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From the 1950s onwards, at the height of the process of Afro-Asian decolonization, Portugal underwent various international pressures due to its colonial policy. Historically marked by its economic weakness, the country had implemented a dependent colonialist model based on the opening of its overseas domains to the international capital. In addition, the strategic interests of the United States and NATO within the context of the Cold War resulted in a deflation of the pressures against Portuguese colonialism by the great powers. Hence, despite the isolationist policy implemented by the Salazar regime and the condemnation of colonialism by international public opinion, the economic and financial interests of the great powers, as well the political and strategic constraints of the international conjuncture, granted the survival to the Portuguese Colonial Empire until the mid-1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND The reported high loss rates of managed honey bee colonies have been attributed to diverse stressors including pesticides. Honey bee larvae can be exposed to pesticides in contaminated nectar, pollen and wax. Due to the difficulties of rearing larvae in vitro, research focusing on adult bee exposure to pesticides is more common than that on larva exposure to pesticides. Herein, we aimed to assess the acute toxicity of five insecticides to honey bee larvae using an improved in vitro rearing method. RESULTS LC50 and LD50 were calculated for larvae at 72 h following a single diet exposure administered when the larvae were 84 ± 12 h old. Solvent control larval mortalities were less than 15% at 72 h. The LC50 values (mg L−1) for each tested pesticide were as follows: amitraz, 494.27; chlorpyrifos, 15.39; coumaphos, 90.01; fluvalinate, 27.69; and imidacloprid, 138.84. The LD50 values in µg per larva were 14.83 (amitraz), 0.46 (chlorpyrifos), 2.70 (coumaphos), 0.83 (fluvalinate) and 4.17 (imidacloprid). CONCLUSION The toxicity of the test pesticides to honey bee larvae from most to least toxic was chlorpyrifos > fluvalinate > coumaphos = imidacloprid > amitraz. © 2017 Society of Chemical Industry [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks how, when, and why people came to mobilize en masse in the name of the Tunisian nation against French Protectorate rule. Rather than taking anti-colonial nationalism as an inevitable response to the imposition of colonial rule, the account offered here insists that it is an outcome to be explained. Building on more recent theoretical directions that stress the processual, relational, and eventful dynamics of nationalism, the article shows that nationalism and nationalist mobilization cannot be attributed simply to the workings of nationalist intellectuals, to long-standing grievances, or to larger macro-level transformations. Rather, seeing nationalism as part of struggle and as a domain in which various forms of contentious politics are played out, I show how attention to a particular contentious event in the anti-naturalization campaign can help us to understand how a certain version of the nation becomes salient as a mobilizing rubric for mass-level mobilization and how various forms of contention coalesce to produce nationalist outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the enduring historical mysteries of the Kalahari Desert of Southern Africa is that of the disappearance of two Royal Air Force cadets during the Second World War. Eight Tshwa San (Bushmen) were arrested and tried for the murder of the flyers. The trial took place in the High Court of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (BP) in September to October, 1944, and resulted in a verdict of not guilty. Despite their exoneration, repercussions followed for the San. These included the resettlement of those who had been acquitted and their families, followed by the intentional displacement of hundreds of other Tshwa San from their traditional homelands in the Northern Crown Lands region of Bechuanaland. This paper explores the circumstances under which the RAF flyers disappeared and assesses the complex interactions among the San, the Bamangwato, and the British in 1943 and the years following. It also addresses the colonial perceptions, prejudices, and cultural misunderstandings that led to the large-scale displacement and the impacts of these events on Southern African peoples and states. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

One of the key issues in European Colonial history, whether British, French or German, has been the policy of taxation. This study examines the history of the introduction of taxation in the Northern Territories at the outset of British colonial rule in the last decade of the nineteenth century. The work considers the nature of taxation, methods employed in the collection of the tax, the expenditure and the effects of taxation on the traditional social life of the people. The delay and temporal abolition of taxation had dire consequences for Northern Territories. Archival material was obtained in the Public Records and Administration Department both in Accra and Tamale. Information was obtained through oral interviews with elderly people of Northern extraction. Information was also gathered from some chiefs and educationists who hail from the area, and from University dons who have provided written material about the area. Other relevant secondary source material, such as from books, enriched the study. The study found out that the British imposed levies on the caravan transit trade. English metallic currency and cowries were used and payment could also be made in kind. Notwithstanding the problems concomitant with direct taxation, the British went ahead to introduce and implement the policy. The conclusion is that the ensuing difficulties this engendered, such as protestations from colonial officials, led to the abolition of direct taxation and even the collection of levies on the transit trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to contribute to debates about humanitarian governance and insecurity in post-conflict situations. It takes the case of South Sudan to explore the relations between humanitarian agencies, the international community, and local authorities, and the ways international and local forms of power become interrelated and contested, and to what effect. The paper is based on eight months of ethnographic research in various locations in South Sudan between 2011 and 2013, in which experiences with and approaches to insecurity among humanitarian aid actors were studied. The research found that many security threats can be understood in relation to the everyday practices of negotiating and maintaining humanitarian access. Perceiving this insecurity as violation or abuse of a moral and practical humanitarianism neglects how humanitarian aid in practice was embedded in broader state building processes. This paper posits instead that much insecurity for humanitarian actors is a symptom of the blurring of international and local forms of power, and this mediates the development of a humanitarian protectorate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

From 1947 until 1954, the Free Territory of Trieste (FTT) was formally an independent territory under the direct control of the UN. However, unlike the case of the Saar Protectorate, the FTT never managed to achieve recognition in the international sports arena. This article has two key aims. The first is to investigate how different international sports organisations, such as IOC, FIFA and UCI, dealt with the issue of the recognition of an in-limbo state. The second is to analyse the role of the Cold War in the decision taken by the main international sports bodies to not recognise the UCEF. The case of Trieste also allows an analysis of the dual nature of the international sports institutions when they have to deal with political issues. From one side, the IOC and the ISFs can be seen as an arena of confrontation between the interests of different nations. However, at the same time, those sports organisations managed to maintain some degree of autonomy from the realm of international politics. In fact, the decision on Trieste was a compromise between the respect of the rules, the influence of international politics and the internal balance of power of every single body. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper focuses on the foreign policy making and choices of a small and weak state, i.e. the Republic of Macedonia. The article revolves around a set of questions defining the smallness and weakness of small states in the international relations. Then it proceeds to analyze foreign policy choices and decisions of the Macedonian state since 1991. The basic hypothesis is that not only smallness is important but also the weakness of a state. Quasi-protectorates in the post-Yugoslav region can hardly afford any independent foreign policy goals and means. The link between the internal (in)stability and external interventions (international statebuilding) determines an overwhelming dependency syndrome, which predestines the affiliation of these states to the West. The rhetoric of the advancement of the New East (newly empowered Russia and China) serve only as a factor of fear that strengthens the grip of the Western alliances and organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1932, the Tourism Syndicate of the French Protectorate government in Morocco published a guidebook for French tourists to follow the 'Route des Kasbas' through southern Morocco. The trajectory described is still in many ways reproduced by contemporary guiding materials, delineating specific routes where this 'heritage' might be found in Morocco and what sorts of mobilities are necessary to seek it. Using these guiding resources from 'the field', along with our own ethnographic experiences as travelling researchers, we trace how colonial cartographical rationalities structured in this region along its 'road', through promotion by the French Protectorate government as a mobile site for tourism, and how that infrastructural and economic sedimentation persists in contemporary mobilities through it -- including our own mobilities as tourism researchers. We question when and how it might be possible to escape this cartographic specificity for other spatialities of this road. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning with a review of historical developments in the not-so-distant past, such as the Treaty of Wad-Ras (1860) and the Spanish protectorate in Morocco (1912-1956), this article analyses the process of organising, structuring and institutionalising Muslim individuals and communities in Spain between 1900 and 1992. In order to do this, it examines the organisational hallmarks of the Muslim communities in North Africa (Ceuta and Melilla); underlines the role of education in the process of making these communities visible during the protectorate and the Franco dictatorship; and analyses the religious visibility achieved through the register of associations and the creation of Spanish Muslim associations. All this led to a process that culminated in the signing of the Cooperation Agreement in 1992 between the State and the Muslim community. Although a historical continuum of settlement models past and present of the Arab and/or Muslim community in Spain cannot be established, it is concluded that this contact has in fact modified certain institutional and social parameters, provided community organisation structures prior to the current ones and left physical evidence that remains in use (such as mosques and cemeteries). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and 'Alī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. 'Alī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by 'Abd al-'Azīz al-Ta'ālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper "Sabīl al-Rašād". Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a crossclass platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the manner in which two competing empires, the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire, acted through material culture and diplomacy to strengthen their influence in a territory lying at the periphery of Europe. To this end, the distribution, rhetoric and reception of the awarding of decorations is analysed, starting from the case of the great Romanian boyar Iordache Filipescu. Wallachia, an Ottoman province under Russian protectorate, in what is today south-eastern Romania, was at a moment of transition on the political level. Attracting loyalties and creating local action networks became diplomatic strategies, and one way in which pro-Ottoman and pro-Russian groupings may be traced in the Romanian space is through the intermediary of decorations. They transpose at the public level merits and services rendered to one of the two powers, but it is necessary to trace at the individual and family level the extent to which loyalty won in this way continued to exist. The message that the decorations transmitted remained a deceptive one: their possession was not equivalent to a transfer of power towards the holder in comparison with his compatriots, just as it did not guarantee complete adherence to the cause of the issuing power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the influence of Vichy's National Revolution in the empire by looking at the establishment of the Office de la Famille Française (FFO) in Morocco in 1941. The purpose of the FFO was to develop reforms aimed at assisting French families and increasing the French settler birthrate. The Residency, in consultation with settler familialist organizations, created this administrative body in the hopes that it would encourage French population growth, something they considered to be essential to the preservation of French interests in the protectorate. The FFO dispensed a variety of financial benefits to French families including birth incentives and marriage loans. All French citizens were obligated to join the FFO, thereby making the colony's French children a collective responsibility. Those who lacked sufficient numbers of qualifying French children were required to pay the familial compensation tax to help fund the FFO and in this way support other French families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Omani and British reforms of Zanzibar's judiciary date back to the 1820s, when the abolition of the slave trade justified Western control of the sultanate's political economy. The sultan enacted the abolition of slavery as a legal status in 1897, seven years after Zanzibar had become a British protectorate. Through the lens of a 1948 inheritance case, I analyze how colonial judicial reforms shaped the negotiation of grievances and the judges' interpretations of social equality. As members of the colonial elite, both Muslim and British judges were embedded in a racialized social hierarchy. Their reasoning not only exposes the continuous marginalization of former slaves but also attests to ex-slaves' ability to assert material power. While a Muslim and a British judge used different hermeneutics, both validated the marriage of a Hadrami water carrier to a former slave, thereby affirming his entitlement to a share of his wife's estate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although John Towill Rutt's 1828 edition of the Diary of Thomas Burton remains a key source for the parliamentary history of the Cromwellian Protectorate, remarkably few historians - past or present - have paused to consider its limitations. This article offers the first thorough examination of Rutt's editorial practices to highlight a number of reasons why modern scholars should treat his edition with extreme caution. While touching upon those familiar debates concerning the appropriate use of parliamentary diaries in the early modern period, this article suggests that Rutt's editorial practices add further layers of complexity to how historians should approach his edition of Thomas Burton's diary. By focusing upon the debates of Richard Cromwell's parliament the second half of this article demonstrates how the over-reliance of scholars upon Rutt's edition has helped to propagate a number of misconceptions about both the membership and nature of that parliament as a whole. The article concludes by recommending that historians approach Rutt's edition with far more care. In particular, it would be far better to return to Burton's manuscript diary and, where possible, to collate it with other surviving parliamentary diaries from this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a number of scholars have sought to lift Walter Benjamin's urban writing out of its original European context and to appropriate it for studies of postcolonial cities and cultures, few have attempted to situate Benjamin's original analyses of urban consumer culture within the wider context of European colonialism in the nineteenth century. Yet Benjamin's montage of the Parisian capital in the Arcades Project captures a key moment in the integration of metropolitan consumer publics into new global markets, and, with its plethora of exotic commodities, imperial spectacles and world fairs, records popular imaginative constructions of the colonies as spaces of leisure, luxury and abundance. This essay suggests that, in linking these images to the abstract and mysterious properties of the commodity form, and in underscoring the forms of abstraction at work in the ‘dreamworlds’ of metropolitan consumer culture, Benjamin's work can be seen to expose a colonial politics of the visible at the heart of nineteenth-century metropolitan consciousness. His theoretical interventions, moreover, give shape to an alternative mode of reading the metropolis – one that brings traces of the uneven histories and structural legacies of colonial exchange into the field of vision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Quantitative interpretation of the magnetic data particularly in a complex dissected structure necessitates using of filtering techniques. In Taba protectorate, Sinai synthesis of different filtering algorithms was carried out to distinct and verifies the subsurface structure and estimates the depth of the causative magnetic sources. In order to separate the shallow-seated structure, filters of the vertical derivatives (VDR), Butterworth high-pass (BWHP), analytic signal (AS) amplitude, and total horizontal derivative of the tilt derivative (TDR_THDR) were conducted. While, filters of the apparent susceptibility and Butterworth low-pass (BWLP) were conducted to identify the deep-seated structure. The depths of the geological contacts and faults were calculated by the 3D Euler deconvolution. Noteworthy, TDR_THDR was independent of geomagnetic inclination, significantly less susceptible to noise, and more sensitive to the details of the shallow superimposed structures. Whereas, the BWLP proved high resolution capabilities in attenuating the shorter wavelength of the near surface anomalies and emphasizing the longer wavelength derived from deeper causative structure. 3D Euler deconvolution (SI = 0) was quite amenable to estimate the depths of superimposed subsurface structure. The pattern, location, and trend of the deduced shallow and deep faults were conformed remarkably to the addressed fault system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the creation and functioning of the Economic Department of the Reich Protector's Office (RPO) as a body playing the dominant role in the process of formation of the Protectorate economic policy. The autonomous status prevented the occupation force from preceding in the same way as it had done in the case of the border regions of Bohemia and Moravia which were incorporated in their entirety after the Munich Agreement into the Reich system of administration.

The article links the use of the concept of 'civilisation' with the nineteenth-century perception of the international system, for which the 'family of nations' was current as a technical term in international legal theory for the international legal community. Following the distinction between state sovereignty and subjecthood under international law, international legal theorists denied the latter to most states outside Europe and classed them as 'uncivilised', even though their governments had concluded treaties under international law with European and the us governments and had thereby been formally recognised as sovereigns. In many cases, these treaties were agreements concerning the establishment of 'Protectorates' as the paramount type of dependency under the control of a European or the us government. In this context, international law became the house law of the 'Family of Nations', which extended across the globe while denying access to it to many states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the study on the nationalization of Czech cinema after the end of the Second World War in May 1945 and on continuities and discontinuities with the Protectorate era that preceded it. Topics include featuring films that were shot on sound stages or on locations and initiated in the years 1944 or 1945, before the end of the war; private producers such as Rozina Sebranec released their movies after war; and films that were discontinued and never finished such as Jenom krok.

Extending the timeframe of analysis beyond the post-uprising period, Corinna Mullin and Brahim Rouabah retrace the way in which the state of emergency has functioned as a discourse of power and a modality of governance throughout the colonial and postcolonial eras. Specifically, the article focuses on how the state of emergency contributes to the reinforcement of dominant narratives about national identity, and the foreclosure of more radical alternative political, social and economic projects outside of the colonial-modern norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French colonial presence in North Africa gave rise to a view that was founded on attributing certain -- supposedly distinctive -- qualities to the Kabyle people (Algeria) and the Berber people in general (Algeria and Morocco). This became known as "the Kabyle (or Berber) myth" and was propagated both by North African nationalists and by the academic world in order to validate their accusations against the colonial powers of practicing a "divide and conquer" policy. What's more, from the outset, the French and Spanish colonial governments, by empowering Arabic as an imperial and dominant language to the detriment of the peripheral and low prestige Berber languages, greatly contributed to the widespread acceptance of a further myth, i. e., North Africa was "Arab and Muslim". These myths then became a key argument used by the post-colonial governments to deny the distinctiveness of the Kabyle people, and Berbers in general, hence justifying rejecting their demands for linguistic and cultural recognition. In recent years, however, the Berber people have reacted to these myths; we have witnessed the birth of a resistance movement, the uprising in Algeria (Kabylie) and the development of cultural pride and identity. Surprisingly, these events have caused us to reflect anew on the Berber myths of the colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores attempts by British colonial officials based in Aden to extend systems of political administration to the colony's tribal hinterland during the late interwar and early wartime period. Commencing initially with delicate attempts to recast faltering relations between tribal chiefs and their subjects, the policy would culminate a decade later with the despatch of British military units throughout the furthest extents of the protectorate in support of a range of direct political agreements with local rulers that would eventually set the conditions for federation. The intervening years featured a series of little-known debates among various officials on how precisely to cement British influence in the tribal areas, and the philosophy of administration to be pursued to that end. These would expose an element of confusion as to which techniques would best satisfy British policy, and reveal a preference on the part of some for the application of methods atypical of those used elsewhere under Colonial Office jurisdiction, and which drew their inspiration instead from systems of control used on India's volatile frontiers. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The overarching dilemma for Tunisian society since the end of the French protectorate has been the struggle for a political system that accurately reflects the nation's cultural hybridity.  This struggle has marked political and social debates, and appears repeatedly in literature. Before the political freedom that the Arab Spring brought Tunisia, authors such as Sophie El Goulli and Abdelaziz Belkhodja were already recrafting Tunisian history, using it as a way of challenging entrenched Western hegemony and staging a quiet, low-key revolution. In their respective novels, Hashtart:À la naissance de Carthage and Le Retour de l’éléphant, El Goulli, andBelkhodjareprise the history of Carthage; through this movement back in history, beyond European domination, these authors are able to transcend the era of the French protectorate and create a deeper political vision that challenges the presumed inevitability of the postcolonial dictatorship. This article explores how each author challenges the political oppression that remained in the wake of the French protectorate, marks the beginning of the end of the régime du savoir left by colonialism and announces the dawn of political modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of Cameroon's national literatures. Topics discussed include Cameroon being the only African nation to have been colonized by three European nations, Cameroons to be administered as a part of the German Protectorate of Kamerun, and Southern Cameroons' cohabitation with La République du Cameroun.

For quantum mechanics to form the crux of a robust model of divine action, random quantum fluctuations must be amplified into the macroscopic realm. What has not been recognized in the divine action literature to date is the degree to which differential dynamics, continuum mechanics, and condensed matter physics prevent such fluctuations from infecting meso- and macroscopic systems. Once all of the relevant physics is considered, models of divine action based on quantum randomness are shown to be far more limited than is generally assumed. Unless some sort of new physical mechanism is discovered, the amplification problem cannot be solved. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]