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Mindfulness has all but become a mainstay in modern education. Yet despite the incredible enthusiasm and increased application in schools, there remains significant divergence between advocates and critics. Advocates assert that mindfulness practice promotes individual and societal health and well-being. Meanwhile, critics question the intention and the social and political implications of promoting these ancient practices in schools, arguing that the Buddhist ethics underlying mindfulness remain incompatible with the neoliberal ideology and instrumentalism of contemporary schooling. As mindfulness has been commodified, instrumentalised and used as a therapeutic tool for acute coping, its broader potential for human growth and development may be undermined. Furthermore, scholars caution that the fledging nature of mindfulness research leaves critical questions unanswered, especially the potential for adverse effects. The work herein examines these critiques, presenting "three" critical considerations for mindfulness in education, and articulates practical recommendations for educational leaders, policy makers and stakeholders. We aim to empower educators and others to make judgements about the promotion and integration of mindfulness into educational settings, considering context-specific factors such as developmental needs and capacities, as well as recommendations to support effective and ethical practice of mindfulness in education.

The paper is based on the concept of political culture, which is particularly important for the maintenance and functioning of a democratic political system and is closely linked with the political literacy of young people. In this paper research focus is on the two dimensions of political culture -- political values and trust. Specifically, the main research question is: what are the determinants of accepting constitutional values and the trust in political institutions of final year secondary school pupils? The paper use the data provided by research on political literacy of final year secondary school pupils. In order to provide answer to the research question the hierarchical multiple regression is used. In the first step, particular socio-demographic variables (sex, education of mother and education of father) were introduced. In the second step, the type of secondary school education was added. The third group of predictors encompassed the level of religiosity, generalized prejudices and authoritarianism. In the final step political knowledge was included. The introduced model provides certain explanation regarding constitutional values, but fails to explain distrust in political institutions. The phenomenon of low trust in political institutions is discussed in paper.

This article examines attitudes of the Croatian final grade high school students towards the burdensome legacy of the Second World War and Croatian war for independence (1991-1995). Following the theoretical framework of memory studies, and implementing the concept of postmemory, we have developed a structural model connecting ideology and legacy of the wars. In addition, we have further modelled postmemory and its reliance on democratic values, namely political attitudes, trust in state institutions and political knowledge. Individualised predictors offered more nuanced analysis away from the binary understanding of pro-collaborationist and anti-fascist divide, in line with wider European trends and political culture(s).

Recently, multiple health organizations and advocacy groups have pushed for giving an R-rating for movies depicting tobacco imagery. This study examined several predictors of U.S. adults' opinion toward an R-rating policy for movies depicting cigarette smoking. We used data from the Health Information National Trends Survey (2020 cycle), for a nationally representative sample of 3,865 US adults (aged = 18). The outcome variable was opinion toward an R-rating policy (support, neutral, and oppose) for movies depicting cigarette smoking. A weighted adjusted multinomial logistic regression analysis with comparisons of support versus oppose, support versus neutral, and neutral versus oppose was performed. About 48.2% of respondents were supportive of, 31.1% were neutral toward, and 20.7% were opposed to an R-rating policy. Adults aged 50 to 64 years (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 2.28, p = 0.008) and =65 years (aOR = 4.54, p <0.001) (vs. 18-34 years) were more likely to support the R-rating policy than oppose it. Non-Hispanic Black respondents (vs. non-Hispanic Whites) were 1.74 times more likely to support than oppose the policy (aOR = 1.74, p = 0.04), whereas adults with a household annual income of US$75,000 or more (vs. <$20,000) and those with moderate (vs. liberal) political viewpoints were more likely to be neutral than oppose the policy. Former and current e-cigarette users (vs. never users) were less likely to support than oppose the policy. Tailored messaging addressing the rationale behind R-rating policy should be directed towards communities based on age, race/ethnicity, household income, e-cigarette usage, and political ideologies.

Creating inclusive and supportive environments in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) educational settings are important tools for countering racially hostile academic spaces and attracting and retaining talented Black and African American students. STEM faculty and other university members may display Black Lives Matter and similar "signs of solidarity" to express their support for Black students. However, how Black students perceive such signs is unknown. On the one hand, the "identity safety cue" literature suggests such signs relate to increased comfort and a sense of belonging among individuals from minoritized groups. On the other hand, some contemporary perspectives toward Black Lives Matter and other signs of solidarity have been criticized for lacking substance and impact. Given the extant literature's omission of Black students' perspectives about signs of solidarity, the current study employed semi-structured interviews and qualitative analytic methods to solicit and analyze the perspectives of 12 Black STEM graduate students. The findings revealed a general preference for some signs over others, as well as nuanced perspectives toward each sign of solidarity. Implications for STEM researchers and faculty who aspire to support Black students are discussed. Further, recommendations for adopting an "informed ally approach" are provided.

This paper presents an analysis of the prescribed text list for senior school English (including English as an Additional Language or Dialect, EAL/D) in Queensland, Australia. Queer understandings about the normalization of cisgender and heterosexuality provide a framework to analyze prescribed texts for adolescent learners. Hetero-cisgender norms are perpetuated through overrepresentation in endorsed texts. Representations of queer subjectivities or themes in the most highly promoted texts, those appearing on the examination list, are infrequent and minor. Reflexive justice thinking acknowledges the critique of merely identifying "who is missing" in the literature and extends the discussion to consider the complexities of the social, cultural, and political contexts that influence who gets to decide.

This article first describes and then proposes a practical solution to the professional dilemma between the duty of impartiality and the duty of human rights advocacy that many teachers experience when teaching and talking about politically sensitive issues with students. The article begins by presenting an analysis of the source and signification of the tension between impartiality and human rights advocacy based on evidence from research on teachers' perspectives, the conceptual literature on teaching and learning about controversial issues, and the legal and ethical framework of education. Then, drawing on scholarship on respect for students' right to freedom of religion, the article advances and defends set of basic pedagogical guidelines for teaching and talking about politically sensitive issues that permit teachers to maintain a professional stance of impartiality without abrogating their responsibility to act as human rights advocates. Key to squaring the circle between impartiality and human rights advocacy, the article argues, is for teachers to strive to remain descriptive in their treatment of politically sensitive issues and insist on high standards of reasoning and evidence while at the same time respecting students' right to an opinion, no matter how mistaken that opinion may seem.

As part of citizenship education, the prevention of radicalization and extremism through education (PVE-E) is an urgent initiative of global educational policy. According to research, radicalized individuals, despite the ideology held, have mindsets that challenge equality and social justice. In this light, this study examines the intergroup mindsets of Finnish students aged 16-19 in vocational institutions through a mixed methods research survey (n = 383). Three distinct intergroup mindsets were found in a profile analysis. The findings demonstrate that the intergroup mindsets of the students are predominantly egalitarian, open-minded, and inclusive. However, there are also students whose mindsets are anti-egalitarian and pro-dominance, and for whom Finnishness is a marker of borders and social exclusion. If intensified and manipulated, the views of these youth may become radicalized with serious implications for national security and societal cohesion. We argue that in PVE-E, the focus on critical thinking must be complemented with transformative approaches that support the development of mindsets based on social justice and equality.

The Western-style internationalisation of Russian universities, which guided the evolution of the country's higher education sector for over three decades, has been challenged by Western sanctions following the 2022 Russian 'Special military operation in Ukraine'. The authors show through the prism of constructivist theory how the norm on the internationalisation of higher education characterised by the strive for Westernised world-class universities was adopted and then came to unravel in Russia. A qualitative case study based on 42 expert interviews and an analysis of political discourse and legal documents reveals how the key features of the internationalisation of Russian universities are being challenged. The authors contribute to the expert literature the notion of 'norm reversal', defined as the process whereby an institutionalised and internalised international norm is 'cancelled' in a specific country. The paper shows that the reversal in Russian higher education, which was initially 'circumstantial' is becoming 'intentional', with legal documents being drawn up to accelerate and claim ownership of it.

The manipulated or manufactured truth on social media platforms spreads false information to influence netizens' cognition, often resulting in fabricated social and political narratives. This study systematically reviews the literature on truth manipulation and its impact on the cognition of social media users. The primary focus is on disinformation, misinformation, fake news, and propaganda. The study appraises 162 peer-reviewed publications indexed in the Web of Science Core Collection database using the systematic review method. The data was put through a bibliometric analysis to unpack the evolutionary nuances of netizens' cognitive response to manufactured truth, informativity, and manipulation on social media. The study highlights emerging trends and issues from truth manipulation on social media. The bibliometric analysis reveals since 2017, there has been an increase in the trend of scholarly work about truth manipulation on social media and its effects on the cognition of netizens. The USA seems to be the most prominent node to contribute to the study of truth manipulation. The content analysis shows multiple aspects causing truth manipulation. This study also seeks ways and methods to prevent and counter truth manipulation on social media. It looks at the possibilities of altering netizens' cognitive abilities by improving their critical social media literacies through fact-checking. The study results show that knowledge gaps persist in truth manipulation on social media and the cognitional aspects in response to fabricated narratives. We emphasize the importance of further investigations in this domain.

Despite the democratised access to digital media, there are still gaps in uses and opportunities according to age, sex, socioeconomic level, and location. In addition, the study about the use of digital media by children and adolescents has focused more on the risks than on the opportunities. This study analyses the relationship between different uses of digital media (socialisation, socio-political, and learning purposes), with school civic engagement. A sample of 524 students (M[subscript age]=12; 43.7% girls) from Santiago de Chile participated. Structural equation modelling with latent variables was used to test a parallel mediation model in which the use of socialisation in digital media is related to school civic engagement, through digital media use for socio political purposes and the digital media use for learning purposes. In addition, multigroup analysis by sex was tested. The main results showed that digital media use for socialisation has a positive effect on school civic engagement through the parallel mediation of digital media use for socio-political purposes and the digital media use for learning purposes. The multigroup analysis showed that mediation is significant in both boys and girls. The results have contributed to the expansion of knowledge about the opportunities of digital media on civic engagement in formal school contexts.

The potential of social media to create open, collaborative and participatory spaces allows young women to engage and empower themselves in political and social activism. In this context, the objective of this research is to analyze the polarization in the debate at the intersection between the defense of feminism and transsexuality, preferably among the young population, symbolized in the use of the term "TERF". To do this, the existing communities on this subject on Twitter and TikTok have been analyzed with Social Network Analysis techniques, in addition to the presence of young people in them. The results indicate that the debates between both networks are not very cohesive, with a highly modularized structure that suggests isolation of each community. For this reason, it may be considered that the debate on sexual identity has resulted in a strong polarization of feminist activism in social media. Likewise, the positions of transinclusive feminism are very much in the majority among young people; this reinforces the idea of an ideological debate that can also be understood from a generational perspective. Finally, differential use between both social networks has been identified, where TikTok is a less partisan and more dialogue-based network than Twitter, which leads to discussions and participation in a more neutral tone.

In light of recent political events in the United States, and with the urging to consider Noddings' care ethics in early childhood education, this conceptual piece considers an often-overlooked question in political discourse: what are the rights of the child, and how might these be centered in discussions of pedagogy, curricula, and legislation? Through an examination of two influential documents, the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of the Child in 1989 and the Parental Rights in Education Act passed in Florida in 2022, the authors analyze the positioning of children in relation to parents and teachers and discuss the affordances and limitations of this positioning. In sum, authors find an overarching theme of "growth" in the former and a prominent theme of "control" in the latter. Implications for early childhood education are included.

Drawing on annual, nationally representative survey data from 2007-2022, I demonstrate that partisan gaps - the average differences in public opinion between Democrats and Republicans - have widened on many education issues. This pattern consistently exceeds what would be expected due to the changing demographic compositions of the parties alone. Widening partisan gaps are primarily attributable to sorting (alignment of one's party affiliation and one's issue positions) rather than polarization (increasing support for more extreme positions relative to more moderate positions). However, polarization is also increasing on some of the most divisive issues. Among those who are sorting, individuals are overwhelmingly switching their issue positions to align with their party affiliations rather than switching their party affiliations to align with their issue positions.

Antifascists have developed action-oriented principles and practices for collective resistance to fascism. In this article, we discuss antifascism as "praxis," which is the nexus of theory and practice through collective reflection and action. Antifascist praxis can inform developmental science at individual and contextual levels of analysis. For the study of individual developmental trajectories, we examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to stop fascist recruitment of youth and counter-recruit youth into liberation movements. For the study of developmental contexts, we use the example of family separation to examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to identify fascist threats and support collective action against fascist violence. We also present next steps for developing a field of scholarship in which communities of developmental scientists engage in antifascist praxis. As developmental scientists, we must see ourselves as part of - not objectively disconnected from - broader mass movements building power against fascism and pursuing liberation for all.

In this article, we posit a Marxist critique of the way that neoliberal capitalism has thwarted the possibility of comprehensive education. We begin with an explanation of the unique productive capacity of human labour, and the centrality of labour power for capitalism. We go on to show the importance of the education system for continually renewing the conditions and supply of labour power for contributing to the reproduction of the capitalist social order. This provides the basis to argue for the efficacy of the concept of 'over-education' to demonstrate how comprehensive education is inherently an anathema to the logic of capitalism and the interests of its ruling class. The final section expresses comprehensive education as a moment of assault to maintain the status quo. Against this assault, we promulgate the necessity for comprehensive education and provoke consideration of this possibility following an incoming Labour government at the next general election, however unlikely this seems given the alignment of the Labour Party with capitalist interests after the 1980s. Irrespective of the result of politics, rekindling of the comprehensive ideal will come from workingclass collectives, and the struggle for socialist transformation, both within and without the state. It is only through this that the comprehensive ideal becomes feasible in reality.

This article considers how to approach the task of developing a curriculum for social justice at a time of planetary and systemic crisis, on the basis that both 'human capital development' and passing on 'the best that has been thought and said' from the past are inadequate responses. If our aim is to create the conditions for human survival and greater social justice, we need to radically commit to values of care, solidarity, equality and democracy, and the development of a broad set of critical literacies. Rather than simply hoping and waiting for better policies and systems, can we usefully find purpose and joy and start to prefigure a more socially just world in the here and now?

This article is aimed at analysing the modes in which educational instruction and equality are joined together in the official pedagogic discourse in Argentina during the period 2003-2019. This short period encompasses two moments of engaging in debates over the nature of this articulation--namely, the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner followed by Cristina Fernández (2003-2105) and that of Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). The analysis will be constructed through conceptual tools and methodologies arising from a political analysis of the discourse and will involve a set of documents that constitute expressions of the official discursiveness on the national level. The trajectory realised in this review considers three political-pedagogical antagonisms throughout the length of the period analysed: regarding (i) the idea of equality in official discourse, (ii) pedagogy as specific language for the construction of educational policies, and (iii) the degree of politicizing in the training and work of teachers.

Neoliberalism has been the hegemonic ideology that has fundamentally transformed planning over the last four decades. Neoliberalism has significantly restructured pre-existing organisations, such as universities that were initially expanded during the period of industrial capitalism. From Foucault's perspective, universities work as components of the dominant control apparatus to subjectively normalise people to docile bodies in the capitalist society. In planning schools, new planning students are introduced to the discipline and its values, norms, knowledge, and practices. This article explores how neoliberalism has changed planning education and subsequently practice in favour of the market operation by detaching planning from its intellectual and theoretical context, and used planning as its scapegoat to conceal its failures. Following the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) in 2008 and the global pandemic of COVID-19, several thinkers, economists and politicians have declared that 'neoliberalism is dead' and pointed to the necessity of a new doctrine to address the adverse side effects of neoliberalism that include social inequality and climate change. Planning was initially developed to address the environmental issues and social inequality that resulted from industrial capitalism. This article suggests that planning education should traverse neoliberalism by retrieving its critical and theoretical knowledge to redefine its role in the post-neoliberal era.

New Zealand National Party's 2022-2023 policy of Social Investment, which if adopted, will legitimise the management of young unemployed in the name of correcting and helping them. Zygmunt Bauman's (1989) concept of 'rational bureaucratic culture' is used to examine the aims to bring the 'abnormal' citizen into the tax-paying fold. The policy will 'manage and make productive' young welfare recipients to avoid them 'bludging' and encourage them into 'productive work', no matter how menial. Using philanthropic monies alongside funding through Vote : Social Development is a new development which removes the state's sole financing of its safety-net responsibility. It will see a new interpretation of Principal: Agency policy.

Significant collaborations with research partners in China are seen in many Western countries. With increasing US-China geopolitical tensions, governments, research institutions, and individuals in established scientific systems are increasingly required to address a proliferating array of risks and challenges associated with collaboration with China. Academic researchers are only beginning to describe how countries are responding to the ongoing need for global scientific collaboration amidst intensifying geopolitical competition. Several studies have examined the securitization of scientific connections with China in the USA, while others have documented developments in nations such as Australia, the UK, and Sweden. However, there is limited comparative research on approaches to international science amid geopolitical tensions. This paper bridges the gap, illuminating the key dimensions of variation in country-level responses by comparing the cases of Sweden and Australia. The questions we ask are as follows: Who responds to the challenges? By what means? And to what ends are responses directed? Swedish government have been largely passive, but Swedish funding agencies have developed "responsible internationalisation" guidelines that aim to induce proactive reflection by institutions and individual researchers. Australia's approach, by contrast, has centred on legislation, the exercise of ministerial powers, along with sector-wide enactment of expanded due diligence protocols. The comparison highlights key differences in the actors, methods and goals of responses to the intensifying geopolitics of scientific collaboration.

Purpose: Several studies uncover how the period leading up to the 2016 election and the Trump administration affected college students, in particular those targeted by the rhetoric and policies in this tense sociopolitical environment. This article builds on this scholarship and examines how the broader sociopolitical context shaped how targeted and nontargeted students perceived and experienced the campus climate. Research Methods/Approach: We interviewed 21 students who had taken a higher-education course at one institution to gather their perspectives of campus climate. Students commonly referenced undocumented students and students of color as directly affected by policies and rhetoric during this time. We subsequently considered self-identified students of color and undocumented students as belonging to targeted groups and those who did not as nontargeted. Findings: Students described how the sociopolitical climate between 2016 and 2018 directly and indirectly influenced campus climate based on their perceptions and experiences. Students shared how discourse toward minoritized communities increased overt marginalization in the United States and on campuses. Immigration policies were frequently mentioned as impactful, and nontargeted students expressed major concerns for their targeted peers and family members. A few students also described how the polarized sociopolitical climate outside the university created divisions among students. Implications: Institutions should seek ways to ameliorate concerns and tensions students may feel as a result of challenging sociopolitical and campus climates. In addition to supporting students from targeted communities, institutions should provide opportunities for nontargeted students to learn more about issues affecting targeted communities.

The pedagogical realm expands and goes beyond the four walls of a classroom. It becomes omnipresent. However, there are spheres where it displays overtly its political character such as in the functioning of political organisations. In these organisations the relationship of the leader and cadre or the institutional form of politics and the masses that it seeks to include is constituted through a prolonged pedagogical process. This process is defined through a relationship that revolves around exclusion, inclusion and framing of an institutional structure vis-à-vis the masses. Rosa Luxemburg and Paulo Freire in their own ways reflected on these relationships either directly or their writings can be read to understand the making of political pedagogy in South Asian context, more specifically India.

What do we mean when we say that a school is independent? This article, through a case study of non-state higher education providers in Kachinland, Northern Myanmar, looks at the ways in which these schools negotiate their place within both communities, states and economies. It is found that these alternative higher education (AHE) institutions cannot be reduced to any one logic of education or development and as such may be thought of as assemblages of multiple logics. This article thus contributes to the literature on alternative higher education institutions that are formed in opposition to the norms of the state and the ways they negotiate their position within networks of power and political contexts.

The use of "participatory research" and "participation" to promote the empowerment of the poor and marginalised began in the 1970s and gained momentum in the early 1980s. The approach builds on the "learning for change" paradigm in which everyday experience is the basis for developing agency, and committing to and taking action to create change, both individually and collectively. The paradigm has been used over decades, and in several contexts (e.g. women's literacy and political leadership, work health and safety, access to and control over natural resources, prevention of sexual harassment and violence against women, social accountability and participatory monitoring, access to basic services, and climate adaptation and resilience). In this research note, some of these contexts -- work health and safety, women's political leadership, the urban poor and gender-based violence -- are used as practical exemplars of work conducted by the non-profit research and training organisation Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA) to support poor, excluded and marginalised communities. The experiences shared in this research note bear witness to the power of popular knowledge and the inclusion of marginalised voices for transformatory, people-centric development.

This article analyzes links between the origins of higher education institutions and the university "faculty development" movements. University faculty development programs surged during the peak of Cold War geopolitics. Thus, we trace the genealogy of higher education institutions to the surge in faculty development programs, specifically relative to histories and ideologies informing and shaping higher education institutions and faculty development programs. Subsequently, the contemporary issues BIPOC faculty members face relative to faculty development programs deriving from developmental psychology and non-academic faculty, clinicians, and university administrators are analyzed. This critical examination of the origins of faculty development concludes with a few suggested opportunities for repurposing faculty development toward decoloniality in higher education.

Following the 9/11 tragedies, the interest in Arabic language and culture in nontraditional destinations such as MENA (Middle East & North Africa) has become vastly obscured with sociocultural and political issues. The mandate to maintain national security served to designate the language and its destinations critical, producing the hegemony of a political rationality that thrives on the globalist commodification of language and risks the homogenization of world cultures. To interrogate these essentialist discourses and others, we examine the ideologies underlying MENA host-grounded discourses to discern the valorization of the language in those destinations, as steered by the needs of globalization and power relations. Drawing upon an adapted, complementary multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) approach, the current study analyzes the linguistic and visual resources of three study abroad (SA) programs' websites. We argue that the orientalist gaze is bidirectional within the host and U.S. based discourse for matters of sociopolitical and economic interdependencies and that joint constructions of global hierarchies and economic inaccessibilities remain prevalent.

There is fierce controversy in the United States over whether parents should be able to choose their children's schools and/or curriculum. To discuss the pedagogical arguments inherent in this question, Todd Alan Price and Ruprecht Mattig begin with the classical concept of "Bildung" as developed by Wilhelm von Humboldt around 1800. Next, they compare Humboldt's ideas with the ideas of John Stuart Mill and Milton Friedman, who stand in the tradition of liberal thought, as Mill was strongly influenced by Humboldt and Friedman, in turn, by Mill. Finally, they consider Friedman's role as a central figure in the school choice movement, and are thus able to trace a line of thought from Humboldt to actual controversies. Price and Mattig's analysis here shows that the liberalism of Humboldt, Mill, and Friedman revolves around diversity and choice in education. Moreover, it traces that in the process of translating, translocating, and transcontextualizing Humboldt's original thought through Mill to Friedman, the complexity of arguments about education and the role of parents and the state in a liberal society has been unduly reduced. The authors conclude the paper by proposing a principle for thinking about the relationship between different educational institutions in democracies.

Since Plato and Aristotle, political theorists have discussed the important role of education in forming democratic citizens. They disagree, however, over whether public or private schools are more effective at nurturing citizenship. We conduct a statistical meta-analysis to identify the average association between private schooling and measures of four central civic outcomes: political tolerance, political participation, civic knowledge and skills, and voluntarism and social capital. Our search identifies 13,301 initial target studies, ultimately yielding 531 effects from 57 qualified studies drawing from 40 different databases. Using Robust Variance Estimation, we determine that, on average, private schooling boosts any civic outcome by 0.055 standard deviations over public schooling. Religious private schooling, particularly, is strongly associated with positive civic outcomes. The evidence is especially strong that private schooling is correlated with higher levels of political tolerance and political knowledge and skills. We discuss heterogeneities, robustness checks, and implications.

This critical interpretive paper deploys Walter Mignolo's geopolitics of knowledge concept to examine higher education internationalisation in Kazakhstan. Amidst growing concerns about economic and environmental sustainability, elitism and cognitive justice, among other critical issues, internationalisation remains a vital government policy. By tracing Kazakhstan's development since independence from the Soviet Union and focusing on key higher education development policy frameworks, the paper argues and illustrates that: (1) the internationalisation of higher education in Kazakhstan promotes a specific representation of the world that is considered universal and modern; (2) the internationalisation of higher education in Kazakhstan illustrates the existing hierarchical global higher education system that is dominated by the West as centres of knowledge and learning while allocating other countries peripheral roles; and (3) the geopolitics of knowledge concept enables the reading of higher education internationalisation beyond what is knowledge to who, why and where knowledge is produced. The data for this paper came from a qualitative study that involved 15 semi-structured interviews with graduates who studied abroad at Western universities through the government-sponsored Bolashak Scholarship. Three focus group sessions with 21 graduate students at Nazarbayev University complemented the interviews. The qualitative data suggest that Mignolo's geopolitics of knowledge offers a close-to-perfect description of the internationalisation of higher education in Kazakhstan. The conclusion drawn from this post-Soviet study is the universalisation of Western knowledge as nations utilise it for meaningful development, despite decolonial and cognitive justice concerns.

Using U.S. Department of Education 6-year college graduation rate data for 17 cohorts (1996-2002) to (2012-2018), adverse impact on Black students as compared to White students was evaluated for all 50 states and D.C. Potential relationships between state adverse impact and Black population percentage, geographic location, and political affiliation were also examined. Major results included: (1) documentation of widespread adverse impact against Black students throughout the U.S.; (2) a tendency for states with higher percentages of Black residents to have higher levels of adverse impact; (3) documentation of lower levels of adverse impact for states located in the Northeast than those in the West, South, and Midwest; and (4) documentation of lower adverse impact levels in Blue states as compared to Purple and Red States.

One of the challenges in substantiating deliberative democracy as a normative theory is the educational challenge of how to cultivate civic virtue, especially mutual respect and civility, in children. The cultivation of civic virtue is not limited to school education, but is also an activity related to family education. However, liberal theorists who advocate the theory of deliberative democracy, based on the dualism of public and private, have limited their discussions to the issue of civic development in the field of public education. This article proposes to understand and compare the many competing theories on public-private dualism, particularly in liberal and feminist spaces. Beginning with an analysis of the work of liberal theorists such as David Archard as well as Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift, and moving on to that of feminist theorists such as Susan Okin, this article examines competing theories on education in school and in the family, to whom the responsibility of education belongs, and where feminist and liberal thought enlighten these debates. This article will clarify the theoretical tendencies and principles of liberal arguments aimed at overcoming the public-private dualism in education, and present a strategy for overcoming the challenges that this theory encompasses by seeking reference points in feminist thought, especially with attention to conception of relational autonomy.

This article is the first of four articles exploring democratic schools co-founded by teenage students in Norway and Sweden. Our larger project explores the relationship between democracy in education and educational dialogism. Both democracy in education and educational dialogism are partially rooted in the idea that education should be a personal meaning-making practice where the participants can create and organize their lives in ways that make sense to them and explore their interests, values, and desires. We describe the processes of founding two schools--one in Oslo, Norway, and the other in Gothenburg, Sweden--in which students practiced the right to democratic governance. We describe the process of the founding of these schools against the background of the students' movements in the late 1960s and the 1970s and the social and political conditions in Norway and Sweden at that time. We explore the students' perspectives on the possibility, desirability, and legitimacy of the students' voices in ethical-ontological dialogues in which the participants jointly examine their relationships with the world, with others, and with themselves. Further, we explore the forms of democratic school governance that Norwegian and Swedish students created and identified tensions that appeared between the legitimacy of individual students' rights to ownership of their learning, teachers' ownership of teaching, and the conventional normative educational policies in Norway and Sweden.

As a public compulsory course for Non-English majors in colleges and universities, College Public English should not only develop students' language and cross-cultural communication skills, but also cultivate their correct outlook on life, values, world and native land emotion, which is consistent with the ideological-political goals of the course. English textbook is the guarantee for the smooth progress of English teaching, and more importantly, it is an important carrier to practice Chinese teaching ideas. This paper mainly focuses on how to integrate ideological-political elements into English teaching from textbook perspective. It discusses the measures of integrating ideological-political education into College English courses from four aspects: teaching objectives, unit themes, and knowledge points, grammatical structure and word explanation. It is finally pointed out that exploring and integrating ideological-political elements in textbooks is the key link to realize ideological-political education in College Public English courses.