Search

Relations between religion and nationalism, as two identity forms, has been debated in Muslim countries, especially where the nationalist trends coincided with the rise of religious reformation and Pan-Islamic movements. This article scrutinizes discourses on linking a transnational ideology of Pan-Islamism with Afghan nationalism in an early twentieth century nationalist newspaper, Seraj-ul Akhbar. The newspaper presents a unique case for this study since it was a platform for dissemination of both ideologies simultaneously. Unlike the later Muslim Brotherhood intellectuals and Muhammad Iqbal, Seraj-ul Akhbar authors did not see a contradiction between Pan-Islamism and territorial nationalism. They formulated a universal Muslim unity going through the national state structure, but not bypassing them. Meanwhile, Seraj-ul Akhbar appropriated the religious language for strengthening national unity. In this way, nationalistic and Pan-Islamic concepts were used to craft a nationally stable identity. It is argued that Pan-Islamism is not a unitary universal transnational ideology, rather it is often embedded in different national, language, and ethnic boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the historical developments and the debates revolving around the formation of an Ottoman–Iranian alliance in the Ottoman Empire in the aftermath of the 1908 Revolution. It argues that although neither the idea of an alliance between the two states nor the attempt to establish it was new, the way it was discussed, justified, and promoted in this period was different. The previous attempts by the Ottomans were led by the state as part of a broader pan-Islamist project (ittihad-ı İslam) that adopted a heavily religious tone. On the other hand, the main proponents of the alliance during the constitutional period were mostly transnational/international figures and religious scholars, who framed the issue within the context of Ottoman–Iranian relations, focusing on immediate pragmatic, strategic, and ideological concerns, such as protecting the sovereignty and security of the two countries against European imperialism through constitutionalism. Rather than focusing on reconciling the disputes between the Sunnis and Shi'is, and presenting this alliance as the first step towards the formation of a broader Islamic union as Abdülhamid II did in the nineteenth century, these people emphasized brotherhood and solidarity between the two constitutional governments, and tried to establish a strategic partnership based on shared borders, experiences, ideals, and enemies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Located at the intersection of four regions, the Middle East, East Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia, Afghanistan is a country whose legal history is sure to be diverse and exciting at the confluence of multiple legal currents. In the book Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires , Faiz Ahmed shows how Afghanistan could be regarded as a pivot for Islamic intellectual currents from the late nineteenth century onward, especially between the Ottoman Empire and South Asia. Afghanistan Rising makes us aware of our own assumptions of the study of Islamic law that has been artificially carved out during the rise of area studies, including Islamic studies. Ahmed provides a good paradigm for a legal history of a country that was attentive to foreign influences without being overwhelmed by them. While pan-Islamism is often portrayed as a defensive ideology that developed in the closing decades of the nineteenth century in reaction to high colonialism, the plotting of Afghanistan's juridical Pan-Islam in Ahmed's book is a robust and powerful maneuver out of this well-trodden path, as the country escaped being "landlocked" mainly by cultivating regional connections in law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to explore and describe the ideals of Islam as perceived and practised by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) at various stages of his life. Starting from religious conservatism received from his family, Maulana Azad moved towards rationalism at first and then to Pan-Islamism before finally committing to humanism. In this process of intellectual progression, his perception of Islam and its ideals changed as his social and political interactions changed over time. These changing contours of Maulana Azad‟s thoughts found manifestation in the political practices he carried out from various platforms. Islam served as a great source of legitimation in his political practices. Inspiration for Islamic revivalism drew him into political activities aimed at serving the Muslim cause and fighting British imperialism. Maulana Azad‟s sentiments and aspirations for Islam and Muslims echoed loudly during the Khilafat Movement which brought him closer to communal harmony and also resulted in his lasting association with the Indian National Congress. Whatever the platform he utilised, for Maulana Azad Muslim uplift remained a constant and prime concern in politics which he, ultimately, came to believe could be achieved by Hindu-Muslim unity as a single force against the British colonial power.

This article traces the continuities between the Mediterranean and the Global South while noting the asymmetries between and within these concepts as revealed by the development of Spain's southern regionalism or andalucismo in the 1920s and 1930s and during the post--Franco period (1975--present). Prefiguring post--Cold War South--South relations, early andalucismo promoted a wider Mediterranean community extending from Cordoba to Damascus, but opposed Spain's colonial presence in Morocco. Despite its anticolonial dimension, this modern revival of medieval al-Andalus was not envisioned as a network of comparable material and ethnic locations that could encourage lateral movements of people, capital, and ideas. In contrast to the anticolonial celebrations of Andalusian conviviality found in the work of Arabic and Muslim writers and activists in the 1930s, including Shakib Arslan and Sir Muhammad Iqbal, the andalucista archive--cultural magazines, regionalist manifestos, and literary texts--simultaneously included and excluded the Maghreb and the wider Islamic Mediterranean from articulations of Spanish and Andalusian identity. This ambivalence, which persists in contemporary immigration and cultural policies and European economic and political integration, demands a form of comparative analysis that does not reduce the interaction among the world's "Souths" to unproblematic relations of analogy, mutual recognition, and solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study discusses Islam as a “strategic entity” in Pakistan’s quest for identity and interests, in its formative years, 1947 to 1956. The end of the post-colonial era not only re-defines the geography of the world but equally redistributes the power structures between the retired empires and the new states. The new players in the pursuits of identity and interests restarted the old game of gain according to their political paradigms. In subsequent events, Pakistan’s immediate neighbors created unfavorable conditions for its Identity and Security. Pakistan also wants to cease its immediate colonial past and to safeguards its territorial integrity. Islam suits Pakistan in all aspects, it got independence on the slogan of separate Muslim land, thus Islam became the cornerstone of its domestic and foreign policies. The primary investigation of this study is centered on Pakistan’s relationship with the Middle East Muslim countries. Islam was very much in the consciousness of Indian Subcontinent Muslims; therefore Pan-Islamism had a wider appeal for Indian Muslims and it dates back when they regarded Ottoman Caliphate as a symbol of religious unity and political Islam. After independence, Pakistan’s Islamic character and cordial relationship with Middle Eastern Muslim states became an important and constant factor in the country’s foreign policy. But, on contrary the often-reiterated metaphor of Pan-Islamism failed to impress Pakistan’s other counterparts in the Muslim world.

Aim. To study the process of formation of Turkey as one of the poles of the emerging multipolar world.Methodology. The main methods of research are: systematic, comparative, and phenomenological methods.Results. The article summarizes the practice of implementing Turkey’s own geopolitical project, which consists of three parts: neo-Ottomanism, pan-Turkism and pan-Islamism. The author calls the combination of these characteristics the “Turkish triangle”. The analysis has shown that, in geopolitical terms, modern Turkey is a universal empire of the etacratic-ideocratic type, which is actively expanding in all types of geopolitical spaces.Research implications. The results of the study contribute to the theory of geopolitics, and are also important for predicting the geopolitical behavior of modern Turkey.

In the article, the authors consider the models of self-identification typical for the public thought of Egypt of the interwar period. In the fi rst half of XX century Egypt entered an important period of its history. As one of the fi rst formally independent Arab States, Egypt continued to struggle for full sovereignty from the United Kingdom while seeking to establish itself as a regional leader. In this regard, the leading thinkers of Egypt tried to determine the place of their country in the world and fi nd the most acceptable ideology for it, which could also rally other Arab, Muslim, Asian and African countries around Egypt. The article touched upon four concepts that were developed during the interwar period and infl uenced the further development of public thought in Egypt. Some thinkers have tried to develop a model of secular pan-Arabism based on the ideas of al-Kawakibi and al-Husri. For these authors, Egypt was an integral part of the Arab world and the core of its possible unifi cation. The second concept was related to pan-Islamism: developing the ideas of al-Afghani, the ideologues of this direction interpreted Egypt primarily as a Muslim country and part of the Dar al-Islam . For example, Muslim Brotherhood belonged to this group. The third concept is associated with the comprehension of the identity of Egypt through the idea of pharaonism and tamsir modern Egyptians declared heirs of the ancient Egyptian civilization. The fourth concept, conventionally named Eastern Idea or Easternism , was founded on the opposition of all the countries of the East to Western countries. Each of the areas of identity of Egypt - pan-Arab, pan-Islamic, Egyptian (pharaonism) and Easternism - made a contribution to the development of the identity of Egyptian society in the interwar period, and somehow infl uenced on the history of Egypt in the second half of the XX century.

The phase of geo-political developments taking place in the Middle East as the aftermath of so called Arab Spring has entered the region into a new era of imbroglio transition. One of the peculiarities of the ME new era is the major event of emergence of the Islamic State proclaiming the re-establishment of a new Caliphate. Moreover, the restoration of Muslim Ummah as ever continuing discourse is not limited to IS. It has its crucial fundamental nostalgic origin in the Political philosophy of Islam, which wishes to form the Ummah under the doctrine of Caliphate system, which has long history since the emergence of Islam in the seventh century. What is remarkably important to pan-Islamists is that in their view the reconstruction of the Ummah is a reaction of political Islam to the Sykes-Picot agreement. This paper individuates itself by examining the socio-political manifestation of caliphate from perspective of Islamists struggling to restore the institution of Caliphate since its destruction in 1924.

This study discusses Islam as a "strategic entity" in Pakistan's quest for identity and interests, in its formative years, 1947 to 1956. The end of the post-colonial era not only re-defines the geography of the world but equally redistributes the power structures between the retired empires and the new states. The new players in the pursuits of identity and interests restarted the old game of gain according to their political paradigms. In subsequent events, Pakistan's immediate neighbors created unfavorable conditions for its Identity and Security. Pakistan also wants to cease its immediate colonial past and to safeguards its territorial integrity. Islam suits Pakistan in all aspects, it got independence on the slogan of separate Muslim land, thus Islam became the cornerstone of its domestic and foreign policies. The primary investigation of this study is centered on Pakistan's relationship with the Middle East Muslim countries. Islam was very much in the consciousness of Indian Subcontinent Muslims; therefore Pan-Islamism had a wider appeal for Indian Muslims and it dates back when they regarded Ottoman Caliphate as a symbol of religious unity and political Islam. After independence, Pakistan's Islamic character and cordial relationship with Middle Eastern Muslim states became an important and constant factor in the country's foreign policy. But, on contrary the often-reiterated metaphor of Pan-Islamism failed to impress Pakistan's other counterparts in the Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article attempts to explore and describe the ideals of Islam as perceived and practised by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) at various stages of his life. Starting from religious conservatism received from his family, Maulana Azad moved towards rationalism at first and then to Pan-Islamism before finally committing to humanism. In this process of intellectual progression, his perception of Islam and its ideals changed as his social and political interactions changed over time. These changing contours of Maulana. Azad's thoughts found manifestation in the political practices he carried out from various platforms. Islam served as a great source of legitimation in his political practices. Inspiration for Islamic revivalism drew him into political activities aimed at serving the Muslim cause and fighting British imperialism. Maulana Azad's sentiments and aspirations for Islam and Muslims echoed loudly during the Khilafat Movement which brought him closer to communal harmony and also resulted in his lasting association with the Indian National Congress. Whatever the platform he utilised, for Maulana. Azad Muslim uplift remained a constant and prime concern in politics which he, ultimately, came to believe could be achieved by Hindu-Muslim unity as a single force against the British colonial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sri Lanka, an island country which has been known as Serendib and Ceylon in the past and which was named the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka in the 20th century, has been one of the most important actors of international trade along the busy maritime routes of West Asia, China and the Far East throughout history. Relations between Sri Lanka and the Ottoman State, which has a deep-rooted history and an interesting network of relationships that are important in terms of Ottoman history as well as world history, date back to the last quarter of the 19th century in general, however, the history of some of the Muslims on the island has been enriched by a much older collective socio-cultural path. Political and economic processes on this small island country have been the basis for the relations of the Ottoman Empire with the region in the last quarter of the 19th century and the new appointments that Abdulhamid II would make to Ceylon Island, which had already been contacted in the context of consulship, would consist of choices that could penetrate the sociocultural hierarchy of the region. The local activities of the consuls contributed to the affinity of Ceylon Muslims for the Ottoman State in the second half of the 19th century, when the expectations of South Asian Muslims regarding the Ottoman State peaked. In fact, it can be argued that the affinity of Moor Muslims, one of the most populous minorities of modern Sri Lanka, that is still ongoing for the Ottoman State, has been fostered by the works carried out during this period. This article focuses on a different geographical section of the policies of the Ottoman State regarding South Asian Muslims in the Indian ocean, especially in the context of the Pan-Islamist character of the policy of Abdulhamid II in the region. In this context it will deal with the relations between Sri Lanka [Ceylon] and the Ottoman State, which constitute a geographical area that has not undergone an in-depth examination to date. The consulship processes and subsequent political careers of the individuals and families that the Ottoman State had appointed as representatives specific to Ceylon, will be discussed in the context of the affinity and friendship for Turks that is older than the Ottoman State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba (Society of the Servants of Kaaba) was established in May, 1913, with the objective of protecting holy places of Islam located, then, in the domain (modern day Saudi Arabia) of Turkish Empire. The establishment of such an organization was necessitated by the rising tide of pan-Islamism. The rising trend of pan-Islamism in India was due, mainly, to the particular conditions of Muslim elite (ashrafiah) who felt disempowered and rendered irrelevant under the colonial administrative structure. This loss of temporal Muslim authority in India made Muslim elite take refuge in asserting their identity as deeming themselves part of larger community of Muslim world (ummah). Moreover, the reformed and willed individual self who believed in struggle within inner-self and outer mundane life, started asserting his/her identity as a Muslim who was poised to do his/her best for the community of Muslims. The contemporary declining conditions of Muslims and their subjugation by colonial powers encouraged their solidarity on the basis of ummah as increasingly relevant to take refuge in. The establishment of Anjuman Khuddam-i-Kaaba was but one such expression of assertion of Muslim identity by bringing sanctity of the sacred places of Islam in political arena. It envisioned massive projects for the welfare of Muslim community of India including making its own ship making company to facilitate pilgrims of Hajj (sing. Haji, plu. hujjaj) besides its main function i.e. the protection of holy places of Islam in Makkah and Madina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Indian, Persian, and Algerian–Tunisian independence committees and their place in Germany's 'programme for revolution', Berlin's attempt to instigate insurrection across the British, French, and Russian empires during the First World War. The agency of Asian and North African activists in this programme remains largely unknown, and their wartime collaboration in Germany is an under-researched topic in the histories of anti-colonial activism. This article explores the collaboration between the three committees, highlighting their strategic relationships with German officials and with each other. Criticizing the Eurocentric framings still present in studies of wartime strategy, it contributes to a growing historiography on the war as a global conflict. It argues that the independence committees were central actors in Germany's programme, that the transnationalism of the pre-1914 anti-colonial movements both imprinted Germany's programme and was furthered by it, and that only a comparative perspective exploring the interactions of its anti-colonial activists fully grasps the global scope of this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the transition of Muhammad Barkatullah (1864–1927), a Muslim Indian living under British colonial rule, from an intellectual demanding imperial reform to an anti-British revolutionary. Although much of the scholarly literature has analyzed Barkatullah's revolutionary activities after the First World War, the focus of this article will be on the early period of his career from the 1880s until 1914. In examining his movements, writings, and connections with various networks in the context of major global events, this article argues, first, that his revolutionary turn took place in the context of a global conversation on race, empire, and religion from the 1880s until the lead-up to the Great War, and second, that his anti-colonial (inter)nationalism was coupled with his Pan-Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pan-Islamism and jihad became very popular topics in Germany before and during the First World War, in particular among journalists, politicians, diplomats and orientalists. After the declaration of Ottoman jihad against the Entente powers in 1914, some German orientalists in particular felt that it was their responsibility to write about jihad and pan-Islamism. This article first examines the approaches of the German academic orientalists to German Orient policy, pan-Islamism and jihad, by analyzing the similarities and contrasts between the texts of the orientalists as part of a network. It then tries to determine the role of the German academic orientalists in shaping German strategy towards Islam in the First World War. Although the focus is on texts written between 1914 and 1916, some works of orientalists written before the First World War are also considered, in order to understand how their thoughts changed over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By drawing on Ottoman-Turkish documents in the Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, this paper investigates the role of the Ottoman state and Pan-Islamic ideology on modernisation in Indonesia. The article revisits the process defining the Ethical Policy (Politik Etis) as the turning point of the emergence of modernisation in Indonesia. In existing scholarship, the ‘Ethical Policy’ became the grand narrative in Indonesian history, meanwhile the influence of Pan-Islamism is only seen as the unsuccessful political propaganda of Abdulhamid II on the anti-colonialism movement in Indonesia. Many Indonesian and Ottoman historians view Pan-Islamism in the context of anti-colonialism fighting against the Dutch militarily in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article proposes an alternative view to this narrative which acknowledges Pan-Islamism as a modernisation step for Indonesians which was signed by the Jawi students arrival in Istanbul and shows the Hadhrami community as the agent of modernisation. In short, the article shows the Ottoman influence on the emergence of the Ethical Policy of 1901 in Indonesia. [Menggunakan dokumen-dokumen Turki Utsmani yang disimpan di Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, makalah ini meneliti peran imperium Utsmani dan ideologi Pan-Islam dalam modernisasi Indonesia. Hal itu dilakukan dengan meninjau kembali proses mendefinisikan Politik Etis sebagai titik balik lahirnya modernisasi Indonesia. Dalam literatur yang ada sekarang, Politik Etis menjadi cerita utama dalam sejarah Indonesia, sementara Pan-Islamisme hanya dipandang sebagai propaganda gagal dari Abdulhamid II bagi gerakan anti kolonial di Indonesia. Kebanyakan sejarawan di Indonesia dan Turki dalam konteks perjuangan melawan penjajah Belanda. Artikel ini menawarkan narasi alternatif yang mengakui Pan-Islamisme sebagai salah satu tahapan penting modernisasi Indonesia yang ditandai dengan datangnya para mahasiswa Jawa di Istambul dan menunjukkan peran komunitas Hadhrami sebagai agen modernisasi.]

The article examines the doctrine of “extremist Pan-Islamism” of the Islamic activist Abdullah Azzam, the “spiritual mentor” of Osama bin Laden. The central concept of the doctrine was the treatment of the author's conception of jihad.

Following their violent suppression of the Indian Revolution of 1857, the British founded and consolidated their secular empire in the Indian Subcontinent, which marginalized and bypassed religion as far as possible, particularly Islam, which had been the official religion of the Mughal ancien régime. Contemporaneous Ottoman efforts to counter European imperialism led to Sultan Abdul Hamid II's (r. 1876-1909) policy of pan-Islamism, particularly the call for Islamic unity against the Russian aggression against Turkey in 1877. It was at this critical juncture that some Indian Muslim scholars gallantly volunteered to counter this threat, and to preserve the Islamic faith and heritage worldwide, despite the severe problems faced by the Muslims in India itself. This study highlights the role of an eminent scholar in this movement, namely Allama Shibli Nu'mani (1857-1914), who in 1914 conceived the idea of founding the world-famous Islamic research institute Darul Musannefin Shibli Academy in his home town of Azamgarh, Uttar Pradesh, India. Shibli was very active and instrumental in collecting donations from the wealthy landowners (zamindars) among the Muslim elite in his hometown of Azamgarh for the Ottoman cause, raising 3,000 rupees, which was handed to Husain Hasib Afendi, the Ottoman Consul in Bombay in 1877. Furthermore, his eloquent poetry rallied Muslims across India to support the valour and heroism displayed in the jihad by Ghazi Usman Pasha against the Russians. Shibli travelled to Istanbul in 1892 and met with the Pasha, on whose efforts Tamgha-i Majidi (gold medal) was granted to Shibli on 13th Muharram, 1310/7th August, 1892. This article is based on Shibli's major works in Urdu, particularly his arousing eulogies (qasaid), Turkish archival reports, newspapers and magazines, and secondary sources in Urdu and English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phase of geo-political developments taking place in the Middle East as the aftermath of so called Arab Spring has entered the region into a new era of imbroglio transition. One of the peculiarities of the ME new era is the major event of emergence of the Islamic State proclaiming the re-establishment of a new Caliphate. Moreover, the restoration of Muslim Ummah as ever continuing discourse is not limited to IS. It has its crucial fundamental nostalgic origin in the Political philosophy of Islam, which wishes to form the Ummah under the doctrine of Caliphate system, which has long history since the emergence of Islam in the seventh century. What is remarkably important to pan-Islamists is that in their view the reconstruction of the Ummah is a reaction of political Islam to the Sykes-Picot agreement. This paper individuates itself by examining the socio-political manifestation of caliphate from perspective of Islamists struggling to restore the institution of Caliphate since its destruction in 1924. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Chengda Lishi Xuebao (Cheng Kung Journal of Historical Studies) is the property of Guoli Chenggong Daxue, Lishi Xuexi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is an overview of the evolution of Islamic radicalism during the 19th - 21st centuries. It demonstrates that nineteenth century Islamic radicalism is based on the ideas of pan-Islamism, whose main representatives are J. al-Din al-Afghani and M. Abduh. In turn, Islamic radicalism of the twentieth to twentyfirst centuries is based on the ideas of Islamic fundamentalism. Its main representatives are H. Al-Banna, S. Qutb, the Deoband movement, al-Maududi and R. Khomeyni. Pan-Islamic theories of the 19th-20th centuries are based on the thesis that people who seek liberation from colonial oppression should merge. However, scholars have different views on the union of the Muslim world. It was, once, regarded as a combination of historical circumstances and the political realities of the nineteenth century. These were further shaped by the basic idea of Islamic fundamentalism in the twentieth to twentyfirst centuries, which is Salafiyya, or a return to "pure Islam", a revival of active faith traditions and the union of all walks of life under the Sharia law and strict interpretation and application of its rules. The instruments used by Islamic fundamentalists and radicals to implement it have been the Islam-related slogans for Takfir and Jihad. But in the 21st century, integration and globalization have started playing a significant role. Various geopolitical forces are using various tools, including the idea of Islamic radicalism [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the international historiography on the First World War has widened its interest to non-European theaters of war, emphasizing the global nature of the conflict. The theme of war in the colonies provides an interesting perspective, challenging the thesis of the victory of the Entente, which if it is indisputable in the Old Continent, is less obvious in the colonial territories. The article analyzes the war that took place in Libya during the period 1914-1918 by including it in the context of World War I and highlighting the connections between the anticolonial resistance movement and the political strategies of the Ottoman Empire and Germany in north Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political, religious and economic relations of the Ottoman State over the Indian Ocean have existed since long ago, even if limited. Especially during the Tanzimat period, the activities of the consulates and the appointed consul in these regions have increased the interest of the Ottoman State to the geography mentioned. The information gathered about the Muslims of South Asia in the frame of Sultan II Abdulhamid's Pan-Islamic policy contributed to the shaping of Caliphate politics. In this context, the activities of the consulates such as Bombay, Calcutta, Batavia also shaped to the religious, political and economic policies of the Ottoman State while the South Asian Muslims developed the loyalty and sympathy to the Caliph. In this sense, the report of presented to Sultan II Abdulhamid is of great importance. This report, prepared by Ali Galib Bey, who wandered the majority of the islands on the Indian Ocean through the post of Batavia consulate, was written after Ali Galib's appointment to Bombay. Ali Galib points out the importance of the relationship between Muslims and the Caliph. In this study, the establishment and activities of the Batavia and Bombay consulates will be mentioned, and then sought to illlimunate on the socio-economic structure and commercial relations of the Indian Ocean islands through the persperctive of Ottoman Consul Ali Galib Bey. As a result, this study will contribute to the researches of the commercial and political activities of Ottoman State on Indian Ocean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se trata de entender el siguiente problema: de qué manera las redes intelectuales se constituyeron en diversos lugares del mundo periférico y cómo se articularon entre sí, constituyéndose en agentes en los espacios metanacionales (más allá del estado-nación) e intentando incluso tener presencia en el espacio mundial. El objetivo general del trabajo consiste en estudiar las redes intelectuales de las regiones periféricas durante el período de entreguerras. Los objetivos específicos, por su parte, serán: en primer lugar, cartografiar las redes intelectuales más destacadas en cada uno de los 7 medioambientes intelectuales de las regiones periféricas, en el periodo entre las dos guerras mundiales. Estos son el espacio hispano-americano, el islámico, el África Sud-Sahariana y los afro-descendientes, el del pan-asiatismo de segunda generación, el nacionalista del Subcontinente Indio, el eslavo-balcánico-euro-asiático, y el espacio indonesio; en segundo lugar, se trata de mostrar las instancias de conexión entre las redes intelectuales existentes en estos sub-espacios, para lo cual se aludirá a las principales figuras, publicaciones, instituciones, reuniones y factores eidéticos que cumplieron funciones articuladoras. Por último se concluye con varias reflexiones que tienden a conectar estas redes y sus iniciativas con las necesidades de pensar estos mismos asuntos en el presente.This paper is about understanding the following problem: how intellectual networks were established in various parts of the periphery and how they articulated with each other, becoming agents of the meta-nationals spaces (beyond the nation-state) and trying to even have a presence in global space. The aim of this paper is to study intellectual networks in peripheral regions during the interwar period. The specific objectives, in turn, are: first, to map the most prominent intellectual networks in each of the 7 environments intellectuals of peripheral regions in the period between the two world wars. These are the Spanish-American space, the Islamic South-Saharan Africa and Afro-descendants, the pan-Asiatic second generation, the nationalist Indian subcontinent, the Slav-Balkan-Euro-Asian and Indonesian space and secondly, these instances show the connections between intellectual networks in these sub-spaces, which will be referred to the key figures, publications, institutions, meetings and eidetic factors that met joint function. Finally we conclude with some reflections that tend to connect these networks and their initiatives to the needs of thinking these same issues in the present.

The confrontation with Western colonialism has become part of the Islamic history since the nineteenth century. This paper is an attempt to investigate the radicalization of religion in several parts of the Islamic world. It focuses, however, on the review of the history of the caliphate and its adjunct notions like “pan-Islamism” or rule over all Muslims, and jihād to fight for it. Having assessed the attempts made by Muslim in several parts of the Islamic world in dealing with Western colonialism, the paper then reflects the manifestation of Islamic politics in Indonesia. The paper argues that the majority of Muslims whenever they have a chance to voice their aspirations, do not support a radicalization or even militarization of their religion. Muslims in Indonesia, in particular, had this chance to opt for their political or societal aspirations in several general elections, and the large majority of them voted for politicians and parties who pursue an inclusive policy, reflecting the plural composition of their society.

The article analyses a small part of the American sources that started covering the events connected with the secret organization “Ergenekon” that, according to some information, functioned in Turkey at the beginning of the 2000th years. Comparing various viewpoints, we attempted to understand the question of formation of public opinion about this organization in the USA.

This article commences discussion from al-Sallabi's statement that Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid II employed several methods of implementation in order to realize the Pan-Islamism policy he introduced. The research objectives are to examine the background of his reign, discuss the Pan-Islamism concept until it developed as a policy and analyse the methods of its implementation by Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid II, in order to manifest it to the Muslim Ummah. This qualitative research uses a historical study and content analysis approach. This research also applies a documentation approach in gathering data by focusing on historical sources related to the reign of Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid II an writings on the Pan-Islamism approach. Analysis of research data is by using a thematic and deductive approach. Research results find that the support of the majority of parties for Sultan ‘Abd al-Hamid II strengthened his Pan-Islamism policy enabling it to spread to the entire Muslim comunity. Hence, the role of preachers and intellectuals, network of tasawuf (Islamic mystical) stream, restructuring of educational institutions, the Sultan's statesmanship and diplomacy, development of telegraph and postal service system as well as the Hijaz railway project became methods to manifest this policy of unifying the entire Muslim Ummah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Any study of the League of Nations should pay close attention to the minimal representation of the imagined "Muslim world" in this organization during its first decade. While the Eurocentric imperial internationalism of the League was criticized by interwar Pan-Islamic internationalist networks, there were frequent attempts by Muslims to engage the League, make it hear Muslim demands and discontents, and, later on, to make it more inclusive of Muslim polities. The Muslim global imaginary of the world order then lacked any dominant unitary pattern. In this chaotic political space, subaltern Muslim networks tried to revive earlier Pan-Islamic notions of solidarity to empower the demands of weak Muslim populations. When the Axis empires of the Second World War tried to utilize some of these Pan-Islamic networks for propaganda purposes, their failures revealed the illusion of Muslim unity. It was the eventual failure of a global illusion of a Pan-Islamic alliance with an imperial sponsor during the Second World War that made the United Nations the international venue of choice for post-war global Muslim political imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with the imperial dilemmas of the globalized racial Muslim identity in the 1870s and the 1880s. While Pan-Islamic public opinion across multiple European empires singled out the Ottoman Caliphate as the voice and representative of the global Muslim community, the Ottoman Caliph-Sultan was the monarch of millions of Christian citizens of the Ottoman Empire. The article discusses the complex imperial politics of the Ottoman Caliphate from the perspectives of Ottoman and British governments, as well as from the perspective of Indian Muslim publics. It argues that the globalization of the ideas of Caliphate and Muslim solidarity in the late nineteenth century need to be understood in the context of the racialization of Muslims via their religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses a number of sources that mention the history and events related to the activities of the “Ergenekon” organization. Particular attention is paid to the coverage of this topic in press. It compares different points of view and bases on the comparison of some of the findings.

The conceptions of an individual and the nation-state gave birth to modernity and certainly shaped the socio-political systems in European countries. Newly founded European sociopolitical system gradually influenced social, political and legal structures of countries under the sphere of colonial and imperial influences of great powers. In this regard, such developments coupled with intensive westernization process influenced the Ottoman society, especially during the last decades of the empire. An analysis of the Ottoman Constitution (Kanun-u Esasî) (1876) within last few decades of the empire will show such socio-political and legal changes and developments. This paper, within the framework of constitutional acts, attempted to analyze two works that were critical about the Ottoman Constitution (1876). It is indicative that these two sources were also addressing western socio-political and legal influences on the Ottoman society. These two works deal with range of modern issues such as freedom, equality and justice by considering their very roots in the Islamic legal traditions. Therefore, this paper will analyze these two works in light of the Ottoman Constitution (1876) that preserved in essence the Islamic legal principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Ottoman and India which gained an official identity with the beginning of the assignment of consular agent in 1848 became quite institutionalized with the establishment of the Ottoman Consulate General in 1870. Bombay Ottoman Consulate which was the most substantial representation center of Ottoman State in India, Turkestan and South Asian regions lost its efficiency by the First World War and with the establishment of the Republic of Turkey it was abolished. The reports consulate general, who carried out the activities towards politic-religious, social, economic and especially Pan-Islamist politics, wrote to Istanbul suggests the historical significance of Bombay Ottoman Consulate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]