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The literature on the black middle class has focused predominantly on married-couple families with children, reflecting a conception of the black middle class as principally composed of this family type. If that conception is correct, then declining rates of marriage and childrearing would imply a decline in the presence and vitality of the black middle class. Indeed, this is the implication that researchers typically draw from the decline in black marriage rates. However, an alternative view suggests that the decline in marriage and childrearing is producing a shift in the types of households comprising the black middle class. This paper assesses – and affirms – that alternative view. This research shows that, indeed, never-married singles who live alone (Love Jones Cohort) constitute a rapidly growing segment of the black middle class, a development which requires rethinking how the black middle class is conceptualized and studied.

Most previous research on gender inequality and management has been concerned with the question of access to managerial jobs and the “glass ceiling.” We offer the first largescale analysis that turns this question around, asking whether the gender characteristics of managers-specifically, the gender composition and relative status of female managers-affect inequality for the nonmanagerial workers beneath them. Results from three-level hierarchical linear models, estimated on a unique nested data set drawn from the 2000 Census, suggest that greater representation of women in management does narrow the gender wage gap. Model predictions show, however, that the presence of high-status female managers has a much larger impact on gender wage inequality. We conclude that the promotion of women into management positions may benefit all women, but only if female managers reach relatively high-status positions.

We analyze the effects of social policy regarding women’s employment and work-family conflict on the division of household labor in 33 countries. We classify policies according to Chang’s (2000) equality of access (affirmative action and absence of discriminatory policy) and substantive benefits (parental leave and childcare services). Results show that countries without prohibitions against certain types of employment for women, and those with longer parental leave policies, exhibit a more egalitarian gender division of housework. Further, women’s fulltime employment and higher income have stronger effects on the gender division of housework in countries with greater equality of access policies. However, longer parental leave policy is associated with weaker effects of women’s full-time employment. The findings suggest that social policies affect not only the overall gender division of housework, but also the dynamics of micro-level negotiations. Such policies may contribute to the context in which gender roles in the labor market and in the family are defined.

Leading explanations for ethnic disparities in U.S. women's employment derive largely from research on men. Although recent case studies of newer immigrant groups suggest that these explanations may be less applicable than previously believed, no study to date has assessed this question systematically. Using 2000 Census data, this study tests the relative merit of existing explanations for women in 12 ethnic groups. To this end, we disaggregate Hispanic, Asian and Middle Eastern women by country of origin and examine patterns by nativity. The results show that human capital and nativity are important for all groups, but these factors explain the employment gap with whites for Hispanic women much more than for Asian and Middle Eastern women, especially immigrants. Additionally, standard models are more useful for understanding variations in employment among Middle Eastern, Japanese and Hispanic women than for explaining differences among whites and other Asian subgroups. These findings indicate the need for newer concepts and measures to capture the increasing heterogeneity in U.S. ethnic women's employment patterns. We conclude by suggesting possible avenues for future research that expand on models of men's employment to include factors unique to women.

The expansion of market relations into new arenas, reflecting the bourgeois need to “nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere” (Marx and Engels 1998: 39), is not just geographic. Colonization begins at home, as seen in the progressive commodification of women’s previously unpaid labor. Thus, even as women slowly improved the gender division of housework (Bianchi et al. 2000), more and more unwaged labor was moving into low-wage jobs in the service economy (Duffy 2005). Women’s waged work is still gendered and segregated, tainted by a traditional and ongoing association with devalued characteristics such as caring (Cohen and Huffman 2003; Folbre 2001). Nevertheless, paid workers are more interchangeable than unpaid workers— just ask a male fast-food cook—and that could be good for gender inequality. These two books bring much needed attention to the problems of gender inequality in labor markets themselves, and also in other arenas in an era dominated by expanding market reach.

Although many researchers have documented higher levels of black-white inequality in areas with a high concentration of blacks, the mechanisms underlying this finding have been elusive. Black underrepresentation in management may be one such mechanism. We ask whether black workers' underrepresentation in managerial jobs is especially pronounced in labor markets with a larger black population. Using a unique, two-level data set that combines a large data set of private sector firms with Census data on local labor markets, the authors' hierarchical logistic models strongly support this hypothesis. Net of establishment and labor market-level controls, the likelihood that an establishment exhibits a significant underrepresentation of blacks in management is substantially increased when it operates in a high-proportion black labor market context.

Using data on disabilities from the 2000 Census, we found a consistent pattern of living arrangements that leaves children (aged 5 – 15 years) with disabilities living disproportionately with women. Children with disabilities are more likely to live with single parents, and especially their mothers, than are other children. Further, those who do not live with either biological parent are more likely to live in households headed by women than are other children. The results suggest that gendered living arrangements among children with disabilities are a neglected aspect of inequality in caring labor, which is an underpinning of gender inequality in general.

This article explores the effect of women’s movement into the labor market on the gender segregation of work, using the Current Population Survey from 1972 to 1993. The author includes as working those respondents who were “keeping house” and codes keeping house as an occupation. The results show higher estimates of gender segregation, and slightly steeper declines over time, than were seen in previous studies. Analysis of one-year longitudinal changes reveals less movement out of female-dominated occupations when keeping house is included as an occupation. Finally, a decomposition of the segregation trend shows that the movement of women away from keeping house contributed as much to the overall decline in gender segregation as did the desegregation of paid occupations. The author concludes that the movement of women’s work from the household to the labor market has been a driving force in the changing nature of gender inequality.

Previous research linking occupational gender segregation to the workplace authority gap assumes that the effect of gender composition is invariant across occupations, ignoring the important distinction of whether an occupation's relevant labor market is local or national. We offer a new method for defining occupational labor markets and hypothesize that the effect of occupation gender composition on the authority gap will be strongest in national labor market occupations. Both sexes' odds of possessing work authority decline with the representation of women; this effect is strongest in the more desirable, national labor market occupations. Assuming occupations are part of one labor market results in understating the gender composition penalty for national labor market occupations.

Despite decades of research showing greater black‐white inequality in local areas where the black population is relatively large, little is known about the mechanisms for this effect. Using a unique data set of individuals nested within jobs across labor markets, this article tests two possible mechanisms for the black concentration effect on wage inequality: job segregation and devaluation. Results show that black population size is associated with greater segregation of black workers into black‐dominated jobs. On the other hand, no evidence is found that the penalty for working in a black‐dominated job (the devaluation effect) increases as a function of black population size. The article concludes that discrimination against workers—especially exclusion from better‐paying jobs—is an important mechanism for the effect of black population size on the racial wage gap.

Previous research on the devaluation of women's work has investigated whether the net effect of gender composition varies across jobs and organizational settings. We extend that research by using hierarchical linear models that combine data from a random sample of U.S. work establishments with metropolitan-area data to explore whether macro-level gender inequality also influences the tendency to devalue women's work roles. Thus, we offer the first attempt to examine processes that lead to organizational gender inequality in local labor market contexts. Specifically, we hypothesize that gender devaluation will be strongest in highly gender-segregated labor markets. One reason for this may be that in segregated markets, men are in a stronger position to benefit from devaluation while women are less able to resist it. The results strongly support this hypothesis: Higher levels of occupational segregation at the labor market level are associated with a significantly increased tendency to devalue women's work roles. This finding is not explained by a diverse set of controls at both the establishment and local labor market level. Our findings highlight an additional way that gender segregation intensifies labor market inequality.

This article estimates the marriage effect on men's earnings using an alternate definition of marital status in which cohabitation is added as an additional category and using data from the 1976-1999 Current Population Surveys. Results show that the downward trend in the “marriage premium” is not as steep when cohabitors are excluded from the never-married reference group. The findings suggest that men's benefits from marriage have not declined as sharply as has been thought and highlight the importance of the diversity of family forms in studies of inequality. Future research that considers marital status should take into account the growing population of cohabitors.

The authors examine the effect of premarital cohabitation on the division of household labor in 22 countries. First, women do more routine housework than men in all countries. Second, married couples that cohabited before marriage have a more equal division of housework. Third, national cohabitation rates have equalizing effects on couples regardless of their own cohabitation experience. However, the influence of cohabitation rates is only observed in countries with higher levels of overall gender equality. The authors conclude that the trend toward increasing cohabitation may be part of a broader social trend toward a more egalitarian division of housework.

This article examines multigenerational living arrangements of white, black, and Latino individuals using data from the Current Population Surveys. We describe people in multigenerational households as “hosts” or “guests.” In terms of resources, guests have no home of their own, whereas hosts maintain an important source of independence. By age, the proportion of adults living as guests peaks in the late twenties, then declines until the late seventies. In contrast, hosting rates peak in the fifties. Men have higher guest rates and women have higher host rates at almost all ages. While blacks and Latinos are more likely than whites to live in multigenerational households, those with higher incomes are less likely to live in multigenerational households and if they are living in multigenerational households are less likely to be guests, regardless of race-ethnicity. We interpret this as consistent with the assumption that residential independence is generally preferred.

This paper investigates how the presence of other adults in the household influences employment rates and inequality among single mothers who are White, Black, Mexican, or Puerto Rican. Data from the 1998 to 2000 Current Population Surveys shows that Black single mothers experience no employment inequality compared to Whites if they are cohabiting outside marriage or hosting an extended household. For Black single mothers, the employment disadvantage is concentrated among those without other adults in the household. Mexican and Puerto Rican single mothers, however, display an employment disadvantage across all household types. Although the presence of other adults in a single mother's household appears to increase employment, this advantage has important limits.

Because divisions caused by racism are presumed to weaken the working class and because racism is more apparent in local areas with relatively large Black populations, labor market proportion Black is expected to be positively associated with class inequality among Whites. However, Black population size has also been systematically linked to White privilege across a wide array of indicators. In this article, I test the effects of labor market proportion Black on Black–White and class inequality for men and women using hierarchical linear models with 1990 data from U.S. metropolitan areas. The analysis demonstrates that labor markets with larger Black populations have greater class inequality among White men (not women), but also greater relative White-over-Black advantages across class levels, male and female—and these race effects are substantially larger than the class effects. The results are thus consistent with a contradictory position for the White working class with regard to racism.

We use March Current Population Survey (CPS) data from 1977 to 1997 to produce a new historical series of indirect cohabitation prevalence estimates. We compare our new estimates with those produced by the traditional method and evaluate the new estimates. We then compare the indirect estimates with the new direct estimates to investigate whether biases exist in the indirect estimates. Our findings indicate that the traditional indirect method of estimating cohabitation prevalence underestimates cohabitors in different subpopulations, especially among those with children. We also find that the new indirect measure produces relatively unbiased estimates of cohabitors’ characteristics.

Using data from the 1993 Consumer Expenditure Survey to examine housework-related service consumption, the author finds that spending on housekeeping services and meals out—which helps relieve women's housework burden—is affected by dynamics within marriages as well as by family class and race-ethnicity. Other things equal, families in which women have more relative power, as reflected in their income and occupational status, consume more housekeeping services and spend more of their food dollars on meals out, as do wealthier families and white families. Along with housework itself, which is well studied, these results suggest that housework service consumption is also an arena for gendered negotiation and conflict within families, and one way that gender relations vary by class and race-ethnicity.

HE DEVELOPMENT OF gender relations in the modern era is never free from the influence of nations and nationalism (McClintock 1993); nations reflect the impact of gender strug­ gles as well. In this article I examine the white women's suffrage movement from 1848 to 1918 and conclude that a core within the suf­ frage leadership practiced a nationalism based on exclusive citizenship that was conditioned on whiteness. I see these politics as nationalist­ embedded within the women's experience and conceptions of America­ as well as "racist." This nationalism was realized through an alliance between white American women and men that subordinated gender con­ flict-even as suffrage leaders sought to improve their position as women. In the process, these leaders advanced the cause of women's suffrage while furthering the exclusion and oppression of nonwhite women and men. Aldon Morris observes that "social scientists have tended to underempha­ size the political consciousness of dominant groups" (1992, 363). In this article I attempt to explain some of the unmarked political consciousness of the dominant American group-what I term its nationalism-and how gender struggles both affected and reflected that nationalism. I begin with a brief review of literature on the relationships between white and nonwhite women, then offer a conception of national identity that undergirds the gender argument, before presenting a historical case. I focus on the mainstream of the suffrage movement and the leaders of its core organizations: the trend within the movement that was most success­ ful in achieving the explicit political goals of suffrage. 1

The long-term care industry in the United States faces serious recruitment and retention problems among nurse aides. At the same time, these low-wage workers may feel trapped in poorly-paid jobs from which they would do well to leave. Despite this tension, not enough is known about how workers fare when they leave (or stay in) such care work. Using longitudinal data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation for the years 1996-2003, we examine the relationship between different job and occupational mobility patterns and wage outcomes for nurse aides, focusing on which job transitions offer better opportunities to earn higher wages and on whether job transition patterns differ by race. Our results confirm high turnover among nurse aides, with 73 percent of the sample working in occupations other than nurse aide at some point during the survey time frame. About half of respondents that transition out of nurse aide work move into higher-paying occupations, although the percentage of transitions to higher paying occupations drops to 35 percent when nurse aides that become RNs are excluded. Among black workers especially, wage penalties for moving into other jobs in the low-wage labor market appear to be rather small, likely a factor in high turnover among nurse aides. The findings illustrate the importance of occupation-specific mobility trajectories and their outcomes for different groups of workers, and for understanding the constrained decisions these workers make.

Gender differences in color preferences have been found in adults and children, but they remain unexplained. This study asks whether the gendered social environment in adulthood affects parents’ color preferences. The analysis used the gender of children to represent one aspect of the gendered social environment. Because having male versus female children in the U.S. is generally randomly distributed, it provides something of a natural experiment, offering evidence about the social construction of gender in adulthood. The participants were 749 adults with children who responded to an online survey invitation, asking “What’s your favorite color?” Men were more likely to prefer blue, while women were more likely to prefer red, purple, and pink, consistent with long-standing U.S. patterns. The effect of having only sons was to widen the existing gender differences between men and women, increasing the odds that men prefer blue while reducing the odds that women do; and a marginally significant effect showed women having higher odds of preferring pink when they have sons only. The results suggest that, in addition to any genetic, biological or child-socialization effects shaping adults’ tendency to segregate their color preferences by gender, the gender context of adulthood matters as well.

Using data from the U.S. Consumer Expenditure Survey 1998, this study analyzes how much money different types of households spend for domestic services on “female” and “male” tasks.We test alternative hypotheses based on economic and sociological theories of gender differentiation. Contrary to arguments that marriage lowers the risk to one partner of specializing in housework, we find no differences in service expenditures between cohabiting and married couples. Consistent with gender production arguments that the household context shapes behavior, single women outspend couples across the board. Single men, however, reveal spending behavior more consistent with gender socialization. Comparing single men and single women points to the gendered nature of the tasks as an important aspect of domestic service expenditures.

Genetically determined murine immunodeficiency states are useful for understanding the function of specific immune-system genes and cellpopulations. In addition, certain immunodeficient strains may be exploited as hosts for foreign tumors or immune cells. The more commonly used immunodeficiency models are described in this appendix. Not included are strains better known for primary neurological or neuromuscular abnormalities or for defective osteoclast function. Many of the recently described immune-deficient "knockout" strains are described, including cytokine and cytokine receptor knockout strains. The most widely studied murine strains for autoimmune disease and experimental autoreactivity are also listed.

We report the case of a patient with mycosis fungoides who developed a progressive arthropathy from malignant synovial infiltration. The arthropathy responded to treatment with a chimeric, human-mu...

Although abundant evidence documents pay penalties for female-dominated jobs, there is also substantial variation in gender inequality across U.S. metropolitan areas. These lines of research are united by exploring whether occupational gender segregation at the labor market level exacerbates the wage penalty associated with female-dominated jobs, and investigating the association between gender composition and the size of within-job gender gaps. Results show that the penalty accruing to female-dominated jobs is weaker in more integrated labor markets, but only among men, and that labor market integration does not significantly influence the association between the gender composition of jobs and within-job inequality. Further, even women in completely segregated jobs benefit from a context of occupational integration. It is concluded that, although gender devaluation is widespread and systematic, variation in gender composition effects across local contexts is an important dimension of gender inequality.

"The Ties That Bind"was organized to review and assess the scientific evidence about the causes of trends in marriage and other forms of intimate unions. The contributors address these two questions: What do we know about the factors that influence the formation of marriages and other intimate unions, the timing of union formation, and the forms that unions take? What factors explain the dramatic changes in union formation we have observed over recent decades? Edited by Linda J. Waite. Co-edited by Christine Bachrach, Michelle Hindin, Elizabeth Thomson, and Arland Thornton.