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The existing literature explains the war in Donbas and the rationale for why conflict broke out there while failing to do so in other Ukrainian provinces, such as Odesa or Kharkiv. Local pro-Russian organizations could not attract considerable attention and support in the pre-war period in all parts of Ukraine, except for Crimea. The social marginalization and negligible influence of the pro-Russian organizations among the locals presumably stemmed from their weak social ties among the local population. The question is why they had such weak social embeddedness in the local societies despite relatively popular pro-Russian sympathies in these regions? Surprisingly, nobody has sought to explain the social origins of the pro-Russian movements as a source of their weakness and failure to be sparked by the anti-Ukrainian rebellion in 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an implication of the ethnically and nationally diverse nature of Mediterranean polities, identification-driven boundary-making strategies bear considerable relevance for their political processes, both in the contemporary context and in the historical past. By utilizing a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), this study provides an interpretative exploration of Greek-Cypriot elite discursive framing strategies regarding Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot ethno-national identity during the Cypriot Civil War (1963–1967). The available historical interpretations of this period lead us to expect an exclusionary strategy of boundary contraction to be more prevalent than the inclusionary one of boundary expansion in the discourse of Greek-Cypriot elites. Through an examination of a sample of primary textual sources, the analysis disconfirms such an expectation, as elite figures primarily constructed broader, inclusive frames of ethno-national identity during the civil war. The relative absence of boundary contraction and the prevalence of boundary expansion indicate the applicability of Wimmer's (2008) universalist approach to ethnic boundary-making, in contrast to the expectations that are built by the Cyprus-specific historical evidence. This study thus lays the groundwork for future research to delineate the discursive framing strategies of elite figures in Cyprus and beyond the ethno-nationally divided island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should we understand the relationship between nationalism and discourses of national decline, and more specifically the discourses of a shrinking nation? Driven by this question, this article highlights how bleak imaginings of the future also work to construct the relationship of the individual to the putative national community, creating forms of sentimental national belonging. This article analyses an emerging genre of best-selling books in Japan, Mirai no nenpyō [The chronology of the future] series, that present a dismal vision of Japan's national demographic future. Their goal is to provoke a sense of national urgency by encouraging Japanese nationals to feel personally the shrinking nation through imagining its coming consequences for everyday life. Such narrations of an imagined shrinking community act to create a timeless sense of national belonging, with daily lived experience in the imagined future interpreted through the lens of the contracting nation. Importantly, the future that these discourses present is nationalized within boundaries separating it from global developments and intercourse. Ultimately, this form of nationalism is constituted not by dying for the nation, but instead by people seeing the continued stability of everyday life as intricately tied to the fate of the national community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ali Meghji’s A Critical Synergy provides a thought-provoking framework for putting two bodies of thought in conversation with one another. Doing so advances the project of imagining alternative, anti-racist futures. I reflect on the central argument of the book within the context of contemporary sociology. I then engage with three themes of the book: ways of knowing and being, methodological nationalism, and postcolonial melancholia. I approach each theme from my vantage point as a scholar of decolonial (and postcolonial) thought, taking up Meghji’s invitation to engage with critical race theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many China observers have commented that Beijing is harsh and assertive on diplomatic occasions. By publicizing the nationalistic rhetoric and moves in internal propaganda, the PRC aims to please domestic audiences. This article examines China's practices of 'wolf-warrior diplomacy', explicates the rationale behind it, and provides three plausible explanations. Firstly, the individualist explanation highlights the personal motives of 'wolf-warrior' diplomats. However, wolf-warrior diplomacy is not the common practice of Chinese diplomats, as most Chinese diplomats, unlike these wolf-warriors, remain conservative, taking an orthodox approach to their duties. Secondly, the institutional explanation presents a potential conflict between propaganda and diplomacy agencies in conducting waixuan (external propaganda, overseas-targeted propaganda: 外宣). I elaborate on how the changing working doctrines of waixuan have encouraged wolf-warrior diplomacy. Finally, the strategic explanation highlights how Beijing diverts the popular attention away from its domestic issues and towards 'external threats' and rallies popular support at home by 'talking tough' and 'blaming others'. The diversionary use of assertive diplomacy also allows Beijing to avoid publicizing its policy failures, buy more time and room for manoeuvre, and plan tactical reforms while preserving its fundamental political system. I also argue that the wolf-warrior diplomacy is more of ad hoc response to perceived geopolitical risk in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic than a well-crafted strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Migration background' has been an official category of population statistics in Germany since 2006 and has become an integral part of knowledge production about Germany as an immigration country. However, 'migration background' is not only a way of constructing 'migrant' and 'native' populations; it is also employed as a marker of ethnic inequality and often differentiated into subgroups to stand for national links or ethnic descent. I reflect on these observations as utterances of methodological nationalism inscribed into data practices and (non)knowledge production in migration research. I link them to ideas about statactivism (Bruno et al. 2014. "Statactivism." Partezipatione & Conflitto 7 (2): 198–220) as a means of intervention. I give some examples of how I have tried to destabilize the usual (non)knowledge production in migration research and reflect on the possibilities for individual researchers to do so. My ethnographic analysis is based on a close reading of national statistical reports, fieldwork in statistical offices, participatory observations in workshops, informal and formal interviews, and my own involvement in (non)knowledge production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the significance of advertisements in historical Jewish press as a window into everyday life and major themes of Jewish history, including nationalism, social and economic situations, and cultural choices. It discusses three readings of advertisements which contribute to understanding various aspects of Jewish history, encompassing consumer identity, occultism, and the economic, cultural, and religious history of Jews in different contexts.

Since the massive victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 2014 parliamentary elections, India has seen an entrenchment of the politics of Hindutva, a political-cultural justification of Hindu nationalism and of Hindu hegemony within India. Society and politics in India are experiencing unprecedented transformation under the forces unleashed by Hindu nationalism. The vision that framed the Constitution and the making of the modern Indian nation-state and parliamentary democracy are under challenge. This article discusses three books that assess this trend: Thomas Blom Hansen (2021), The Law of Force: The Violent Heart of Indian Politics, Debasish Roy Chowdhury and John Keane (2021), To Kill a Democracy: India's Passage to Despotism, and Badri Narayan (2021), Republic of Hindutva: How the Sangh Is Reshaping Indian Democracy. This article seeks to shed some light on these processes of transformation in Indian society and politics and mull the prospects for Indian democracy. These books, through taking different analytical frameworks and with varying emphases, provide invaluable insights into the social and political dynamics of contemporary India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal international order has recently come under increasing nationalist pressure, evidenced by a rise in nationalist demands to withdraw from international institutions. A growing literature examines the domestic economic, social, and political origins of this nationalist backlash against international institutions. However, less is known about the extent to which precedents of withdrawals of one country affect nationalist pressures for future withdrawals elsewhere. In this paper, we argue that initial withdrawal episodes provide new information about the feasibility and desirability of withdrawals to nationalist elites in other countries. Hence, we expect nationalists abroad to be either encouraged or deterred to follow a similar path – depending on the success of these precedents. We explore this argument in the context of the British withdrawal from the European Union (Brexit), which arguably marks the most significant withdrawal from an international institution to date. Based on a quantitative analyses of media reports in ten European countries, we show we show that nationalist parties in Europe increased or moderated the aggressiveness about their EU-related rhetoric as the ups and downs of the Brexit-drama unfolded. Our results suggest that precedents of nationalist withdrawals shape domestic politics well beyond the concerned countries themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European radical right parties (RRPs) have recently experienced strong electoral success and have strengthened their positions within the European Parliament. While their Eurosceptic positions are well documented in the literature, the fact that most RRPs refer not only to their nations but to Europe in general in order to ground their nationalist visions remains understudied. We investigate this issue by analyzing the discourses of MEPs from 24 radical right parties in the 8th legislature of the European Parliament (2014–2019). Relying on a vast corpus (36,413 speeches) and using quantitative text analysis, this research sheds light on the various notions of Europe that are used by radical right MEPs. We find evidence of three visions of Europe: as a civilization; as an ethno-religious community; and as a liberal society. The use and preferences for these visions vary according to ideological positions, strategies and national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From historical perspectives, this article points to the interactions between official politics, official literary culture, and radical poetry in socialist Yugoslavia and postsocialist post-Yugoslav cultures. The complexity of parallel political and poetically antagonistically opposed poetry formations and the role of feminism are discussed within this constantly changing social and political environment. At the same time, connections and interactions between different parts of this cultural spaces are revealed, which are concealed within the dominant methodological nationalism approach to poetry studies. The focus is put on the intensive relation between radical poetry and radical art practice connected with transnational flows in Yugoslav socialism from the late 1960s and 1970s, and later its reappearance in 1990s during the war in Yugoslavia. At the end, the article discusses the function of translation of American poetry in articulation of radical postsocialist poetry in Serbia, and the role of feminism as a political frame for this kind of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference 'Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires' in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To some extent, the current Russian-Ukrainian may be described as a conflict between two visions of nation, respectively, ethnic and civic models. Putin believes that a language defines a nation. In his understanding, since many Ukrainians are Russian speakers, they are Russians. His perception of Ukraine is anachronistic. He has failed to notice Ukraine's radical transformation since it gained independence. The current Ukrainian identity has a strong civic component. Its core is represented by a new urban middle class with a new set of values. Sustainability of this identity largely depends on longevity and results of the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I assess Stalin's ideas and concepts about nationalities, their 'manipulability' and their legacies. I do this by briefly reconstructing their theoretical and political roots in both Tsarist and socialist traditions. Special attention will be paid to the discovery of a positive correlation between economic development and the growth of nationalism among 'backward' peasant peoples, which went against the grain of previous socialist beliefs, and to the appearance of a theory according to which socialism would naturally produce a superior national-popular society. After discussing the evolution of these ideas and concepts, their practical applications, and the reaction they generated up to 1953, I will focus on the Soviet post-Stalinist theories and practices, and their results, also by taking into consideration the development in Soviet times and after 1991, of new, hybrid variants of Russian nationalism, as well as of Eurasian trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vladimir Putin's legitimation of Russia's brutal war of aggression against Ukraine raises questions about traditional understandings of nation and empire. Should we contrast the two in terms of values and practices? In this case, Putin uses both nationalist and Imperialist rhetoric to justify his actions. My essay questions how we understand nation and empire using the example of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. How did this empire develop laws, institutions and administrative practices to manage conflicts and claims around language use and nationalism? How did Austria's governments rule a multi-lingual, multi-confessional society effectively, without resorting to brutal policies of nationalization? When nationalist conflicts arose in different settings, how and why did they originate? I conclude that in European terms, Imperial Austria and even nationalist Hungary apparently managed daily-life issues around diverse language use and religious practice far more humanely and effectively than did the successor nation states after 1918. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1991, new political discourses emerged in the Soviet republics that had to reinvent themselves as independent states, redefining their national identity on several dimensions. This process matured ambiguous attitudes toward the former imperial center and different visions over the scopes, perspectives, and claims of a 'Russian World' in the former Soviet space, where Moscow still asserted an exclusive political and cultural sphere of influence. In this article, we will review the cases of Armenia and Uzbekistan with peculiar national projects and relationships with Moscow, reviewing their inclusion within the USSR, their path to independence, their post-Soviet relations with Moscow, and the changes during the turning points of 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and after the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of India's 2019 Islamophobic Citizenship Amendment Act, this article is based on ethnographic research with young Muslim women from Aligarh which aimed to show that their narratives of displacement and exclusion from citizenship inspired their search for belonging and enabled them to reinscribe spaces with their own, marginalised, but nonetheless real, projects of belonging. From exclusion and debasement springs new imagination of belonging: this is my finding. Drawing on intersectional feminist writings, postcolonial and critical Muslim studies, I propose that Muslim women's geographies become forms of contestation of the national project producing non-citizens. In this context, I trace the interconnections between physical and spiritual geographies to show us how Muslim women continue to carve space for themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

World's fairs organized at the turn of the twentieth century offered glimpses into humanity's aspirations for the future. Since they were primarily a place to promote progress and industrialization, one would expect Greek participation in these exhibitions to follow a similar approach. But the country's presence in the international exhibitions in Chicago (1893), Paris (1900), Brussels (1910), and San Francisco (1915) proves that the groups of prominent academics, technocrats, and business leaders who undertook the organization of Greek participation viewed world's fairs less as platforms to demonstrate industrial advancements and more as sites to promote and reinforce their nationalistic ideals. By exhibiting ancient Greek and Byzantine artifacts, Greece's pavilions sought to connect the modern state with its glorious past and reaffirm its European identity. The organizers' alternative viewpoint on what can represent modernity challenges our understanding of the Greek interpretation of modernization. Contrary to the prevailing notions in Greek historiography that linked modernity exclusively with industrialization, the exhibits displayed by the country abroad prompt a reconsideration of our interpretation of Greek progress, highlighting the influence of the irredentist concept of the Great Idea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of the Qajar dynasty and the rise of the Pahlavi government marked the beginning of important changes in Iran. Reza Shah's reign (1925–1941) is significant in shaping the intellectual foundations of modern Iran because of the state's efforts to establish a modern government and create a modern society. The idea of one state, one culture, and one nation as a fundamental principle in state-building predates his coming to power, so, alongside state-building projects, Reza Shah undertook major cultural reforms. He established new institutions and organizations to define and propagate concepts such as national unity, national identity, loyalty to the monarchy, and some elements of modernity. This article examines how one of these institutions, Sazman-e Parvaresh-e Afkar [Thought Development Organization], active between 1938 and 1941, contributed to reconstructing Iranian national identity. It specifically analyzes the activities of the 'Public Speech Commission', a branch of this institution that sought to guide public opinion towards modernity and national unity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bible's central position in the Zionist movement is well-known. Most previous studies on this topic have focused on Israeli society following the establishment of the State of Israel. By contrast, this article focuses on the role of the Hebrew Bible in Jewish nationalism and early Zionist thought from the 1880s to 1948. This article examines the connection between Zionism and the Bible in the context of modern nationalism research from a cultural approach. The focus on the Bible gave Zionism the components it lacked: territory and language. Unlike other ancient Jewish texts in which national aspects were marginalized, the Bible set a model for the creation of a modern nation-state. To the Zionists, the Bible was a guide to forming the 'New Jew'. This article shows that examining the relationship between Zionism and the Bible enables better understanding of the pre-modern cultural foundations of the Jewish national movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing popularity of radical right, anti-immigrant, neo-nationalist movements can be seen as a response to super-diverse and complex migration and globalization processes challenging the ideology of the 'nation-state' and the traditional education system. Based on the question of how English is increasingly viewed as a threat to Swiss national languages and identities, this study presents data from Switzerland, often portrayed as the ideal multilingual country. Such a challenge was nevertheless confirmed through the qualitative analysis of 38 in-depth interviews conducted with students and teachers at three secondary schools in three language regions, policy makers, and open-ended questions from 94 student questionnaires. Language education policies have divided the educational landscape into certain regions prioritizing English over a national language and others adhering to the traditional curriculum. The data reveal strong ideological beliefs, lacking intranational communication, and personal as well as societal struggles of positioning based on linguistic competences, expectations, and policies. This article advocates for interdisciplinary approaches to (language) education as societies' and students' needs constantly evolve and calls on all learners' and educators' responsibility to counteract such movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, this study sheds light on sports nationalism and traces changes in the media's discursive construction of the Korean national football team over time by analyzing news articles from three different World Cups. Korean sports nationalism has evolved in complex ways and has been influenced by a combination of factors, including the colonial experience, initiatives by the former military government, the hosting of mega-sporting events, local professional leagues, and the globalization of athletes on the world stage. Given the multifaceted nature of Korean sports nationalism, this study aims to examine how it has changed in response to social transformations, particularly the impact of neoliberal globalization. The findings reveal that sports nationalism is often manifested in the terms of "fighting spirit" or "sacrifice" as a core national trait. However, it increasingly incorporates and embraces a new neoliberal meritocratic culture and subjectivity that foregrounds individual success on the world stage as a new form of nationalism in an era of accelerating globalized and commodified sports elitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender as a concept is essential for understanding British/English national identity. Feminist and queer scholars note that gender and sexuality are central to politics, yet frequently omitted from political analysis. Some scholars have highlighted the hegemonic masculinities that underpinned Brexit campaigns, but the role of gender in the construction of national identity in Europe has not been analyzed in depth. Combining the literature on national and European identities with feminist theories of gender and nationalism, I outline four discourses of Anglo-British exceptionalism: (1) British sovereignty and military power; (2) the British as defenders of liberty; (3) Britain as a global trading nation; and (4) England as a white Protestant “island nation.” Constructed in relation the European “Other,” these discourses are underpinned by gender-based hierarchies that intersect with class, race, and sexuality. These findings demonstrate the need for feminist and gender analysis not only of the UK’s relationship with the European Union (EU) but also more broadly within political science and EU studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how a Powellite form of nostalgia – named for the anti-immigration politics of former British MP Enoch Powell – connects seemingly contradictory nationalist narratives known as Global Britain and Little England. While the former is typically aligned with an expansive and buccaneering national biography, the latter is held to operate via a more defensive and exclusionary imaginary. This article challenges such a binary distinction by demonstrating how the two discursive strands are intimately connected by nostalgic views about white English racial dominance, cultivated during Britain's pursuit of empire. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of verbal and visual sources from the Brexit referendum, plus 13 interviews with Leave campaigners, the article shows how Powellite nostalgia reproduces gendered and racialised colonial images of the nation amid immigration 'crisis'. Despite the detoxifying effects of much post-referendum Brexit analysis, the article also demonstrates how Powellite nostalgia is shared across the Eurosceptic spectrum and within broader English culture, persisting into the post-Brexit era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bamboo diplomacy, the latest conceptualization in Vietnamese foreign policy, has recently captured widespread media coverage. This study investigates the discursive legitimation strategies employed by the Vietnamese Communist Party to justify the adoption of the aforementioned policy. In addition, the study focuses on the integration of nationalism in the legitimation process of bamboo diplomacy discourse in the context of digital media. Drawing upon constructivism, banal nationalism, and Van Leeuwen's model of legitimation in discourse and communication, the study utilizes CDA and DHA to analyze 66 articles on six official Vietnamese online news outlets. The findings revealed that nationalism-based legitimacy is a key underpinning of three discursive strategies of the four implemented in the VCP's bamboo diplomacy discourse. Accordingly, three main patterns of nationhood reproduction were identified: (i) the myth of national history, (ii) the authority of national traditions, and (iii) the moralization of bamboo iconography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Australia relations have experienced a rapid deterioration in the past half-decade. From genial ties centred around trade and exchange, the relationship has descended into mutual hostility, prompting the editor of China’s Global Times to notoriously liken Australia to a blob of gum on the bottom of a shoe. To explain the deteriorating relationship, scholars have proposed numerous ideas, pointing to factors as wide-ranging as ‘Chinese influence’, poor diplomacy efforts, and ontological (in)security touched off by neoliberal governmentality. The current paper examines these ideas in a literature review, then synthesises such ideas to provide its own explanation of why things ‘went wrong’. It also addresses corollary questions such as why Australia adopted a uniquely assertive China policy, and why this occurred specifically around 2017. We argue that the breakdown in relations can be attributed to the rise of nationalist, sovereignty-oriented movements in the West, and the spillover effect this had on Australian leadership; the profound uncertainty attending the election of Trump and his isolationist tendencies; and the shift to a more rigid, authoritarian approach to foreign affairs under Xi. This perspective adds to the literature by identifying failings on both sides while underscoring significant yet underappreciated global trends, such as nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indian nationalism has remained, for long, an important subtext to Bollywood cinema. However, whether Bollywood cinematic output could be considered as Indian national cinema has encouraged very divisive academic discourses. When Bollywood received the status of an Industry in 1998 in keeping with the promise made in the BJP 1998 electoral manifesto (Bharatiya Janata Party, 2016, p. 232–233), it appeared that the benefits of Economic Liberalisation could finally be enjoyed by the Bombay film establishment. By focusing on Mani Ratnam’s Dil Se  …  (1998) and Kunal Kohli’s ‘Fanaa’ (2006) this paper shall explore in detail how the nascent neoliberalism affected the discourse of Indian nationalism on the Bollywood screen through binary formation, and Othering of minorities; and how such strategies were incorporated within Hindutva style of communal identity formation in the wake of the political discourses engendered by the 2001 Parliament Attack. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the 20th century, all the states that emerged on the east coast of the Baltic gained access to the sea. Each tried to utilise this to strengthen their economies, but contemporaries had different views on their potential to do so. One example is that the Latvians were labelled as a maritime nation, while the Lithuanians were portrayed as a “continental” nation. This is sometimes still the case today. The research presented in this article shows that despite this judgement, the need to create images of the maritime past of the Latvian and Lithuanian nations manifested in both cases through the historiography that influenced modern national identities. The article focuses on the different representations of the maritime past used by the Latvian and Lithuanian national movements in the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century and examines the origins of these representations as well as the contexts in which they were instrumentalised. The research shows that although the images were different, Lithuanian and Latvian historians used similar strategies to create and disseminate them. These included retrospective identification with mediaeval and early modern societies and attempts to use images of the maritime past to find alternatives to German domination in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Church of the Icon of the Mother of God, "The Life-Giving Spring," near the village of Kosmos, emphasizing its significance as a sacred site for Orthodox Christians. Topics include the church's construction and restoration, the healing properties attributed to its spring water, and its role as one of many sacred sites in Central Asia revered by the Orthodox community.

This article analyses the case law in Poland on matters of the return of children wrongfully removed or retained within the framework of the Hague Convention of 25 October 1980 on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction during the period of the "populist" government (2020–2022). It takes account of the legislative and judicial developments in the EU and the European Court of Human Rights and of the aims of the Hague Convention. It seeks to ascertain whether the influence of populist reforms and politicisation of the courts has become apparent in the case law of the Polish Supreme Court on international child abduction cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anton Lembede, who is regarded as a member of the "new Afrikans", propagated the political philosophy of Afrikanism that is premised on an exclusive idea of "Afrika for the Afrikans." On the other hand, A.P. Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" pursued an inclusive idea of Afrika. This paper seeks to foreground Lembede's exclusive idea of Afrika in contrast to Mda's idea of "broad nationalism" and inclusive idea of Afrika. We will rely on the historical and comparative method and the Afrikan-centred theoretical paradigm. There are several findings which this paper has deduced. The first one is that the political and intellectual relationship between Lembede and Mda has eventuated in the epochal emergence of the antagonism between two Afrikan political philosophies of national liberation in conquered Azania. These philosophies are Afrikanism and broad nationalism. The second one is that the intellectual legacy of Lembede is a marginalised study in South African scholarship especially on the figures of the Black Radical Tradition. The third one is that the broad nationalism of Mda was transformed into the Azanian political tradition by Robert Sobukwe and Steve Biko. The last one is that the triumph of Mda's idea of Afrika must triumph has contributed to the disastrous dominance of nonracialism in South Africa at the expense of the racial nationalism of Lembede. This nonracialism has taken the form of the Congress/Charterist nonracialism of the African National Congress and its Tripartite Alliance and the Azanian nonracialism of the Pan-Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness Movement. The fundamental objective of this paper is a call for the replacement of these naïve and dangerous forms of nonracialism with the uncompromising racial nationalism of Lembede, so that Africa's cause can triumph as he envisioned it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public displays of nationalism increased in Spain following the referendum on Catalan independence. We show that this is due to a change in norms rather than in preferences. Spanish nationalism was stigmatized due to its association with authoritarianism. The referendum generated out-group threat, giving individuals with nationalist views an incentive to display them. This updated perceptions about the strength of the antiauthoritarian norm, leading to its erosion. We collect a longitudinal data set of Spanish flags hanging from buildings and combine it with an original survey. Evidence shows that the Catalan crisis increased displays of the Spanish flag and that their proliferation follows a pattern of normative change. Flags also worked as a coordination mechanism for normative change: their display rendered them more acceptable and made right-wing individuals more comfortable to approve of Francoism explicitly. Our results highlight the role of social norms as drivers of political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The immediate task of the Mexican post-revolutionary governments in the twenties was the creation and consolidation of institutions that would build the ideological program of the new state. In this task, intellectuals played a prominent role, particularly in the debate on the definitions of culture and national identity, which fostered an atmosphere of exchange of ideas, as well as tensions between different artistic and intellectual groups. This article analyzes two specific groups: the first headed by José Vasconcelos and the second by Pedro Henríquez Ureña. Both characters shared an intellectual bond and common purposes, but different ways of fulfilling those goals: on the one hand, as a maker of institutions, directly linked to the governmental structure and government actions and on the other, as a social critic. Thus, through the comparative analysis of two publications in particular: La falange. Revista de cultura latina, as organ of the group linked to José Vasconcelos, and Vida Mexicana. Revista mensual de ideas de interés, by those who followed Pedro Henríquez Ureña, analyzes the trajectory of two ways of understanding the social role attributed to intellectuals, the points in common of these groups, as well as the differences in the projects and trajectories that followed later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a reinterpretation of Eduard Bernstein's theory of evolutionary socialism. It does so by examining the leading role that he envisioned for unions of skilled workers in the socialist movement. During his time in London in the 1890s, Bernstein's engagement with English Fabianism led him to emphasize the proletariat's differentiated nature. He claimed skilled workers most readily organized and became the first proletarians to develop class consciousness. Unskilled workers, on the other hand, remained largely unorganized and estranged from the socialist movement. Bernstein opposed the socialist political strategy of nationalization because it would subordinate unskilled workers to party revolutionaries rather than realize cooperative self-government in industry. This focus on promoting industrial self-government made Bernstein stress the importance of workers' further unionization and adoption of skilled unionists' method of collective bargaining. This would produce socialist cooperation because it facilitated cooperative wage determination. In Bernstein's view, skilled unionists influenced the socialist party to take political action to organize and elevate more proletarians to class consciousness. In contrast to those who claim Bernstein prioritized the party's autonomous ethical appeals and legislation, I emphasize his focus on union-party interactions and defense of unions as central for the advance into socialism's cooperative society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of 'Ethnicity' still enjoys some currency in the historical and social science literature. However, the cogency of the idea remains disputed. First coming to prominence in the 1980s, the word is often used to depict the character of social relations in the context of conflicts over sovereignty. The case of Northern Ireland presents a paradigmatic example. This article is a rejoinder to Ian McBride's contention that my scepticism about the notion lacks justification. With reference to disputes over the state, I show in response that 'ethnicity' in effect means nationality. I further claim that the nation state is a successor to the dynastic state. In clarifying the meaning of this arrangement, the article brings out how the nation is a juridical rather than empirical category. More specifically, it derives from the notion of corporate personality in law. For this reason, its retrospective integrity is a matter of fabrication, depending on the fiction of ancestral continuity. At the same time, its future-oriented cohesiveness means that it must be invested with a unifying will. I conclude that the legitimacy of a nation state rests on its democratic will, whose coherence is expressed in the action of its government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Johann Gottlieb Fichte's philosophy of religion combines revolutionary pathos with Christian convictions and transcendental philosophical insights. The result is a bourgeois philosophy of religion that preaches freedom, equality and brotherhood, expects the national upswing of a still-longed-for Germany based on the example of revolutionary France, and praises all this as a continuation of Kant's philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of Esperantism in 1887 coincided with a nationalist movement in Catalonia that was gaining momentum. During the first decades of the 20th century, both phenomena became deeply intertwined, as Catalan nationalists embraced the constructed language and used the transnational network that developed around it to revindicate their cultural particularities. This article explores how the relationship between the constructed language and Catalanists evolved between 1887 and 1928, when a political regime unfavourable to regional nationalisms forced the Catalan Esperanto movement to reframe their activities and adopt a more apolitical and neutral position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While fossil fuels are a well‐researched element of nationalist discourse, the relationship between nationalism and renewable energy has not yet been adequately explored. We address this gap by investigating the impact of the energy transition on the Scottish National Party's (SNP) discourse between 1983 and 2021. Through an analysis of SNP manifestos and speeches, we discursively trace the evolution of three pertinent amalgams of nationalism—green nationalism, resource nationalism and techno‐nationalism—revealing renewable energy to have been co‐opted and deployed in all three. Rather than the energy transition intuitively resulting in the decline of fossil fuel‐based nationalisms in favour of those rooted in an emergent renewable energy paradigm, we find that adaptations in the SNP's discursive strategies allowed the former to co‐exist with the latter, enhancing complementarity and mitigating goal conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Putin's tenure, the geopolitical representation of Russia as an 'energy superpower' has become a powerful mainstay for the restoration of a global status and a revanchist foreign policy. This article seeks to assess the extent to which such a nationalist narrative is prevalent among Russian academics in the oil and gas sector. Using a survey administered to research and teaching staff in selected industrial universities in 2021, we found partial confirmation of the relevance of centre‐periphery relations and that nationalist attitudes are aligned with a state‐centric approach. However, this perspective does not necessarily entail opposition to industry privatisation or foreign partnerships. These findings highlight the inadequacy of a simplistic privatisation/nationalisation dichotomy in capturing the hybrid nature of resource governance in petro‐states. Additionally, our study suggests that resource nationalism plays a role in shaping experts' support for the government's energy policy. These findings contribute to the literature on resource nationalism and suggest potential avenues for future research exploring the role of higher education institutions in shaping resource governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests that local places and civic identities were historically relevant in the period when national politics and cultures emerged in Europe but have largely not received due attention in the historiography. It argues that the production of the local is a significant factor for understanding the configuration of the nation and that it was tied to how communities—and the agents that constituted them—constructed their own subjectivity and negotiated their place in the social world. It first provides a review of recent historical studies on collective territorial identities to underscore the relative lack of attention given to the local dimension and identify approaches that can be applied to the study of local cultures. It then focuses on the case of Catalonia in Restoration Spain, showing how region‐building dynamics and nationalisation processes coexisted and interacted with strongly assertive civic identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing theories of international relations have failed to interpret the hostile relations between Korea and Japan due to their Cartesian assumptions about the nature of national sovereignty and identity. Such theories view the hostilities between the two states as the result of incorrect policies or unhealthy interactions between domestic norms and foreign policies, because they believe that there are few negative structural elements between Japan and Korea. This study suggests an alternative explanation by utilising the worldview of East Asian medicine. By interpreting the formation of the Japanese and Korean national identities from the late nineteenth century and by viewing the hostility between the two states not as evidence of 'malfunctioning' inter-state relations but as a core element of their national identities, this study proposes an alternative understanding of 'problem-solving' with respect to Korea–Japan relations that is directed towards healing their relations with a long-term perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central European countries with a historically dominant Roman Catholic heritage belong to a particular cluster in respect to the governance of religion. This paper focuses on Hungary and Slovakia and addresses the effect of religious nationalism on the regimes of governance of religion in the two countries. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, there was a brief period of neutral stance towards religion, which was characterized by liberal values. With the introduction of the bilateral Concordat agreements with the Holy See, both countries started to treat traditional Christian Churches preferentially. By the 2010s legislation in both countries created restrictive entry barriers for "new" religions. This created two or multi-tiered systems for "old" and "new" religions, in which the former enjoyed closer relationship with the state. As a result, the separation of church and state has become blurred. Preferentially treated churches reappeared in the public space as providers of certain educational and social services. Preferentially treated churches and the state developed asymmetrically interdependent relationships, the state having the upper hand. Meanwhile, increasingly populist and nationalist parties instrumentalized religion by involving Christianity in their nationalistic political discourse. This helped create a normative space, in which the state is able to give further preferential treatment to certain religious groups over others. The emphasis on Christian national identity underpinned these governments' narratives that conflates migration with security and Islam, which pushed those religious groups on the margins, which do not fit in the religious nationalist narrative of the increasingly right- and populism-leaning governing elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the collapse of Communism, a major overhaul of the systems of religious governance took place in Bulgaria and Russia. Policies of liberalisation were pursued in both states which created conditions for the revival of religion and growth of religious diversity. This research article analyses the state approaches and policy orientations characterising the governance of religious diversity in Russia and Bulgaria in the post-Communist years as well as challenges to the fulfilment of religious freedom and religious equality. Using the lens of religious nationalism, it demonstrates that religious nationalistic tendencies are significant in both states when it comes to the governance of religious diversity. Furthermore, the analysis suggests that such tendencies are inscribed in a contradiction between constitutionally-established principles and nationalism-tainted practices when it comes to the treatment of some minority religions or/and groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although decades have passed since the constituent republics of what used to be the USSR and the member-states of its satellite Warsaw Pact dropped off the communist rule, in many regards, the countries of Eastern Europe continue to be in transition. One of the areas where this transition is clearly observable in these countries is the governance of religious diversity. In the aftermath of the collapse of communism, most of the states in the region adopted liberal regimes of the governance of religion as well as pro-diversity tendencies, which allowed for the burgeoning and thriving of various religious collectivities. Recently, however, there has been an observable purported turn away from a generally positive attitude in regards to religious diversity in different parts of the region from alleged freedom towards greater control of religious collectivities and their activities. To account for such processes, this special issue takes on the theoretical perspective of religious nationalism to analyse some of the underlying dynamics of such processes. In this the special issue addresses a number of questions, the major of which is: whether religious nationalism influences the governance of religion in post-communist Europe, and if so, how? This introductory piece outlines the research agenda of this special issue and briefly presents the major argument of each case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we argue that the religious governance in Croatia was shaped by the specific position that was given to the Catholic Church in Croatia as the historical and moral guardian of the Croatian people. We describe how the fusion of religious and national identity occurred and how it was connected to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the political party that governed Croatia in the 1990s, as well as the relationship between the state and minority religious communities. The article also deals with the issue of whether religious nationalism, which is very strong at the levels of society and national self-consciousness, played any role in the governance of religious diversity and how it has influenced social movements that have reconfigured mutual recognition of different religious communities in Croatia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics behind the rise of religious nationalism in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe with distinct populist, nativist, and authoritarian overtones. The paper explores the relationship between nationalism and religion today and the broader transformation challenges both within the region and more globally that can shape this relationship. It then looks closer into the historical experiences in the region with regard to the relationship between state and church as well as nationalism and religion, critically analysing how these relations have evolved during nation-state formation in the 19th and early 20th century, under Communism, and in the last three decades. Analysing critically the relevant literature, the paper discusses the entanglements between state and religious institutions as well as between national identity and faith, and how these are mobilised today. The paper argues for the need to consider both internal and external factors in the evolution of the relationship between nationalism and religion in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe and more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the dynamics of the governance of religious diversity in Southeastern and Central Eastern Europe and Russia provided in country studies in this special issue reveals that the countries of the region share several common tendencies but also exhibit significant divergences. This contribution compares the experiences of post-communist transition in religious diversity governance in the countries covered in the special issue. I assess the degree to which liberal regimes of religious diversity governance have been achieved or abandoned. I explore the explanatory factors behind the diversity of regimes in the region and the internal dynamics that these regimes have undergone throughout the post-communist period. I also compare policy issues related to the governance of religious diversity and the subsequent policy approaches adopted to tackle those challenges. The papers in this collection seek to explain a recent turn away from pro-diversity policy orientations by examining the influence of religious nationalism and the securitization of religion. In the conclusion, I argue for the need to consider additional factors related to post-communist transition in analyzing outcomes related to religious diversity governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociolinguists study the valorization of specific languages as a 'language ideology'. Contemporary nation-states frequently identify with and promote specific languages. Such linguistic nationalism is a language ideology, but not the only one. This article examines earlier millennia to uncover the dynamics by which imperial systems managed linguistic diversity and how and why they favored and disfavored particular languages and scripts. I analyze states and empires as coalitions of interest groups. I invoke the scribal masters of imperial chanceries and archives as one such group. I develop a heuristic framework (or "model") to understand the interactions of language and power that unfolded across West and South Asia. I begin with a great empire, the Persian, that did not employ its founders' ethnic speech but instead refined an older state language in governance. That choice entrenched an interest group that endured through a thousand years till displaced by Arab conquest after 660 CE. But a simpler 'New Persian' revived in the eastern Iranian lands. Turkish and Mongol conquest elites emerging from Inner Asia carried this language and its scribes into their growing domains in the Indian subcontinent. I then explain why the non-Persian Mughals in the 1550s selected Persian as their state language and rejected the constant pressure to use Urdu creole. Mughal rule left behind a tenacious Persian-writing elite that the early British empire employed. Finally, I explain the state processes behind the colonial-era decline of Persianate administration and the emergence of a new linguistic politics in colonial India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editors' introduction into the themed issue of IJCS dedicated to the analysis of comparative survey work on national identity and globalization presents a very brief overview of core hypotheses from the five articles collected in the issue. The articles offer a variety of new, rather differentiated insights into how individual-level national identity attitudes and sibling concepts like national pride, patriotism, and nationalist chauvinism are related to societal-level variables that tend to vary with exposure to aspects of globalization, such as migrant influx and economic competition. Aside from the focus on those new contributions, the introduction also offers a few observations on the challenges that the wider national identity research field still faces. Given that the field is dealing with several overlapping attitude concepts, this centrally concerns a partial lack of conceptual clarity, which sometimes translates into ambiguous operationalizations and incomplete or imprecise explication of theoretical mechanisms. We conclude that the contributions of the themed issue, with their careful attention to particular aspects of measures and multi-level processes, may serve as another stepping stone for overcoming at least some of those challenges in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]