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Argentina is also self-sufficient in oil and natural gas and wealthy in mineral resources. Although comparable in size to Australia, it has failed to develop along the same lines; in 1930 it entered a long period of decline. Argentina remained disunited for much of the nineteenth century, owing to the rivalry between Buenos Aires and the other provinces. Buenos Aires seceded from the federation but in 1859 was defeated in a military confrontation with the other provinces. In September 1955 the armed forces intervened, and Peron went into exile in Spain. However, his legacy and his political movement survived to form the fundamental divide in Argentine politics for the next four decades. In the event, the presidential elections of 1995 were overshadowed by the economic impact of the Mexican economic crisis. In theory committed to eradicating the military from Argentine politics and establishing a working democratic system, Alfonsin soon had to temper his policies with reality.

As modern architectures introduce additional heterogeneity and parallelism, we look for ways to deal with this that do not involve specialising software to every platform. In this paper, we take the Join Calculus, an elegant model for concurrent computation, and show how it can be mapped to an architecture by a Cartesian-product-style construction, thereby making use of the calculus' inherent non-determinism to encode placement choices. This unifies the concepts of placement and scheduling into a single task., Comment: In Proceedings PLACES 2012, arXiv:1302.5798

Contemporary scholarship is now well past the point where it was valid to say the international dimensions of democratization had been neglected. In fact there has been growing interest among acade...

Most people still think of Latin American systems as characterised by weak legislatures dominated by the executive. It is the legislatures, not the presidents, that are blamed for any shortcomings ...

'Internal colonisation' is a poorly defined term, but no other phrase so accurately captures the full nature of the complex interactions involved. Here the term 'internal colonisation' is used in a broad but quite specific sense, to designate the process by which, on the pretext of 'development', large parts of many Southern states are still in effect being colonised by their own ruling elite. The process parallels in all important respects external colonisation and is in essence the same process, differentiated only by its geographical location. Just as towns formed a key link in colonisation, the use of political power to bring about enclosure and encourage the growth of settlements gives the elite the ability to develop both town and countryside. The urbanisation of the countryside and the expansion of towns are therefore each special cases of the desire to control land and use its capacity to generate wealth. The accelerated growth of urban settlements in the South has, however, serious implications f...

Anger is not just a journalistic convention, but a key motivation in politics. Certainly, it is one thing to say that anger is relevant; it is quite another to suppose that it is routine. Residual anger is relatively common and distorts decision‐making, but is generally ritualised. Democratic politicians confronted with intractable realities may be tempted to adopt authoritarian solutions, but democratic systems restrain this. Dictators frustrated in this way turn to the armed forces as skilled practitioners of violence to enforce their ideal vision of society on the untidy reality of ordinary everyday life. Military governments characteristically employ the imagery of the politics of salvation to defend a military autocracy. Paradoxically, authoritarian regimes, from fear of challenges to their own order, vent their anger on the weak; hence, the persistence of anger, as well as other empirical evidence, casts doubt on the theory of the democratic peace. The analogue of military autocracy is to be found i...

(1999). The resilience of democracy: An introduction. Democratization: Vol. 6, The Resilience of Democracy Persistent Practice, Durable Idea, pp. 1-32.

Remote and isolated, Chiapas remains the poorest and most deprived Mexican state. The New Year rebellion of its Mayan population had been long foretold and should have come as no surprise

The role of the state in development was under attack for two decades: the 1980s and the 1990s. The prevailing economic orthodoxy, the ‘Washington consensus’, was that the state had only a minimal role to play, in ensuring a ‘level playing field’ for private interests. Anything more than that, it was argued, would distort the free working of the market and so hinder rather than help economic development. Adopted in 1991, the ‘Consensus’ helped guide the developmental policies of the international lending agencies, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) for most of the time since then. However towards the end of the 1990s, discussion again focused upon the central role of the state in stimulating as well as presiding over economic development in the Newly Industrializing Countries (NICs). At the same time it was realised that the failure of economic development, particularly but not exclusively in sub-Saharan Africa, was not, as previously thought, caused by the strength of the state but rather by its weakness. The ‘hollowing out’ of the state left it fatally weakened, to the point at which it could no longer even successfully achieve its primary economic functions of maintaining a stable currency and guaranteeing the security of bargains in the market.

Pauncefote, Julian, Baron Pauncefote (1828–1902), lawyer and diplomatist, was born on 13 September 1828 at Munich, Bavaria, the third and youngest son of Robert Pauncefote (formerly Smith; 1788–1843) of Preston Court, Preston, Gloucestershire, and his wife, Emma Smith (d. 1853), daughter of John Raphael Smith, artist and engraver. His father, who had inherited Preston Court from Sir George Pauncefote of Stoke Hall, had sufficient means for the family to spend much of their time abroad, and the young Pauncefote grew up fluent in French and able to understand both German (which he did not speak) and Italian. His first school was in Passy, France, where instruction was entirely in French; his second was the Pensionnat Janin, Geneva. However, after 1840 the family spent more time in England and in 1843 his father died. In August 1843, when he was nearly fifteen, Pauncefote was one of the first 218 pupils enrolled at Marlborough College, Marlborough, Wiltshire, the decidedly robust environment of which, in his biographer's words, ‘helped to fortify his solid English character and sound common sense’ (Mowat, 6). Appointed a prefect in 1844, he left in the summer of 1845, intended, like his brother Bernard, for a career in the Indian army. He was commissioned in the Madras light infantry but did not serve; the death of his eldest brother, Robert, in 1847 caused him instead to stay in London and to read for the bar at the Inner Temple.