Sciences Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dixi is the property of Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The French Revolution and the changes in Europe in the first half of the 19th century increasingly called into question the caste order, under which only a small percentage of society could enjoy freedoms, including not only political but also private and criminal rights. Based on Western European ideas followed by the legal fight of brave Hungarians, in 1848, Hungary almost got its constitution in the form of 31 Acts, called the Hungarian April Laws. Among others, those Acts consisted of the issues of equality of rights, political rights, freedom of the press, freedom of religion and academic freedom. Freedoms that, after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the Hungarian Parliament went back to and built a reform era on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Group from 'Viata romineasca': A Literature of Space and Community" by Maricica Munteanu is a book that delves into the literary circle that formed around the journal Viata romineasca from 1906 to 1930. The author examines the interactions among the members of the circle, their resistance against the dominant culture, and the significance of space in shaping their identity. This book offers valuable insights into the study of literary circles in Romania and their connection to community and space. Additionally, the text briefly discusses the Foreword and Introduction of another book that explores Moldavian identity, as well as the political context surrounding the establishment of an airship airfield near Timisoara during the First World War in the Balkan area. It also touches upon the perspective on the relationship between a literary group and space. [Extracted from the article]