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The article examines one of the main tendencies characteristic of modern historicodemographic research and related to the study of social processes on the basis of historical sources on population. This paper aims to study the way social information was registered in Siberian parish register books as well as possible approaches to the social structure reconstruction study with the example of Barnaul population of the late 19th century. The source base of the research is parish registers of four Barnaul parishes. Additionally, the authors use clerical statements and one-day census data of 1895. The employment of sociological and computer science methods allows historical demography to actively “intrude” into social history. The practical part of the work deals with the study of latent parish register information about individuals’ social standing. The authors use approbated techniques to withdraw information from parish registers and further process these data as well as draw conclusions. The sociooccupational information of Barnaul parish registers of the late 19th century has been coded on the basis of the HISCO. The analysis of social structure based on stratification and class approaches has been carried out. The article emphasises the great value of parish registers for studies in the framework of social history.

International audience; This article deals with the analysis of pages of French parish registers from 16th to 18th century. These documents are structured in paragraphs called acts. Each act contains valuable demographic information that can be useful to genealogists willing to find information about their ancestors. The first step toward parish register analysis consists of delimiting each act. But these documents are so poorly-structured that the visual separation between the acts is not always clearly visible. One of the main visual indication of separation is the signature of the priest at the end of each act. In this work, we propose to train and compare several u-shaped neural networks for signature detection. We also propose a rule-based system for segmentation into acts and evaluate the impact of signature detection at act level. CCS CONCEPTS • Applied computing → Document analysis.

The article aims to determine the role and importance of the regulation of economic activities of the Jewish communities in Volynʼs towns using the case of a private magnate town Liubar. The article uses the following scientific methods: historical and comparative methods, analogy, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction. Findings: the article discusses the issue of the regulation of economic activities of the Jewish communities, which are one of the largest non-indigenous enterprising minorities in Volyn. By the mid-18th century, Volyn had been recovering from the crisis. Ukrainians in towns and cities worked largely in agriculture. Most settlements in Volyn province were private towns and cities, and only few had royal or church ownership. Though these urban centers were cultural hubs and furthered major aspects of civilizationʼs development, the owners (dukes, magnates, nobles) viewed them first of all as the means to enrich themselves (rent, fairs, auctions, propination). Owned by Franciszek Ferdynand Lubomirski, Liubar was one of such cities. Since it was subject to inheritance and had urban centers, special consideration and appropriate “policy” regarding the citizens and their participation in the cityʼs economy had to take place. Thus, Liubarʼs Jews received a regulatory order. The aristocratʼs status did not allow working in trade directly. In these conditions, Jews took a leading role; they were one of the numerous communities, the demographic figures of which showed growth throughout the entire studied period. According to the 18th century sources, Liubarʼs administration gave the Jews all economic spheres: trade, usury, various crafts and trades. The clear regulation of taxes for particular activities became one of the most important regulatory elements of the city life of the Jews in Kremenets district. Using the excuse of fiscal aspects, the magnate tried to control everyday life of Jews as well (family ties, education, etc.). The 1759 Tax Register of Liubar tells about the important structural elements of commodity-money relations and their correlation. Merchants, furriers, and beekeepers who collected wax paid the highest taxes. Similar regulation in the form of a “register” was tested in Mezhyrich (Korets), which was another Volyn city that belonged to Lubomirski family. The attempt of the Jewish community in Liubar to solve its economic problems by leaving the regulation framework was met with harsh opposition from Lubomirski. Thus, all economic development in Volyn cities was under control of the administration. Practical value: the published findings of the research have regional value but can also complement certain economic aspects of the history of the cities in Right-bank Ukraine, including taxation as well as city life problems in Volyn and legal relations between a magnate and Jewish community. The uniqueness of the article is in the comparison of particular examples and in the analysis of figures representing the amounts of taxes paid by the Jewish community of Liubar. Scientific novelty: the interpretation and publication of a regulatory document as a source was made for the first time. It described the urban centers in Volyn in the mid-18th century from regulatory perspective, which would allow better understanding and complementing of the financial conditions and opportunities of the Jews in the region and the owners of the cities. Type of article: descriptive.

Going on with a series of articles, I present again some so-far unknown maker’s marks and mark variants in private collections and the art trade, and try to identify them. When already published marks are at issue, Elemer Kőszeghy’s book of marks is referred to, and Ilona P. Brestyanszky’s work is mentioned with the mark’s serial number there when marks of Pest-Buda are discussed. I try to clarify the biography of goldsmiths active in Hungarian towns on the basis of archival research, first of all with parish register data. In the appendix I give a list of gold- and silversmiths named in the registers of the Israelite community of Obuda between 1851 and 1895, and those in the census of 1850.

U radu se istražuje demografsko gibanje unutar mikrocjeline Veljaci u općini Ljubuški. U istraživanju je kao izvor primarnih podataka korištena najstarija matična knjiga krštenih s prijelaza iz 18. u 19. stoljeće za prostor koji obuhvaća današnja župa Veljaci. Dobiveni podaci su povijesno-demografskim, mikrohistorijskim i komparativno-historijskim metodološkim pristupom raščlanjeni. Ciljevi istraživanja su predstaviti nekadašnje demografske zbilje ovoga mikroprostora s imperijalne granice, opisati mu demografske pokazatelje i njihovu dinamiku, ponajprije one vezane za natalitet, te uočiti eventualne trendove koji bi upućivali na demografska kretanja širega područja, to jest područje tadašnje župe Ljubuški u cjelini. Ograničenim istraživanjem i analizom podataka prikupljenih pri heurističkim zahvatima za širu i iscrpniju studiju o ljubuškom stanovništvu, djelomično smo odškrinuli vrata demografske zbilje ovoga područja s krajnje periferije Osmanskoga Carstva na prijelazu iz 18. u 19. stoljeće. Komparativno-historijski pristup je pokazao da se obilježja nataliteta uklapaju u pravilnosti utvrđene istraživanjima na raznim, zemljopisno bližim, ali i udaljenijim područjima. Slično je pokazala i analiza antroponimijskoga korpusa. Istraživanje podataka matičnih knjiga pružilo nam je prvi, preliminarni uvid u demografsku sliku dijela Ljubuškoga, a nadamo se da će nastavak istraživanja cjelokupne ljubuške mikrocjeline, značajno upotpuniti sliku i bar djelomično rekonstituirati njezin cjelokupni demografski razvoj.

Parish registers provide organized, dated and located population data and as such, are routinely among the most frequently consulted documents within the holdings of county record offices and archives. Throughout history, extreme weather has had significant impacts on the church, its congregation, and local landscape. It is for these reasons that extreme weather events have been deemed worthy of official note by authors of many registers. Although isolated entries have been used as supporting evidence for the occurrence of a number of historic extreme weather events, the information that parish registers contain relating to weather history has not been studied in its own right. Parish register narratives add new events to existing chronologies of extreme weather events and contribute to our understanding of their impacts at the local level. As public and well used documents they also function to keep the memory of particular events alive. The examples in this paper cover a wide range of weather types, places, and time periods, also enabling recording practice to be explored. Finally, as the number of digitized registers increases, we highlight the risks of weather narratives being obscured, and reflect on how the weather history contained within might be systematically captured.

Nakon uvodnih napomena o osobnome imenu, matičnim knjigama i Kvaderni kapitula lovranskog, slijedi središnji dio rada – statističko-strukturna raščlamba osobnoimenske građe matične knjige koja je sastavnicom Kvaderne. Tablično se prikazuje i komentira čestotnost imenā krštenika, njihovih roditelja i kumova. Prikaz osobnoimenske građe upotpunjuje se osvrtom na nasljednost osobnih imena i antroponimijsku formulu te njihove jezične značajke (fonološke, morfološke, tvorbene i sintaktičke)., The introductory part of the paper consists of notes on personal names, parish registers and Kvaderna kapitula lovranskog. The main part of the work gives a statistical and structural analysis of personal name data from the parish register which is an integral part of the Kvaderna kapitula lovranskog – an annotated table of the frequency of names of baptized persons, their parents and God parents is given. The overview of personal name data is completed by remarks on the hereditary quality of personal names, their dependence on the Church calendar, anthroponomical formula as well as language features (phonological, morphological, word-formational and syntactic) of personal names.

It is well known that mortality in the past was dominated by crises. Prior to the industrial revolution, the contours of mortality of most human populations were punctuated with prominent spikes that could not be missed by any observer scanning a parish register for a sufficient number of pages. Choosing a year at random, the series would show more births than deaths and pretty much the same over the next few years or decades. But sooner or later, suddenly, it was there: the dramatic, unpredictable upswing of mortality, pages after pages, carrying off a tenth, a quarter, or even a third of an entire community in a matter of months, if not weeks. Pestilence, famine, and the devastation of war were the main causes of these dramatic episodes, always ready to surge, lurking against the background of what is called, for lack of a better term, “usual” or “normal” mortality conditions. Crises of mortality were not only startling to the first population historians who browsed the historical archives, but were often taken to have dominated the whole of past demographic trends. Studying Scottish population history, Flinn (1977) went on to suggest that in its early stages, the general decline in mortality of the last centuries was largely due to the attenuation of the severity of crisis mortal-ity. French historical demographer Jacques Dupâquier(1976) devised a measure of “crise de mortalite” that became standard in the historical demography of mortality.Owing to these crises, large numbers of our predecessors died very early in life and their expected lifespan did not surpass 30 to 40 years in most instances. Between 1800 and 2000, however, life expectancy at birth rose to a global average of sixty-seven years (Riley 2001) and to more than 75 years in developed countries like Canada (Bourbeau and Smuga 2003). At the end of what came to be known as the epidemiological transition (Omran 1971)—a gradual shift from epidemic and infectious diseases to those of a degenerative nature—the most common age at death had jumped from infancy to old age. The articles in this special issue of

In 1937, James Sutherland began his fine biography of the author of The Life and Strange Surprizing Adventures of Robinson Crusoe of York, Mariner by describing the “unsettled and eventful world into which Daniel Defoe was born” before going on to point out, perfectly correctly, that: “The exact date of his birth is unknown.” “From various sources, however, one can make a fairly good guess,” Sutherland continued: “it is almost certain that Defoe was born in the autumn of 1660.”1 In fact, the reasons adduced by Sutherland suggest that Defoe was born in the autumn of 1659 rather than in the autumn of 1660. First, Defoe’s age is given as “ab[ou]t 24” in the license dated 28 December 1683 (not 24 December, as Sutherland has it) which authorized his marriage to the twenty-year-old Mary Tuffley on 1 January 1684.2 Second, in the Preface to The Protestant Monastery—included in both Maximillian E. Novak’s list of Defoe’s works in The New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature: Volume 2: 1660–1800 (1971) and P. N. Furbank and W. R. Owens’s Critical Bibliography (1998)—”Andrew Moreton, Esq;” writes: “Alas I have but small Health and little Leisure to turn Author, being now in my 67th Year, almost worn out with Age and Sickness.” The Protestant Monastery was dated 1727 on the title-page but actually published in November 1726. And a year later, in Augusta Triumphans, Defoe returns to his physical condition when he insists that: “I have but a short Time to live, nor would I waste my remaining Thread of Life in Vain.”3 There is a complicating factor, however: according to the Parish Register of St Giles, Cripplegate, “Elizab’ daugt’ of James Foe tallowchand’ & of Ailce [i.e. Alice?] not Christe[ned]: [was] borne June 19” in 1659.4 If this were the case, then Defoe patently could not have been born to James and Alice Foe in the autumn of 1659, let alone on 30 September—the date on which Robinson Crusoe is shipwrecked on his island, and which, according to some commentators, seems to have had some special significance for Defoe. Thus, in his study of Defoe’s Early Life, Frank Bastian acknowledges that, “[w]ith so many improbabilities, it would be rash to be dogmatic,” but nevertheless he goes on to explain that, “for the sake of convenience it will be assumed, when referring to Defoe’s age, that he was born on 30 September 1660.”5 Until recently, therefore, scholars have tended to assume, on the basis of the evidence of the Preface to The Protestant Monastery, that if Defoe had indeed entered his sixty-seventh year by November 1726, that he was probably born in the autumn of 1660. More recently, however, John Martin has asserted that the author, Daniel Defoe, who wrote The True-Born-Englishman, The Shortest-Way with the Dissenters, and Jure Divino, as well as the series of narratives which we now know as Defoe’s novels, was born not in London in 1660, but in Etton, Northamptonshire, in 1644. The basis of Martin’s assertion is an entry in the Parish Register of the Church of St. Stephen, Etton, which he has posted as a jpeg on the website of the discussion group of the Defoe Society (Defoe@lists). The relevant entry reads: “Daniel the sonne of Daniel Foe & Hellen his wife was baptized 3 December.1644.” What Martin has yet to do, however, is demonstrate that the author of Robinson Crusoe is the subject of this entry in the Parish Register of St. Stephen, Etton. Instead, Martin argues that, in the absence of an entry in the Parish Register of St. Giles Cripplegate of the baptism of a son of James and Ailce Foe called Daniel, anyone who does not accept that the Daniel Foe baptized at Etton in 1644 is the Daniel Defoe known to posterity must demonstrate that the latter was indeed the son of James Foe, tallowchandler. This is a decidedly odd method of proceeding, particularly when the significant number of documentary references to Defoe that appear to indicate he was born around 1660 in London...

The aim of this thesis is to visualize and explain how people’s economic and social relations were connected in the parish of Sundborn, in the south east of Dalarna, in the period 1820-1849. The study is based on records of claims and debts in inventories and parish registers, which enable reconstruction of the private local credit market. The study shows that the majority in the economic network lived in Sundborn, and that while few people had formal loans at the institutional credit market, many had loans by trust at the private local credit market. Also, while few people were lenders, almost everyone was a borrower. The most common credit relationship was between people who lived near one another, and people who lived near one another or were related received a higher average credit. The private local credit market consisted primarily of men. These results have been interpreted with the use of social network theory, it being shown that people depended on their social network to obtain the necessary credit. In creating an economic network graph, I show that households in the parish of Sundborn were interconnected by debt relations. By using this method, it is possible to identify significant persons and potential parish bankers. Through combining the network graph with a landscape map, I show connections between the settlement, the assets, economic relations, centrality and the long valley of Sundborn river. The study opens up possibilities for further development of the same method to visualize historic data and relate it to the landscape, with a view to generating new related questions and spatial analyses.

One of the best-known legends of the Derbyshire Peak District concerns two eloping lovers, usually dubbed “Allan and Clara,” who were supposedly robbed and murdered by local lead miners in the Winnats Pass near Castleton sometime between 1745 and 1768. Variants of the story abound in collections of legends and folktales and even in scholarly books and articles. The identities of the victims were never established, but the alleged murderers were named, and at least two of them can be identified from the parish register. The distinctive, perhaps unique, feature of this story is the abundance of variants recorded over a period of more than two centuries. The earliest written version dates from 1785, the most recent from 2008. The evolution of the Winnats Pass murder tale can be traced in detail through this wealth of recorded forms. I argue that aspects of local history help to explain how and why the story originated, survived and underwent various metamorphoses. The nature of lead mining communities, the r...

This article reconstructs the nature and scale of dearth in the late 1640s, emphasizing the coincidence of economic distress with constitutional crisis. It reconsiders the parish register evidence for subsistence crisis; examines the responses of central and local government; analyses the role of popular agency, especially though petitioning campaigns, in prompting reluctant magistrates to regulate the grain markets along lines stipulated by the late Elizabethan and early Stuart dearth orders, which had not been proclaimed since 1630; and accordingly suggests that the late 1640s represents a missing link in the historiography of responses to harvest failure.

294-299 Метрические книги являются одним из важнейших и интереснейших источни- ков по изучению истории народа, фиксировавших основные моменты жизни каж- дого члена общества. Опираясь на материалы метрических книг, автор проанали- зировал особенности жизнедеятельности татарского общества XIX - начала XX в. В статье выявлены и исследованы особенности метрических книг, составленных на старотатарском языке в арабской графике. Parish registers (metricheskie knigi) are an important and interesting source for the history of the Tatar nation; they document major moments in the life of each member of a local community. The article discusses the main features of Tatar social life in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and analyzes the characteristics of Muslim community registers as a genre of Arabic-script Tatar literature.

The article reviews earlier collaborative research about German immigrants to Brazil by using data from family genealogies (the reconstruction of family histories from parish register data). These data permit the preliminary testing of a methodology to establish indicators of the group's ethnic identity. There is need to understand the group's criteria for determining and receiving members and for making inclusion and exclusion apparent in the group. The choice of baptismal names is analyzed, and these choices are considered against the background of the changes the population underwent as it continued to adapt to new social and economic circumstances. The analysis needs to be more complex and continuous cultural uniformity cannot be assumed; each cohort of the population has to be better defined as a relatively distinct cultural unit.

This overview deals with the development of population statistics in Germany and Prussia, where different streams and trends in the field of statistics can be observed until the end of the 18th century: (1) the so-called university statistics (Staatenkunde); (2) political arithmetic; (3) table statistics; (4) “German Kameralia;” and (5) Prussian financial science. The most important sources for historical demographic research are the parish registers. In Germany, they start in the early or high Middle Ages as baptismal lists. In Prussia in the 16th century, parish registers consisted of entries and items of baptisms (births), marriages, and funerals (deaths). Based upon these parish registers at the end of 17th century in the Brandenburg Electorate, population lists were set up as registers or tables of population movement, as “general registers of the born, the married, the deceased, and the communicants.” Physicians and such Prussian medical authorities as the Collegium medicum and the Collegium sanitat...

Die sogenannte Méthode der paläodemographischen Schätzwerte ermöglicht es, die Tatsachlichkeit bestimmter demographischer Merkmale zu untersuchen. Nach einem Test an einer Population aus Kirchenbuchern, stellte sich heraus, dass der Erfolg dieser Methode die Kenntnis der Wachstumsrate der Population auf die sie angewandt wird, voraussetzt., The so-called « paleodemographic estimators » method provides an effective tool for approaching certain demographic parameters. We tested it using a population taken from parish registers. It would seem, however, that the reliability of this method is contingent upon a prior knowledge of the growth rate of the population studied., La méthode dite « des estimateurs en paléodémographie » permet d'approcher la réalité de certains indicateurs démographiques. Il semblerait, néanmoins, après l'avoir testé sur une population de registres paroissiaux, que son succès soit lié à la connaissance préalable du taux d'accroissement de la population sur laquelle elle est appliquée., Guy Hervé, Wabont Monique. Contrôle d'un estimateur paléodémographique à partir de sources historiques (les registres paroissiaux de Saint-Maclou de Pontoise, Val-d'Oise). In: Revue archéologique de Picardie. Numéro spécial 21, 2003. Sens dessus dessous. La recherche du sens en Préhistoire. Recueil d'études offert à Jean Leclerc et Claude Masset. pp. 113-116.

In literary studies the prefix “Ur” applies to an original text, now lost, that spawned one or more descendants. The classic case in early modern English drama is the so-called “Ur-Hamlet.”2 According to widely-cited documentary evidence, it might have been written c.1588; it almost certainly was performed at the Newington playhouse on 9 June 1594; it probably had a ghost that shrieked “Hamlet, revenge!”; it probably was performed at James Burbage’s Theater; and it might have been written by Thomas Kyd.3 In addition to there being documentary proof of its existence, the “Ur-Hamlet” is exemplary because it is considered a non-Shakespearean text discrete from the variously Shakespearean Hamlets printed in 1603, 1604–5, and 1623. No other sometimes-called “Ur” play quite fits that model. The “Ur-Shrew” is close, but it lacks extra-textual signs of a material existence. It differs also in that some supporters consider it to have been a Shakespearean “first sketch” of The Taming of the Shrew. 4 There are in addition texts in some sense “Ur” which are perceived as lost originals that survive through revision or overwriting to become in print (for example) Titus Andronicus, Locrine, and Histrio-Mastix.5 “The Seven Deadly Sins,” which is not usually labelled an Ur-play shares with the “Ur-Hamlet” the fact of having existed. Two sources, Gabriel Harvey and Thomas Nashe, attest to that existence and name Richard Tarlton as the author; a third, the entry of Tarlton’s burial on 3 September 1588 in the parish register of St. Leonard, Shoreditch gives the play a terminus ad quem.6

By the turn of the seventeenth century London was a phenomenon, a source of wonder to both English and foreign visitors. Already by far the largest urban centre in England — easily surpassing regional capitals like Norwich, Exeter and York — it was growing extremely fast. Around 1500 it is doubtful whether the city had more than 50,000 inhabitants. Yet counting as part of the metropolis not only the old city of London and its liberties, but also Westminster, the rapidly expanding northern and eastern suburbs such as Clerkenwell and Stepney, and Southwark and adjacent areas south of the river, its population around 1600 had reached 200,000. Sustained by immigration — a net rate of maybe 8000 a year, though there was also much temporary migration in and out of London — the number of inhabitants was almost to double to something over 375,000 by 1650.2 Did births out of wedlock likewise increase exponentially in this teeming urban agglomeration, a settlement on a scale hitherto unknown in England and in an intricate demographic relationship with its hinterland? Historians have been surprised to find that parish register analysis suggests that it was less rather than more common than in the country, but such evidence raises many questions.3

One of the old literary languages of Sub-Carpathia, the jazicije, can be traced back to the long tradition of bishop Bacsinszky's chancellery. Andras Bacsinszky wrote and issued many circulars while exercising the duty of a bishop. The influence of these circulars on the formation of the literary language was enormous as all parish priests had to read them, copy them into the parish register (protocollum) and read them out to the parishioners. The circulars composed by the deans and sent round in the region sometimes quoted whole sentences from Bacsinszky's circulars. The jazicije is not an artificial creation without any tradition or significance as proclaimed by Marxist linguistics. The language of Bacsinszky's circulars and of the documents of his chancellery was considered to be a model, literary norm by the contemporary intelligentsia. Thematically the circulars can be divided into two groups. To the first group belong the local circulars consolidating and explaining the orders of the secular authori...

Historians and social scientists encounter a range of methodolofical difficulties in their investigation of the patterns of work, income generation and occupational identity. Perhaps the largest challenge arises from the use of occupational designations such as those recorded in a national census or parish register. The authors use a Canadian census to show the limitations.

The two most effective ways of converting parish register data into estimates of fertility, mortality, and nuptiality in the past are generalised inverse projection and family reconstitution. In general, they produce reassuringly similar results for England in the early modern period. An earlier version of inverse projection, using aggregative tabulations from 404 parishes, was employed to generate the demographic estimates presented in the Population history of England , while, 16 years later, data from 26 parish reconstitutions formed the basis for the findings published in English population history from family reconstitution . The more refined measures produced by family reconstitution have enabled some of the input parameters used in inverse projection to be specified more accurately, and this in turn has led to minor modifications in the results obtained from the aggregative data, but, whether the original or the modified parameters are used, comparison of the output from the two methods suggests that both yield the same ‘big picture’. Nevertheless, reconstitution has brought to light many previously unknown or obscure features of English population history, some of which are simultaneously illuminating and puzzling: illuminating because they enforce a revision of the received wisdom; puzzling because, although the existence of an unexpected pattern can be demonstrated, its explanation is unclear. The bulk of this essay is devoted to a possible explanation of one of the new findings of reconstitution, the rise in marital fertility which took place during the eighteenth century, for which no satisfactory explanation was offered in English population history . In a concluding section, the possible links between economic circumstances and population growth are discussed.

There are a very considerable number of purposes that identity registration systems can serve. Legitimate users of such systems play many roles and perform many functions in utilizing such systems: some individuals wishing to bequeath or inherit property, others seeking to validate their rights to various welfare entitlements or simply use their credit or debit cards. The right to vote itself is validated by reference to such a system, while the internal policing and external border control agencies of the nation state rely heavily on the use of identity registration systems. Public servants of municipalities such as school managers, private insurance companies and banks, alongside health professionals and many religions and their organizations all have recourse to the use of identity registration systems.

Childhood is the key to one’s personality. It is in this phase of life that a person’s character is formed and that the norms of the relationship between the inner world of the individual and the outer world are established. A child’s experiences shape the psyche of the future adult. Although not quite the clean slate for which an English philosopher held it,2 a child’s mind is certainly far more impressionable than the mind of a grown-up. To use a cliche metaphor of our computer age, in a child the hardware is already in place, but the programs are still being written.

In Letter II of The Borough (1810), the mosses and lichens on the walls of a parish church are transformed into a metaphor for organic and hierarchical paternalist communities: ‘There she [Science] perceives them round the surface creep / And while they meet, their due distinctions keep; / Mix’d but not blended; each its name retains, / And these are Nature’s ever-during stains’.1 Today the church spire or tower remains the strongest visual sign that one is approaching a small village in the countryside. From a visual and geographical perspective, the borough (a large county town which has been granted some degree of self-governance) does not have the same identity because each parish merges into the next. But at the turn of the eighteenth century, even within a borough, the church indicated the presence of a community of some kind. It is just that the membership of a community within a borough would have been harder to identify. In Crabbe’s vision the fabric of the church develops in synergy with the evolving community. Recent innovations are naturalised and incorporated seamlessly into existing ways, just as the different varieties of moss and lichen on the church walls remain ‘mix’d’ rather than ‘blended’. In paternalist communities everyone knew their place, while the gentry and the clergy maintained order through a combination of carrot in the form of outdoor relief and stick through the threat of social exclusion.

The analysis of the statistics of marriage drawn from the Registrar General's annual reports forms part of research on the origins of the depressed areas of Britain financed by the Leverhulme Trust. The analysis of the Bolton parish register was supported by a Small Personal Research Grant from the British Academy. Earlier versions of this article were presented to the Social Science History Association, the Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, the Liverpool University Institute for European Population Studies, and the All Souls Quantitative Economic History Workshop. We are particularly grateful to Tim Hatton, Paul Johnson, Roger Schoneld, and David Vincent for their help and suggestions.

It is customary, when discussing Lind's Treatise on the scurvy1 and the Admiralty order for the issue of lemon juice, to remark on the 42-year gap between the publication of the book and that of the order. Many reasons have been put forward: Lind's own inconclusiveness about the nature of the effect of lemon juice on scurvy; the fact that he dedicated the book to Lord Anson, who by that time had little influence as a patron; or simply the slow grinding of the mills of Admiralty bureaucracy. As remarkable, perhaps, is the disappearance from the written record of Lind's influence. After the second edition of Thomas Trotter's Observations on the scurvy in 1792,2 there appears to be a gap in citations until Sir John Simon published English sanitary institutions in 1890,3 and then the first issue of the Journal of the Royal Naval Medical Service (1915), which included HD Rolleston's James Lind, pioneer of medical hygiene.4 The James Lind Library's bibliography of commentaries on Lind cites four further articles before the bicentenary of the treatise, three of them published in the Journal of the Royal Naval Medical Service. The other is the first biography of Lind, published by LH Roddis in 1950.5 However, Lind's work did make a brief appearance in fiction in the 1920s. Dorothy L Sayers, in ‘The vindictive story of the footsteps that ran‘,6 makes (rarely for her) a straightforward error of fact when she has Dr Hartmann, in the story, assign Lind's research to 1757, actually the date of the Treatise's second edition. Another error, perhaps more excusable in someone with no medical training, is that Dr Hartmann appears to be inducing scurvy in rats. As rats can synthesise their own vitamin C, this is unlikely to have been possible by normal dietary means: the doctor would have done better to use guinea-pigs. Sayers’ story is set in 1921, but was published in 1928, a year after the appearance in the Journal of the Royal Naval Medical Service of Stockman's article, James Lind and scurvy,7 and the award of a PhD to Albert Szent-Gyorgyi for his work at Cambridge University in isolating vitamin C: perhaps a coincidence, although it is not unlikely that Sayers would have heard of the latter, given the circles in which she moved. The bicentenary year of the Treatise produced, not unnaturally, a new edition,8 two bicentennial dinners, and seven further citations, including another from the Journal of the Royal Naval Medical Service.9 Since then there has been a steady flow of papers on Lind or aspects of his work, including one by AP Meiklejohn entitled The curious obscurity of Dr James Lind,10 which part-inspired this paper. There was another surge in interest for the Treatise's 250th anniversary: 2002–2003 produced six citations, and two books intended for a less-scientific audience: David Harvie's Limeys11and Stephen Bown's Scurvy.12 Work still continues, not least through the James Lind Library. Thus far for Lind's work; but 1953 generated, retrospectively as it were, another disappearance: that of Lind himself. He died in Gosport on 18 July 1794, and LH Roddis states that he ‘was buried in St Mary's Parish Church, Gosport, Hampshire’.5 As Gosport's Parish Church is Holy Trinity, one might suspect that St Mary's, Alverstoke, was intended; but Surgeon Lt Cdr Glass, in his article of 1949, says with certainty that ‘His remains are in a vault under an old Norman Fount [i.e. font] at St. Mary's Parish Church in the grounds of Portchester Castle’,13 and quotes a record of the burial from the Parish Register. There is indeed a memorial to James Lind and to his wife Isabel Dickie inside the church: but the vault, when opened - whether in 1830 or 1900 or both is uncertain - revealed no trace of the coffins. A single letter from the Commander-in-Chief at the Royal Hospital Haslar, who began the search for Lind's final resting place early in 1953, says ‘churchyard’ rather than church,14 but the vault seems on all other occasions to have been assumed as the original burial place. From contemporary correspondence still on file we know that ‘the Vicar of Portchester had it by hearsay from his predecessor that an old lady organist told him that Lind's body had been disinterred from the Portchester vault about 20 years after the burial, and removed to the Isle of Wight’.15 James Lind's son John had moved to Ryde, and is buried in Holy Trinity Church there: but there are no other Lind coffins in the church except for those of John's wife and two of his daughters. The Commander-in-Chief then advertised in the local papers, the Evening News16,17 and the Hampshire Telegraph. No definite result emerged from this that did not contradict the story already known: but by 10 May 1953, the Sunday Dispatch carried the headline ‘Body vanished fifty years ago - hospital advertises for it’.18 The article continues ‘Search is going on all over the country for the body of the great naval surgeon, James Lind, which was buried in St Mary's Church, Portchester, Hampshire, in 1794 but had disappeared - with its coffin - when the vault was opened 50 years ago.’ After some discussion of Lind and his work the article concludes on a dramatic note: ‘Some old inhabitants of Portchester say ‘It is possible body-snatchers took it. Those were queer days. Strange things happened.'’ There are no contemporary reports of any such theft, and in 1953 neither the Home Office, the Public Record Office or the Diocesan Records had any record of the disinterment or removal of the body (Institute of Naval Medicine JL/f6). On 18 September 1966 (near the 250th anniversary of Lind's birth on 4 October), there was a service of commemoration of his life and work at St Luke's Chapel, Haslar, which included the unveiling of a memorial plaque. Report of this reached the Daily Telegraph, which, referencing Meiklejohn's article,10 commented: ‘Lind kept his ‘obscurity’ even after his death. A memorial tablet in Portchester Parish Church says he is buried there. The tomb is empty’.18 After the commemorative service the matter rested for forty years or so, until Mr Iain Mackenzie, of the Admiralty Library at the Naval Historical Branch, visiting Portchester castle one day, felt the need for a cigarette. To light up he sheltered in the west bastion of the Roman fort's south gate, and, looking down, saw the words James Lind MD engraved on the slab where he stood. Later in the year I found the grave with my husband's help, and some while ago took Linda Peters – a descendant of Lind19 - to see it. To my deep embarrassment I couldn't find it. That particular year must have been a particularly good one for shrub growth, and when Linda Peters went again on her own, she not only succeeded in finding the gravestone but was able to cut back the undergrowth and clean it. Although it is possible that the stone was moved from elsewhere, I like to think that James Lind is buried there, as close to the sea as he could get. One further mystery, however, remains: why, when he died at Gosport, was he taken all the way to Portchester for burial? Perhaps he made the request in his will.

Adding to the lexical structure of Polish language, affecting its phonetics and morphology, Ukrainian language has also left its distinct mark in the formation of Polish anthroponymy. This is evident in the large number of Polish surnames with East Slavic (predominantly Ukrainian) elements recorded in the Roman Catholic parish register of the Galician region. Thus, identification of phenomenon of phonetic interference in Polish anthroponymy of Drohobych, analysis of phonetic influences of Ukrainian language on the formation of Polish surnames in Drohobych at the end of XVIII and beginning of XIX centuries is an important, interesting and hitherto little studied linguistic problem that are discussed in this article.

William Gascoigne was the eldest son of Henry Gascoigne of Thorp–on–the–Hill near Middleton, in the parish of Rothwell. By the time of William’s birth, Henry was living in comfortable circumstances, but at its outset, Henry’s life had been scarred by tragedy. In 1589, aged only three, he became an orphan. In accordance with the dying wishes of their father, he and his sister, Elizabeth, were put into the care of their wealthy uncle, Richard Tempest of Tong. In the Tempest household near Bradford brother and sister spent their early childhood years together, but by the time Henry was 12 they were separated as his custody and wardship was made over to his future father-in-law, William Cartwright of York. An unsettling transfer—some would consider it heartless—but this was seventeenth century England: the wardship of such a minor was a commodity to be competed for. Sometimes it would be granted by the Court of Wards to a complete outsider, simply the highest bidder, keen to gain income and advantage from the orphan’s assets. Not until 1611 would the law be changed to ensure that the next of kin had a prior right to the wardship.

Early-modern cities are often perceived to be centres of high mortality and under constant siege from a barrage of epidemics. However, few urban mortality rates have been calculated and by employing parish register evidence from the regional capital of York, the thesis that the city was subjected to continual sudden increases in mortality can be firmly rejected. Infant mortality was high but remained virtually constant between 1561 and 1700. About a quarter of all infants did not survive to reach their first birthday and neonatal mortality was especially severe. From the mid-seventeenth century a series of epidemics increased child mortality although overall levels of mortality were not significantly affected. Relatively little can be said about adult mortality and apart from two periods of 'crisis' mortality there is little to suggest that adults were greatly affected by epidemics. Indeed, for many adults the urban environment appears to have posed no great threat to health and most could look forward to a relatively long life in the city. York's mortality regime was very similar to that of the smaller market town of Gainsborough where high levels of mortality remained stable throughout much of the early-modern period.

Martin Lister was born in Radclive, a "small village perched on a cliff of reddish soil that overlooks the River Ouse. The Bishop's copy of the Radclive parish register indicates his parents, Sir Martin and Susanna Lister, had Martin and four other of his siblings baptized at the small church of St John the Evangelist. Martin Lister was born into a distinguished medical family connected to high office and royalty. Because of the Listers' connections and wealth, Martin received the interdisciplinary education of a gentleman largely under the guidance of his great-uncle Matthew, a royal physician. As a reward for the loyalty Matthew showed to the Stuarts, Martin received a fellowship by royal mandate at St John's College, Cambridge. This chapter will elucidate familial and political connections as well as analyze the intellectual context that developed Lister's character and his work as a naturalist, physician, and virtuoso.Keywords: Life; Martin Lister; medical family; naturalist; physician; political connections; royalty; virtuoso

T he village of Clapham, in Yorkshire, lies at the foot of Ingleborough, close to a station of the Leeds and Lancaster Railway. Here the parish register between 1708 and 1730 shows that ‘Richard ffaraday’ recorded the births of ten children. He is described as of Keasden, stonemason and tiler, a ‘separatist;’ and he died in 1741. No earlier record of Faraday's family can be found. It seems not unlikely that the birth of an eleventh child, Robert, in 1724, was never registered. Whether this Robert was the son or nephew of Richard cannot be certainly known: however, it is certain that he married Elizabeth Dean, the owner of Clapham Wood Hall. This Hall was of some beauty, and of a style said to be almost peculiar to the district between Lancaster, Kirkby Lonsdale, and Skipton. The porch had a gableend and ornamented lintel with the initials of the builder (the proprietor); and the windows, with three or four mullions and label or string-course, had a very good effect. It was partly pulled down some twenty to an extreme, and it troubled him very much: from this consideration he strove to make all things look as well as he could, and he had some hope within a little of his death that he happen might mend, which is very natural for all people.

The replacement child, often given the name of the deceased, is prone to fantasies that he or she is the embodiment of the dead child. Vincent van Gogh was born one year to the day after a stillborn brother of the identical name, including the middle name, Willem. In the parish register van Gogh was given the same number twenty-nine as his predecessor brother. Van Gogh’s fantasies of death and rebirth, of being a double and a twin, contributed to both his psychopathology and his creativity. The replacement theme in van Gogh’s life and work is evident in his voluminous correspondence containing drawings and references to his art. His parents and his brother Theo are viewed as having shared a familial fantasy system. Van Gogh’s self-portraits are regarded as relevant to his being a replacement child. No single fantasy or theme can account for the complexities of development, disorder, or creativity. Van Gogh’s art was vastly overdetermined, including extraordinary endowment and the motivation of a replacement child to justify his survival, surpass his rival double/twin through great achievement, repair parental depression, and defy death through immortality.

This paper has two main goals. The first is to review the context for studying infant mortality, which includes a review of the theoretical framework, the covariates used to examine mortality over the first 60 months of life, and the major findings of empirical studies. Second, the paper adds some new empirical evidence that comes from the longitudinal reconstitution of church registers of Bejsce parish, located in the south of Poland. This rich database allows for an analysis of mortality trends of cohorts born between the 18th and 20th centuries in the parish. The analysis includes a reconstruction of descriptive measures of infant and childhood mortality, and a hazard model of mortality over the first 60 months of life. The hazard model has been calculated for each cohort separately in order to demonstrate the change in the relative importance of analyzed factors during the process of mortality decline in the parish. Obtained mortality patterns are discussed with reference to the theoretical context presented in the first part of the paper. 1. Introduction 1.1 Aims of the paper This paper's aim is to analyze infant and childhood mortality patterns in a historical population which underwent the demographic and epidemiologic transitions. This empirical analysis refers to a theoretical context and a review of up-to-date research, which presented in the first part of the paper. Although the topic of infant and childhood mortality is one of the most popular topics in empirical demography, the motivation to raise this issue once again results from a unique opportunity to study the records of early mortality patterns over 200 years, within one historical population of Bejsce parish, located in the south of Poland. This provides a good opportunity to trace changes in the relative importance of various mortality factors during the change in fertility levels from high to low In traditional and historical societies, infant mortality was one of the main barriers preventing the growth of populations. Over the course of the demographic transition, the improvement in infant and child survival leads to rapid population growth, and, subsequently, to a shift in reproductive behavior (Galloway, Lee, and Hammel 1998; Matthiessen and McCann 1978; Schofield, Reher, and Bideau 1991). From this perspective, the decline in fertility might be seen as a response of couples to the improvement in the survival chances of their offspring. Therefore, assuming they had no deliberate control over reproduction, most of the couples "overproduced" children. This overproduction was related to the anticipation of high and varying mortality levels during first months and years after childbirth. For that reason, the topic of mortality at young ages is one of the "cornerstones" in demography, and it has been used for the description of demographic transitions in historical European societies (for instance: Bideau, Desjardins, and Brignoli 1997). Subsequently, elaborated models and methods were applied to the analysis of developing countries which exhibited (or still exhibit) levels and patterns of infant mortality typical for Europe in the past. Thus, this topic is still alive in demography, although the research area expanded beyond Europe and other developed countries. The issue of infant and early childhood mortality is also important from the perspective of evolution and the ecological constraints of human reproduction and reproductive success (Voland 1998). From this perspective, what matters is not only the number of children produced, but also the number of children who reach sexual maturity and manage to reproduce themselves. Thus, from an evolutionary perspective, offspring survival is the most important factor that determines individual reproductive success. Hence, by looking at the correlates of mortality we can learn which factors could potentially increase or decrease the number of surviving offspring, and thus have an impact on reproductive success. …

The birth and the baptism of child were significant events in the life of people in all historical periods. This diploma thesis demonstrates meaning of the baptism rite and its reflection in the urban society in the Early Modern Age. In comparison to bachelor thesis was used more sources. The research of six families memoirs is supplied with analysis of parish register of Český Krumlov town from 1662 to 1666. Sources of religious area represents catholic, evangelical and Lutheral clerical works and especially polemics. Wider spectrum of sources made possible deeper sight at meaning of baptism and confrontation between religious order and everyday practice in baptism and godparenthood in towns in the 16. and 17. centuries.

The present study aims to investigate the parity specific effect of kin help on the transition between births among natural and controlled fertility birth cohorts of the Bejsce parish. The hypothesis states that kin help should be of par- ticular importance in the case of higher order births. Thus, kin effects understood as reduction in the costs of childbearing (direct childcare, provision of the resources) or nutritional effects should be of particular importance at higher parities. The analyses are based on the multilevel hazard models of parity transition with kin effects represented by time-constant and time-varying covariates. The data used for the estimation of the models come from the reconstitution of the registers from Bejsce parish located in south-central Poland. The reconstitution covers the period between 1730 and 1968. The results suggest that there was a strong kin effect espe- cially at higher parities. These effects were mostly associated with the presence of nongenerative relatives (grandparents). The analyses reveal only weak differences in the kin effect between natural and controlled fertility regimes.

Acknowledgements: Tommy Bengtsson and Geraldine P. Mineau,-Introduction: Tommy Bengtsson and Geraldine P. Mineau,- Part I: Family and kin as immediate providers of well-being for its members,- 1: Marriage and the kin network: Evidence from a 19th-century Italian community: Matteo Manfredini and Marco Breschi,- 2: Mortality in the family of origin and its effects on marriage partner selection in a Flemish village, 18th-20th centuries: Bart Van de Putte, Koen Matthijs, and Robert Vlietinck,- 3: Villages, descent groups, households, and individual outcomes in rural Liaoning, 1789-1909: Cameron Campbell and James Lee,- Part II: The importance of family and kin over the life-course,- 4: The presence of parents and childhood survival: The passage of social time and differences by social class: Frans Van Poppel and Ruben Van Gallen,- 5: When do kinsmen really help? Examination of cohort and parity-specific kin effects on fertility behavior. Case of the Bejsce parish register reconstitution study, 17-20th centuries, Poland: Krzysztof Tymicki,- 6: Places of life events as bequestable wealth. Familial territory and migration in France, 19th and 20th centuries: Lionel Kesztenbaum,- 7: Family effects on mortality in older ages, Southern Sweden, 1829-1894: Tommy Bengtsson and Goeran Brostroem,- Part III: Kinship as a marker of genetic proximity,- 8: The influence of consanguineous marriage on reproductive behavior and early mortality in northern coastal Sweden, 1780-1899: Inez Egerbladh and Alan Bittles,- 9: Post-reproductive longevity in a natural fertility population: Alain Gagnon et al,- 10: Familial aggregation of elderly cause-specific mortality: Analysis of extended pedigrees in Utah, 1904-2002: Richard Kerber et al,- 11: Distant kinship and founder effects in the Quebec population: Marc Tremblay et al.

This essay examines widowhood in seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century London. Using exceptionally detailed parish register evidence predominantly from the poor suburban parish of Stepney East London between 1617 and 1718 it establishes that the proportion of remarrying brides was extremely high in the early seventeenth century but fell substantially thereafter. The essay argues that changing marital opportunities produced by an alteration in the sex ratio of the capitals population rather than improvements in female employment prospects or rising adult life expectancy are likely to best explain the decline. The author also suggests that changing attitudes to remarriage on the part of both men and women might also explain some of the observed fall. (SUMMARY IN FRE AND GER) (EXCERPT)

One of the things which Christianity offered to the Reverend George Crabbe was a tradition of storytelling, the biblical parable. He transmitted Gospel parables to his parishioners in sermons and in readings from the Prayer Book;1 he also wrote moral tales in verse which may be compared to biblical parables. Referring, in a sermon dated 29 April 1821, to the parable-like story of Isaac and Rebecca in Genesis 24, Crabbe wrote: We may dress our Stories in the Habits of Pomp and Circumstance. We may add Adventures and descriptions, but these simple Relations of natural Manners and common Events are not only more true but they are more affecting; they do not bring to our View extraordinary Situations and Trials that no one undergoes, but they teach us by Example what is our Duty.2

The techniques aimed at the reconstruction of population structures from parish register in historical periods have widely developed in the last three decades. R. Lee [10] was the first to suggest a method known as the Inverse Projection (IP) to estimate the structural evolution of a population during a determined period of time, given the time series of births and deaths and the size and composition by age of the population at the first year of the studied period. R.McCaa has implemented IP in the easy-to-use programme Populate.

Jane Austen is one of the great writers of English literature because no reader and no period exhausts her books. Something always escapes from a reading while every reading enriches. Like the town of Lyme in Persuasion , the novels ‘must be visited, and visited again’. In this respect the comparison with William Shakespeare, often made in the mid- to late nineteenth century, is apt. She shares with him, too, a rare crossover appeal, achieving both academic and popular status: the object of scholarly analysis and cult enthusiasm. Inevitably there is uneasiness across the boundary: the academy worries about studying work with such mass appeal, such easy intimacy with film and television, while the public has become irritated by the exploiting, deconstructing, abstracting, genderising, politicising, and sexualising of their heroine. Despite differing readerly anxieties, however, nobody can doubt that Jane Austen serves something of the Bible's former function: helping to make a shared community of reference for the literate English-speaker, her work insinuates itself into the way we think and talk – or wish to talk. This is a more visual than literary age, but for many of us Jane Austen's novels still function as the works of Radcliffe, Burney, Cowper, and Scott did for her heroines, saturating our minds and attitudes. Not a life of event Her biography depends on written evidence outside her novels, for she is one of the least overtly autobiographical of authors: there is no female writer or witty older spinster in her works and no heroine who rejects marriage as she did or who lies on her sickbed mocking hypochondria.

Parish registers provide invaluable data series for theoretical population biologists and historical demographers alike and previous studies with time-series analysis have shown how the population dynamics of these communities can be determined and modelled. However, many demographic parameters of the community have previously been determined only by the laborious technique of family reconstitution. It is suggested that some of these functions may be estimated by the application of conventional time-series analysis to the aggregative annual totals in the registers of baptisms, marriages and deaths: (i) age of mother at birth of median child; (ii) estimations of fertility function; (iii) mean age at marriage; (iv) estimations of mortality function; (v) factors governing the population boom; (vi) the patterns of population dynamics that might be found and the detection of steady-state conditions in communities in England in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These theoretical predictions have been verified in a parish where the demographic parameters have been determined by family reconstitution and excellent correspondence has been found.

The question of mortality levels among London's population at large returns us to the aggregate data contained in the Bills of Mortality. Although it would be a formidable – probably an impossible – task to determine the absolute shortfall in registration embodied in the latter such a labour is, fortunately, unnecessary, for the key demographic indices can be calculated without reference to such absolute levels, providing only that we can gauge the relative deficiency of baptism registration relative to that of burials. It would be rash to claim that even this ‘relative under-registration’ can be measured with a high degree of precision, but the work of Wrigley and Schofield (1981) provides us with a basis for such an exercise. These authors developed correction factors intended for use with their national sample of parish register data, and although they incorporate material from the Bills, and the London Parish Register Abstracts, they do not bear directly on conditions in the capital, which are likely to have deviated from those in the country at large. Nonetheless, the figures have the advantage of a substantial empirical and analytical base, and any alternative ‘improved’ series would – given the material at our disposal – have a more uncertain foundation. Hence, rather than trying to adjust the Wrigley–Schofield factors to cater for the peculiar circumstances of London we shall – with minor exceptions – take them as they stand and then try to assess the general credibility of the vital indices obtained with their aid.

George Crabbe was born on 24 December 1754 in Aldeburgh, Suffolk; he set up in practice as a surgeon in 1775, the year that his poem Inebriety was published anonymously. By 1780 he had decided that he wanted to be a writer, and went to London, where he eventually secured the patronage of Edmund Burke and the publication of The Library in 1781. He returned to Aldeburgh as its curate, and in 1782 became chaplain to the Duke of Rutland at Belvoir Castle, Leicestershire. His eleven-year engagement to Sarah Elmy culminated in marriage in 1783, the year The Village was published. The Newspaper followed in 1785. No more poetry was published until The Parish Register of 1807, when Crabbe became an established poetic figure: The Register followed in 1810, Tales in 1812, and Tales of the Hall in 1819. In 1832 Crabbe died at Trowbridge, Wiltshire, where he had held a living since 1813.