Search

This paper argues that reconsidering the disciplinary significance of the geographies of crime is timely. It has three aims. First, it identifies recent developments in the geographical study of crime, arguing that they both challenge and extend its intellectual traditions. Second, using the example of cybercrime, it identifies new forms of crime that deserve scrutiny by geographers. Third, it draws on ideas of Southern criminology to identify how research agendas can be diversified to advance how geographers study crime. In doing so it proposes that geographers' renewed interest in crime over recent decades is appropriately labelled 'new geographies of crime'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate whether the perceived ethicalness of police actions changes when police follow an AI-robot's advice. We assess whether perceived ethicalness of police violence is higher when police follow robot advice to arrest a passer-by, compared to no robot advice to arrest the passer-by. Using neutralization theory, we test how blame-shifting occurs. When police violently arrest an innocent passer-by, the violence is neutralized when the decision was made following the AI-robot. Perceived ethicalness of police violence is higher when the passer-by is a terrorist, and police violence against a passer-by is neutralized through 'denial of victim' and 'denial of injury'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black protest events in the United States have been characterised by police use of violence against protestors during periods, such as the widespread riots of the 1960s, when many white people and police see black people as posing a special danger to the status quo. It appears that the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, which triggered widespread Black Lives Matter protests, is another such time. However, social scientific evidence that addresses the question of whether police responded with unnecessary violence to these black-led protests remains in short supply. In this study, we conducted a content analysis of protest participants’ federal court statements about their lived experience with police violence during Chicago, IL, protests. Their accounts suggest that police, rather than protestors, initiated violence and relied on it to control protestors in ways that violated Chicago Police Department policies and constitutional protections afforded citizens. Despite efforts to reform police management of protests over the last half century, our findings suggest that the historical pattern of police use of militaristic tactics and gratuitous violence to control black protest events persists today. We consider the implications of the findings for relations between the police and black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractHeadlines frequently call attention to the frustrations that many in the community express when members of law enforcement use force. Some believe that the police frequently use excessive force, and yet, more often than not, the officers involved are found not to have violated the law. This “divide” between community member assessments of reasonable force and the law produces great turmoil in our society. We surveyed a national sample of 1,200 US adults to explore the alignment between community members’ views of force reasonableness and the law on reasonable force as well as examine whether and to what extent the “community standard” perspectives for evaluating uses of force contributed to the alignment. Overall, the results indicated that a significant portion of community members’ assessments did not align with the law, and those assessments were driven largely by the “community standard” perspectives they took when evaluating the use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the management of public order during a crucial period of Spain's twentieth-century democratization process. A regional case-study is employed in order to analyse the detail of political violence and gain a clearer understanding of both the participants and the role of the police and the civil governor. It is based on an exhaustive database containing all the episodes of violence that led to deaths and serious injuries. Quantitative research, combined with adequate contextualization, is vital to unravel the evolution of this violence and identify the main actors. This article pinpoints important differences in the case of Asturias – compared to the nationwide data available – and contributes to the academic debate on the authorities' responsibility for the rising toll of victims during the spring of 1936. It shows that police participation in the generation of victims was of minor relevance, partly due to a deliberate policy pursued by Asturias' civil governor, which ruled out the preventative and recurrent use of the police to control conflictive situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental health intervention is a critical tool for preventing police violence. In recent years, activists have pointed to a tragic pattern of police misinterpreting civilian mental health crises and responding with deadly force. People with untreated mental illness are sixteen times more likely to die at the hands of police. Today, a growing number of co-responder programs successfully deploy social workers alongside police to assess, intervene, and de-escalate. This Article turns the mental health spotlight in a different direction: from the victims of police violence to the police themselves. Police officers experience a range of mental illnesses at rates many times the base rate for the general population. They are among the professions at the highest risk for suicide, substance abuse, sleep deprivation, and PTSD. In police officers, these disorders are each associated, whether directly or indirectly, with an increased risk of perpetrating violence. These statistics point to a law enforcement landscape that abjectly fails to adequately assess officers' mental health and emotional stability before arming them. The dangerous state of police wellness is critical to the fight against police violence, whatever one's theoretical or advocacy stance. For those who would abolish policing entirely, the correlation between police mental illness and police violence offers a new advocacy angle. If officers come to be perpetrators of violence through their inevitable exposure to it, what hope can there be for law enforcement as an institution? For those who favor reform over abolition, the Article uncovers inadequate mental health screening in police departments, formulaic mental health resources, poor recordkeeping, an unrelentingly traumatic work environment, and a machismo culture that mistakes emotional struggle for frailty. Acknowledging psychological vulnerability in police does not justify police violence. But it does demand an open conversation about police wellness, among both criminal justice reformers and law enforcement personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several excerpts are presented, including one from Steven Brill's "The Death of Truth" on social media's impact on truth, Luka Gviniashvili's account of violent police crackdowns in Tbilisi, and Evgenia Kara-Murza's speech on repression in Russia.

Abusive head trauma (AHT) is a criminal offence that is prosecuted ex officio, following report to the police from physicians or child protection services. The aim of this study was to assess whether the judicial outcome (dismissal vs indictment) was influenced by the quality of the medical documentation and/or the time span between AHT diagnosis and reporting child abuse to the police. The cohort was divided in two groups: 13/23 dismissals (57%) and 10/23 indictments (43%). The diagnostic probability of the AHT cases was certain for both groups. Nonetheless, in fraction of dismissed cases, alternative explanations for the observed lesions seemed plausible to the public prosecutor. Legal files of only 3/12 dismissed cases had a forensic report, while 6/10 cases that were indicted included a forensic report. Further, the legal file of several dismissed cases entirely lacked medical documentation (3/12), which was not the cases for indicted cases. The period between AHT diagnosis and reporting to the police was not different for dismissals (29 ± 19 days) and indictments (7 ± 4 days) (p = 0.32). Physicians filed reports more rapidly (6 ± 1 days) compared to childhood protection service (70 ± 46 days) (p = 0.01) and that may increase the rate of indictments (9/18) compared to reporting via the childhood protection service (1/5). Despite diagnostic certainty, other causes for the lesions were considered as plausible alternative explanations to judicial professionals in several dismissed cases. These seemed to have less medical documentation and forensic evaluations. In addition, more rapid reporting to the police by physicians seems to increase the likelihood of indictments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In what countries did people protest after George Floyd's death? This article offers a detailed count of ninety-three countries and territories where antiracism protests took place outside the United States after George Floyd's murder on 25 May 2020. We suggest that media coverage – or non-relational diffusion – may explain this rapid spread. But we also note that the protests were not simply amplifying US grievances. Rather, in many news reports we found evidence of the localization of protests. The US protests opened the door to a wave of events that allowed local activists and protestors to air their concerns around racism, police brutality, monuments, and related issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Smartphone videos can co-constitute security reality. As smartphones spread in the 2010s, videos of deadly police violence against Black United States citizens became common, and over time these videos co-constituted anti-Black police violence as a security issue, which found its expression as Black Lives Matter (BLM). This article questions the role that smartphones and video play for BLM, and argues that security theory needs a better grasp of security articulation. Mapping the mediation of BLM's first decade, the article documents that smartphones are security articulation infrastructures as bystanders routinely rely on smartphone video to articulate security. The epistemic authority of video enables BLM videos to act as infrastructural gateways connecting established mass media to new vernacular media. Video mediation denies recognized figures of authority interpretive monopoly and enables non-elites to participate in constituting security reality, creating a room for non-elite Black Americans' articulation of insecurity. The article shows that still images and videos are different in this respect, and calls for security theory to take articulation formats and infrastructures seriously. When leaving 'communication' to other disciplines or enacting government responses as constitutive of (visual) security, scholarship risks overlooking the epistemic racism limiting security articulation in 'old' mass media, and risks making security theory complicit in epistemically silencing the voices of common, marginalized and racialized people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guided by the critical race theory and the social identity theory, the present study aimed to explore the impact that exposure to police brutality on social media has on Black college freshmen's perception of law enforcement and mental wellness. To explore this phenomenon, we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 20 Black college freshmen (age range: 18–20). Participant narratives were coded using a thematic analysis. Findings revealed that participants depicted police brutality on social media as racially driven, which yielded behavioral changes and negative psychological responses, such as sleep disturbances, anger, and fear. Further, the oversaturation of police violence in the media significantly altered the participants' views of the police and their practices. Our findings are consistent with previous literature concerned with the vicarious experiences of police brutality among youth and have implications for educators, counselors, and scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mare of Easttown figures a social environment that is both city and family at once, making it impossible to disentangle stranger rape and forms of acquaintance, date, or intimate partner rape—and therefore to locate the "problem" of rape as one of crimes to be solved by the police; or of ordinary heterosexuality, requiring more radical cultural transformation. Completing filming after the summer 2020 resurgence of the Black Lives Matter movement in the wake of the police murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, the role of the police is further compromised in Mare of Easttown. I read the show's episodic anxieties—its increasingly unrealistic plot developments that push at the borders of each episode in order to keep them open—as managing these ambivalences: between stranger and intimate rape; between "crime" and "the family"; between the public and the private; between trust in law enforcement and critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents a transdisciplinary, reparatory history of police violence in Britain during the nineteen seventies and eighties. I consider how the histories of transcontinental colonial nationalisms and anticolonial internationalisms were intertwined with the development of transcolonial counterinsurgency operations and local modes of policing from the late eighteenth century. I argue that this is essential to an understanding of police violence in Britain that is interwoven with the trajectories of anticolonial, antifascist and antiracist political cultures. I discuss the psychopolitical legacies of police violence which illustrates the beginnings of a broader theory of racialised subjectification that I call biocolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significance of historical awareness in resisting contemporary racial policing, specifically highlighting the impact of the 1979 killing of anti-racist activist Blair Peach. Topics include the importance of remembering past incidents of police violence, the role of community initiatives such as Southall Resists 40 in challenging narratives around policing, and the broader implications of post-racial discourse in obscuring systemic racism.

This article examines the relationship between social networks, protest and memory. It begins by focusing on activists' attempts to supplement official narratives before going on to explore the way the digital offers mechanisms that both ameliorate and heighten the fear of forgetting. It goes beyond an investigation of the role played by "activists" in these dynamics and reflects upon the memory work undertaken by "ordinary people." These arguments are underpinned by an analysis of Black Lives Matter hashtags such as #SayHisName. It argues that the ubiquitous and repetitious sharing of tweets in which the names of those who have died at the hands of the police are hashtagged should be understood as an online commemorative practice similar to that undertaken at in real world vigils. Finally, it highlights the way in which the hashtag #SayHerName draws the public's attention to persistent intersectional inequalities and so expands activist and ordinary people's understandings of police violence in America and beyond. This article concludes by suggesting that the hashtag #SayTheirNames both recalls the individuals who have already died and anticipates the deaths that are yet to come in an effortful and ritualised moment of not forgetting that Black Lives Matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concerns about excessive use of force by U.S. police have led to calls for agencies to move from 'warrior' to 'guardian' policing. 'Warrior' policing embodies an aggressive or coercive approach to law enforcement, while 'guardian' policing prioritises communication, procedural justice and citizen safety. Associations between guardian and warrior policing orientations and use of force attitudes in the U.S. have been found, however the influence of these orientations on police use of force in Australia has not been examined. This study examined the association of guardian and warrior policing orientations with use of force attitudes, threat perceptions and tactical decision-making among Australian officers, through a survey of 183 police officers in Queensland. Regression analyses indicated that warrior policing was associated with greater support for use of force and greater perceived threat in an ambiguous threat scenario, while guardian policing was associated with more restraint in tactical decision-making among Australian police officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research examined the psychological processes underlying engagement in non‐normative forms of resistance and the role of repression. We conducted two studies in the contexts of two distinct social movements, both characterized by high levels of repression— the Anti‐Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in Hong Kong and the "Chilean Spring" protests of 2019–2020. First, we tested whether non‐normative resistance was motivated by (1) moralization of non‐normative actions (moralization hypothesis), (2) perceived low efficacy of normative actions and lack of hope (nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis), or (3) perceived efficacy of non‐normative actions in achieving movement goals (strategic choice hypothesis). Our results provided converging evidence for the moralization and strategic choice hypotheses, but not the nothing‐to‐lose hypothesis. Furthermore, we proposed and provided evidence for a model of movement escalation, whereby experiences of police violence predicted stronger willingness to engage in future non‐normative actions via heightened motivations for non‐normative resistance and increased risk perceptions. Taken together, these findings illuminate that repression in the form of coercive police violence may be ineffective in quelling social unrest. Rather, it can contribute to the radicalization of protesters. Potential boundary conditions and cross‐contextual generalizability of the current results are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Berkeley Law’s symposium, “Section 1983 and Police Use of Force: Building a Civil Justice Framework,” asked: “How do we reform the law in light of what we know?” This Essay offers three responses. Part I provides additional historical context that reconsiders Section 1983 as one of the weakest federal government interventions during Reconstruction, particularly compared to the progressive and radical demands that various communities called for at the time. In light of this knowledge, Part II examines how the contemporary context surrounding civil litigation and ending qualified immunity in hopes of police reform might prove to be especially challenging considering the expansion of police power and the absorption of Black people as citizens post-Reconstruction. Part III offers examples of what happens when singular legal reform discourse shapes public conversation in the aftermath of high-profile police killings and what Black families, activists, lawyers, and politicians may expect to happen (or project to the public) as a consequence. This Section also asks whether eliminating qualified immunity and increasing the chances of more successful Section 1983 claims against police officers can reduce police killings and considers why political officials might absorb the costs rather than curb the violence. The Essay concludes with ideas for how we can move forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homelessness has shattered democracies worldwide. This study uses a doctrinal approach, employing content analysis, especially relational content analysis, to examine the underlying factors and difficulties associated with homelessness among women. The study notably focuses on the issue of police violence directed at this marginalised population and sheds light on the vulnerable position of homeless women, highlighting the crucial responsibility of governments under Parens Patriae to protect their lives and freedoms. The study argues that homelessness is fundamentally inconsistent with the principles of human dignity. The findings highlight the constitutional violations committed against homeless women in India, contravening the principles enshrined in Articles 14, 19, and 21, as well as the directives specified in Articles 39(1), 42, and 47. The findings indicate that the social welfare efforts implemented by the state are in line with the objectives of SDGs. This highlights the importance of adopting more focused approaches to address the issue of homelessness among women. Moreover, the study examines the legal framework of the United Kingdom, taking into account the influence of India's colonial history, and investigates the current practices of democratic nations and the role of the protagonist played by the Indian Judiciary in addressing homelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on corporate crime focuses, quite naturally, on profit-motivated crime. But there are crimes with an institutional dimension that are not recognized in this framework of corporate crime. In this article, I present a case study of a police organization where multiple employees committed sexual assaults to show that these crimes can have an organizational dimension. This analysis shows two things: first, that the corporate-culture model of attributing mens rea is more effective at identifying corporate crime than the one currently in force in Canada and, second, that organization-facilitated sexual assault is a corporate-entity crime, broadening the conception of corporate crime generally. The corporate-culture model explains why corporations should be liable for crimes they encourage employees to commit even when these are not in line with the organization's objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transgender women of color (TWOC) experience high rates of police violence and victimization compared to other sexual and gender minority groups, as well as compared to other White transgender and cisgender women. While past studies have demonstrated how frequent police harassment is associated with higher psychological distress, the effect of neighborhood safety and neighborhood police violence on TWOC's mental health is rarely studied. In this study, we examine the association between neighborhood safety and neighborhood police violence with psychological distress among TWOC. Baseline self-reported data are from the TURNNT ("Trying to Understand Relationships, Networks and Neighborhoods among Transgender Woman of Color") Cohort Study (analytic n = 303). Recruitment for the study began September 2020 and ended November 2022. Eligibility criteria included being a TWOC, age 18–55, English- or Spanish-speaking, and planning to reside in the New York City metropolitan area for at least 1 year. In multivariable analyses, neighborhood safety and neighborhood police violence were associated with psychological distress. For example, individuals who reported medium levels of neighborhood police violence had 1.15 [1.03, 1.28] times the odds of experiencing psychological distress compared to those who experienced low levels of neighborhood police violence. Our data suggest that neighborhood safety and neighborhood police violence were associated with increased psychological distress among TWOC. Policies and programs to address neighborhood police violence (such as body cameras and legal consequences for abusive officers) may improve mental health among TWOC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates associations between cumulative police exposures, police violence stress, and depressive symptoms among Black youth, and whether LGBQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer) identities moderate these associations. Data come from the Survey of Police-Adolescent Contact Experiences (SPACE), a cross-sectional survey of a community-based sample of Black youth ages 12–21 in Baltimore City, Maryland (n = 345), administered from August 2022 to July 2023. We used multivariable ordinary least squares regression to estimate direct associations and product-term analysis to test for effect modification by sexual identities. We also calculate covariate-adjusted predicted depressive symptoms scores by cumulative police exposures and police violence stress across sexual identities. Findings indicate that LGBQ youth collectively reported higher levels of police violence stress than heterosexual youth. Still, LGBQ youth varied in their cumulative police exposures, which were significantly higher among bisexual and queer youth than lesbian or gay youth. Associations between cumulative police exposures, police violence stress, and depressive symptoms were significantly moderated by LGBQ identity, with the largest associations emerging for bisexual and queer youth. Police exposures and police violence stress also compounded to worsen depressive symptoms among the subsample of LGBQ youth. Collectively, our findings suggest that LGBQ youth–especially bisexual and queer youth–may be particularly vulnerable to the mental health harms of cumulative police exposures and police violence stress. Intersectional, public health approaches that combine prevention and treatment strategies are needed to mitigate LGBQ mental health inequities stemming from cumulative police exposures and police violence stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution to Q2 is a discussion of the urgency of addressing the ongoing criminalization of sex work in the current historical moment. The article links the myriad issues related to the stigmatization and criminalization of sex work to the theoretical origins of queer of color critique and considers the implications for rights to bodily autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the global spotlight ascended upon nationwide efforts to codify into law that Black Lives Matter, specifically, police accountability against the use of excessive force against unarmed civilians, qualified immunity has silently flourished throughout America. Created to shield police officers and other government officials for the actions they engage on the job, this long-standing judicial doctrine continues to proliferate a culture of near-zero accountability when police officers engage in misconduct, which for communities of color, oftentimes results in deadly outcomes against unarmed civilians. This article will first revisit the development and legacy of qualified immunity, followed by analyzing its universal defense from police unions, then shifting to a data-rich illustration of disciplinary data highlighting the systemically designed outcomes of qualified immunity via the New York Police Department, before providing concluding thoughts. Ultimately, this article asserts that the retrogressive outcomes of police disciplinary inquiries, especially with respect to communities of color, is operating as designed, whereas efforts to review and revisit its structure and practices threaten a longstanding culture of disregard and near-zero accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual abuse by clergymen, poisoned water, police brutality—these cases each involve two wrongs: the abuse itself and the attempt to avoid responsibility for it. Our focus is this second wrong—the cover up. Cover ups are accountability failures, and they share common strategies for thwarting accountability whatever the abuse and whatever the institution. We find that cover ups often succeed even when accountability mechanisms are in place. Hence, improved institutions will not be sufficient to prevent accountability failures. Accountability mechanisms are tools that people must be willing to use in good faith. They fail when people are complicit. What explains complicity? We identify certain human proclivities and features of modern organizations that lead people to become complicit in the wrongdoing of others. If we focus exclusively on the design of institutions, we will fail to constrain the perpetrators of wrongdoing. Understanding complicity is key to understanding accountability failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores digital intimacies within Nigeria's networked political discourse, focusing on the resurgence of the Feminist Coalition (FemCo), known for their involvement in Nigeria's 2020 #EndSARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) movement against police brutality, as feminist political subjects during the 2023 election campaigns. It analyzes Twitter-networked interactions as FemCo was unexpectedly thrust into hypervisibility when asked to endorse Peter Obi, the Labor Party's presidential candidate, despite prior criticism of their #EndSARS activism. Employing close feminist reading and social network analysis of Twitter data, informed by a contextual feminist/computational approach, this article explores how processes of unpredictable digital intimacies and virtual backstabbing unfold when feminist political subjects are exploited by opposing clusters online. Investigating how affects circulate and transform feminist political subjects into bodies of hate/value, this article sheds light on the affective contexts of political communication in Nigeria, beset by a range of actors, including, activists, influencers, and citizen-users, wielding central power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, struggles for justice, peace, and democracy around the world have been articulated through protests. Whether in Iran, Nigeria, Poland, Senegal, Tunisia, or the United States, this form of political participation challenges the status quo. Rising forms of autocratic rule, democratic backsliding, and right-wing populism underscore the urgency of protesters' demands. Often overlooked in mainstream accounts, however, is the role of feminists in driving forward liberatory demands for new social contracts (Sen and Durano 2014). One recent example of this is the role that the Feminist Coalition played in the Nigerian #EndSARS protests, mobilizing against years of police brutality and impunity (Nwakanma 2022). Confronted with physical harm and even death, these feminists and their fellow protesters have strategized and theorized a vision for a better world (Nazneen and Okech 2021; Tamale 2020). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of Post-Doctoral research carried out at the University of Brasília (PPGSC/UnB), in 2022. There is a scientific and social interest in understanding how certain families in the Federal District experience situations of institutional violence generated by police homicide and how Specialized public policies for care and guidance reach these victimized groups. The research problem seeks to analyze, through a bibliographical and documentary survey, what has been produced about the phenomenon in the district region, within the scope of support networks and health conditions of victimized families, in recent years. The main objective is to analyze the academic debate about police homicide and the impacts of this violence on victimized families in the Federal District. The specific objectives are: 1. to discuss the literature about police homicide and victimized families in the Federal District in recent years; 2. Identify which social and official support networks are in the Federal District; 3. Understand the health conditions of victimized families, caused by the continuation of institutional violence. The research methodology is qualitative, through bibliographic and documental analysis in the following databases: Scielo, Google Scholar, CAPES Directory and institutional documents from other search sources. It is hoped that the research will contribute to understanding a section of the field of study focused on violence, public safety, victimized families and public policies in the Federal District. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Indonesia, debates about police use of force occur in the absence of data, with empirical and theoretical consequences for how the problem of police shootings is framed and understood. This article makes a first contribution to addressing that absence by analysing the National Violence Monitoring System dataset for spatial and temporal patterns in police shooting rates across provinces from 2005 to 2014, the nine years prior to the first term of President Joko Widodo. It assesses the causal relationship between police shootings and officer perceptions of threat in the environments where they operated threat. For the period surveyed, it is found that while police shooting rates were comparatively low, police officers had a significant monopoly on firearm-related violence and operated in environments of low perceived threat. No causal relationship is found between police shootings and police perceptions of threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police reform implementation has been widespread in post-conflict transitions. Responding to conflict recurrence and past human rights violations, among other factors, motivate reforms. However, we know little about the effectiveness of reforms in reducing police propensity for violence. How does police reform affect police violence after armed conflict? I argue that the nature of reforms poses a challenge to peace and stability: police reform may aggravate the problems it seeks to resolve. Increasing deterrent capacity reinforces militarization, a logic of organization to produce violence that accountability mechanisms – the generation of information and the imposition of costs on abuses – are unlikely to curb. I test these propositions on a panel of 55 post-conflict countries between 1985 and 2015. My findings challenge research suggesting that security reforms lead to peace. Results support policies that reduce police's propensity to use force. Implications are relevant for domestic and international actors engaged in police reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the emergence of the #SayHerName movement alongside #BlackLivesMatter, research on police encounters is rarely intersectional and has largely neglected the potentially violent consequences of gendered and racialized "controlling images." Using New York City investigatory stop data (2007–2014), and drawing on controlling images theory, our analysis shows that Black men and women experience higher rates of police violence than White men and women. Within race, analyses indicate that Black men experience more police violence than Black women. The same gender gap exists for Whites, Asians, and Latinx persons, suggesting that broad cultural perceptions of femininity and masculinity shape police violence. However, these gendered frames mostly dissolve in instances of potentially fatal violence, as we find no gender differences within race or ethnicity in these extreme cases with one exception: police point their guns at Black men slightly more than at Black women. Further, the controlling image criminalizing Black men casts a long shadow—police are more likely to use violence on individuals stopped in the company of a Black man across gender, race, and ethnicity. This study provides a comprehensive, intersectional analysis of police encounters, both reaffirming and extending controlling images to understand why race, ethnicity, and gender disparities in state violence experiences persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of gay pride politics in Argentina takes places in the 1960s and 1970s in the context of the tensions between medical and criminological discourses on homosexuality, which respectively proposed that homosexuality was an immorality that should be criminally punished or an illness that could be treated. The conclusion is that, faced with an increase in police violence, maricas, gay men and transgender people tactically appropriated medical discourses, identifying themselves as sick and allying with medical doctors in their attempts to decriminalize sexual inversion. Then, in the context of the climate of cultural modernization, they would use the pretensions of scientific objectivity of medicine to demand the de-pathologization of homosexuality, abandoning the discourse of victimization, narrating their experiences as joyful, and mobilizing their base through the category of pride. The paper is based on the historiographic analysis of an extensive corpus of mass-circulation press, political organizations' material, medical treatises and first-person documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The objective of the present study was to explore themes related to sexual violence against khwaja sira in Mingora, Swat, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Method: We conducted 45 in-depth interviews with khwaja sira in Mingora, Swat on their lived experiences with sexual violence. Interviews were digitally audio recorded in Pashto, then translated into English for coding, interpretation, and thematic content analysis of the transcripts. Results: We identified the following themes regarding sexual violence against khwaja sira: (1) childhood experiences of sexual violence are highly prevalent, (2) adult experiences with rape increase in violence, and (3) social norms harm or ignore khwaja sira. For the first theme, we identified the following subthemes: (a) experiencing sexual abuse at school, (b) the bathroom as a site for sexual violence, and (c) youth experiences in sex work. For the second theme, we identified the following subthemes: (a) kidnapping, robbery, and physical violence and (b) negative perceptions of sex workers. And finally, for the third theme, we identified the following subthemes: (a) experiencing repeated gang rape, (b) cutting hair as punishment, and (c) police complicity with violence. Conclusions: Study findings highlighted an important unmet need regarding sexual violence against khwaja sira in Swat, Pakistan. Many participants experienced intersectional stigma as their experiences with sexual violence were also connected to negative community perceptions about their identities as sex workers and third gender people. Social interventions and policies should more fully address these issues to help ensure the safety of khwaja sira communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between racialized police violence and financial decision-making, specifically focusing on the impact on Black individuals. The study finds that police violence has a significant effect on home ownership and retirement savings for Black individuals. It reveals that Black individuals are less likely to own a home and have lower home equity compared to non-Black individuals. Exposure to police violence further decreases home equity and the likelihood of owning a defined contribution pension plan for Black individuals. These findings shed light on racial wealth inequality and emphasize the importance of further research in this area. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We study the protest behavior of teenagers linked to a student killed by a stray bullet coming from a policeman in Chile. We use administrative data to follow the schoolmates of the victim and those living near the shooting on hundreds of protest and nonprotest days. We find that police violence causes lower protest participation in street rallies but more adherence to test boycotts. These effects appear among schoolmates of the victim and not among students living near the killing. Negative educational consequences suffered by the schoolmates combined with previous results suggest that psychological mechanisms are a plausible explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Niñez y Juventud is the property of Centro de Estudiso Avanzados en Ninez y Juventud alaianza Cinde, Universidad de Manizales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on Murray Rothbard's enduring influence through his book "For a New Liberty," highlighting how he synthesized various topics like history, philosophy, economics, and foreign policy into a cohesive libertarian framework that remains compelling today. Rothbard's work not only presents a comprehensive view of libertarianism but also situates it within historical contexts.

Following recent events involving racism and violence in policing, the current study sought to understand factors associated with support for related social movements and worries about personal, family, and peer safety. Data were from 78 currently incarcerated young people (M = 16.5 years; 31% Black) and 20 juvenile prison staff (M = 40.3 years; 72% Black) via online surveys. A comparable proportion of young people (47.3%) and staff (47.4%) reported participating in the Black Lives Matter movement. Among young people, prior experiences with police were significantly associated with support for social movements and worries about safety concerning racism and violence in policing. Among staff, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and racial and ethnic identity were significantly associated with social movement support and worries about safety. Civic education and interventions to promote racial and ethnic identity may promote support for systemic change and buffer against worries about racism and violence in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policing is the institution responsible for protecting victims of domestic abuse and the institution to which victimisation is formally reported. The police workforce, therefore, are routinely exposed to domestic abuse victimisation, perpetration and its consequences. When police themselves become victims of domestic abuse, the interaction between personal and professional identity and cultures may exacerbate the harms of victimisation and discourage victims from reporting victimisation. In this study, we describe themes that emerged from accounts of reporting and not reporting domestic abuse by police officers and staff in an English police force. Through the lenses of victimology theory and police culture theory, we describe how there appears to be few protective components of working in policing and several adverse consequences for victims. Reporting was impeded by difficulty recognising abuse and experiencing feelings of shame in a way similar to that of many non-police victims. These common obstacles were exacerbated by a conflict between police and victim identities, by significant concern about formal and informal violations of privacy by colleagues and by worry about potential damage to their career. These challenges were particularly acute when the perpetrator also worked in policing. The paper concludes with a call for researchers, policy makers and policing to recognise and respond to the unique vulnerabilities inherent in the police-victim overlap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Excited Delirium Syndrome" (ExDS) is a controversial diagnosis. The supposed syndrome is sometimes considered to be a potential cause of death. However, it has been argued that its sole purpose is to cover up excessive police violence because it is mainly used to explain deaths of individuals in custody. In this paper, we examine the epistemic conditions giving rise to the controversial diagnosis by discussing the relation between causal hypotheses, evidence, and data in forensic medicine. We argue that the practitioners' social context affects causal inquiry through background assumptions that enter inquiry at multiple stages. This analysis serves to better understand the wide usage of the controversial diagnosis of ExDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]