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Student cooperativeness underlies high quality teacher-student relationships, and has been positively associated with students' school engagement. Fostering cooperative rather than oppositional student behavior might be especially helpful for protecting at-risk students against academic failure. To understand how exactly students' cooperativeness can be fostered, we investigated the interpersonal behaviors of secondary school teachers and at-risk students during dyadic interactions (N = 82 dyads) in the context of positive teacher-student relationships. Using Continuous Assessment of Interpersonal Dynamics, moment-to-moment teacher and student behavior was captured in terms of interpersonal agency (dominance vs. submissiveness) and communion (opposition vs. cooperation). Time-series analyses were used to analyze interpersonal behavior within individuals, within dyads, and between dyads. Cooperative student behavior was most likely if teachers acted friendly and cooperatively and if teachers ‘loosened up’ their agency and the structure they imposed on the interaction repeatedly, which may give students more freedom to express themselves and to cooperate.

There are various theoretical approaches for understanding intergroup biases among children and adolescents. This article focuses on the social identity approach and argues that existing research will benefit by more fully considering the implications of this approach for examining intergroup relations among youngsters. These implications include (a) the importance of self-categorization, (b) the role of self-stereotyping and group identification, (c) the relevance of shared understandings and developing ingroup consensus, and (d) the importance of coordinated action for positive and negative intergroup relations. These implications of the social identity approach suggest several avenues for investigating children’s and adolescents’ intergroup relations that have not been fully appreciated in the existing literature. However, there are also limitations to the social identity approach for the developmental understanding and some of these are discussed.

In many West European countries, debates about Muslim women wearing a headscarf in public positions evolve around the question whether the reason for wearing it is personal choice, religious freedom or community pressures. This study uses national samples of Dutch and German majority group members (N = 3734) and an experimental design to investigate whether their tolerance of the headscarf worn by a civil servant depends on four perceived reasons for wearing it. The findings indicated that a headscarf that is perceived to be worn out of personal choice was tolerated the most, and for reasons of normative community pressures was tolerated the least, with perceived reasons of religious and cultural identity enactment in between. Additionally, we found that higher (versus lower) authoritarian individuals were less likely to differentiate between the different reasons. In conclusion, perceived motives and authoritarianism are important to consider in understanding majority group members’ tolerance of the headscarf.

Tolerance, the acceptance of disapproved conduct of others, is considered an indispensable feature of diverse societies. Yet tolerance can be expressed in one of two distinct ways, which is not reflected in the literature. In one way, tolerance is passive and involves suppressing the inclination to interfere with the disapproved conduct of others. In the other way, tolerance is active and involves endorsing the ability of others to engage in a disapproved practice. Using two nationally representative samples of Dutch majority members and eight scenarios involving real-world debates about the accommodation of Muslim minority practices, we find that while a significant minority of people engage in passive tolerance toward disapproved outgroup practices, very few people are willing to engage in active tolerance by proactively supporting disapproved practices. Furthermore, we also find that people who have stronger moral concerns about particular minority practices are less willing to engage in either active or passive tolerance. These results emerged both in contexts where Muslim minority practices had a direct impact on one's personal life as well as those that impacted on society as a whole. Collectively, these results illustrate two different forms of tolerance and the influence of moral concern in tolerance.

Since the 1990s and especially since the so-called Refugee Crisis in 2015, hundreds of thousands of people have applied for asylum in Europe. This rising number of asylum seekers has, among other things, led to more negative public attitudes toward refugees. Whereas governments and NGOs in some areas struggle with accommodating newcomers while taking public attitudes into account, other, mostly rural regions face the additional challenge of depopulation that leads to socio-economic difficulties for the people left behind. An innovative approach that addresses both these challenges was developed in the dwindling town of Riace, Italy. Local NGOs and the municipality have been hosting migrants and refugees for over twenty years and combine immigrant inclusion programs with the sustainable development of this small and depopulating community. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, this dissertation examines and uncovers some critical policy aspects and local social dynamics that impacted newcomers' inclusion into the pioneering Riace community. The case of Riace can also serve as an example to other small European towns that (wish to) host refugees. Findings show that governments' financial, legal, and institutional support is crucial for the success of local immigrant inclusion practices. In addition, strong local (e.g., political) leadership that encourages people to be actively involved in community initiatives and, if possible, appeals to shared pro-social values to generate support for newcomers positively impacts refugees' inclusion. The findings further point to the advantages of small-scale refugee reception over large-scale and often segregated reception centers, as the setting of a small community can stimulate social dynamics that promote the inclusion of newcomers, for example, the formation of positive local relations and friendships. However, local migrant inclusion practices should simultaneously and equally address the socio-economic concerns and needs of receiving communities and refugees alike since this can result in a shared community perspective that benefits all its members. The findings of this dissertation also have methodological and theoretical implications for social science theories that aim to provide an understanding of community dynamics, particularly for social identity theory, intergroup contact theory, gossip theories, theories of multi-level governance, and more generally for the discussion of the role of theory in ethnographic research.

Using data collected with a factorial survey experiment in Norway and Switzerland, we analyze how employers react to unemployment spells when screening job applications. Our focus is on whether unemployment scarring varies depending on the applicants’ level of education and the duration and timing of the unemployment spell. We find unemployment scars of similar size in the two countries. Interestingly, education moderates the strength of unemployment scarring: in the Swiss context, graduates from vocational education and training (VET) programs are the most severely affected by unemployment, even years after regaining employment; this is not the case in Norway. We contribute to the unemployment scarring literature and to comparative scholarship on school-to-work transitions by exposing a trade-off of dual VET systems, which are known to provide a safety net from unemployment. Our findings show that these same systems can cause scars that are particularly long-lasting to VET graduates who fall into unemployment.

Social identity exploration is a process whereby individuals actively seek information about their group membership and show efforts to understand its meaning. Developmental theory argues that exploration-based ingroup commitment is the basis for outgroup positivity. We tested this notion in relation to national identity and attitudes towards immigrants. The results of five experimental studies among German adolescents and early adults ( N = 1,146; 16–25 years) and one internal meta-analysis suggest that the positive identification–prejudice link is weaker when participants are instructed to explore the meaning of their identity (Study 1). This is not mediated via self-uncertainty (Study 2), but via a reduction in intergroup threat (Study 3) and an increase in deprovincialization (Study 4). In addition, identity exploration enabled strong identifiers to oppose descriptive ingroup norms (Study 5). We conclude that identity exploration can contribute to a further understanding of the identification–prejudice link.

This article uses the case of Riace, a small multiethnic community in Southern Italy, as a lens to evaluate key theoretical and methodological aspects of the influential Intergroup Contact Theory. The article draws upon 10 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Riace, Italy, a town that for more than 20 years has hosted and integrated refugees into the local community. We analyzed the ethnographic material in light of assumptions underlying intergroup contact theory. Findings demonstrate that friendly everyday interactions between inhabitants of different ethnic backgrounds serve as the critical "social glue" for the Riace community, but that there are social inequalities, as well as group stereotypes, group-based friendships, and spatial segregation. The different interpretations and nuanced outcomes of everyday social interactions demonstrate the importance of a contextualized understanding of the nature and implications of intergroup contact in real-world settings for future research and policies.

The notion of tolerance is widely embraced across many settings and is generally considered critical for the peaceful functioning of plural societies, and within organizations, institutions, and many professions. However, the concept of tolerance has various meanings and can be discursively used in different ways and for different purposes. The various understandings and their usage can have different implications for normative views and real-world decision making. This paper focuses on two main understandings of tolerance and how these are flexibly used in a debate about the case in which a social work student was excluded from further study by an university committee. This case serves as a particular illumination of the broader societal context of ‘cultural wars’ and ‘identity politics’ in which the notion of tolerance features prominently. It is examined how those who did and did not support the university decision deployed in different ways the notion of tolerance. It is concluded that tolerance has different cultural meanings which can be used for various ends in debates about contentious issues and for justifying or criticizing impactful decisions.

Egocentric network studies and many general population surveys rely on proxy reports about network contacts of study participants that are asked in name interpreter questions. A central concern is the extent to which proxy reports match the answers these contacts would give themselves if they would be directly interviewed. Based on the theory of survey satisficing, the present research proposes a theoretical framework that allows predicting when proxy reports are likely to match self-reports. Congruence is higher if respondents possess the motivation and ability to answer a proxy question effortfully, and if the task is not too difficult. Moreover, the theory of survey satisficing states that motivation, abilities, and task difficulty are not independent of each other, which provides an explanation for inconsistent findings in the literature. Results from two egocentric network studies study among German adults (N = 756) and among Dutch middle school students (N = 679), in which network contacts were also interviewed, are in line with these hypotheses. Design recommendations for egocentric network studies are provided.

We investigated the relationship between general inclusive victimhood (i.e., perceived similarity between the ingroups’ and other victim groups’ experiences of collective victimization) and willingness to engage in direct, intimate (e.g., intimate relationships) and distant (e.g., neighbors) contact with the adversary group in the aftermath of collective violence. We tested this link across two post-conflict contexts: Bosnia-Herzegovina (N = 147 students) and the Basque Country (N = 351 adults). We found that general inclusive victimhood was linked to greater willingness to engage in distant intergroup contact in two contexts (e.g., having an outgroup member as a neighbor), but only predicted more intimate forms of intergroup contact (e.g., having a former adversary member as a romantic partner) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The link between general inclusive victimhood and both types of contact was sequentially mediated by conflict-specific inclusive victimhood and trust in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Basque Country, and via conflict-specific inclusive victimhood and empathy in the Basque Country. Theoretical and practical implications for reconciliation in the aftermath of ethnic conflict are discussed.

Many Western European countries have seen strong debates about minority rights and practices such as the founding of religious schools or the wearing of religious symbols in public institutions. In these increasingly diverse societies, tolerance of one another’s practices and beliefs has often been put forward as an indispensable ingredient for harmonious intergroup coexistence. The classical notion of tolerance entails the acceptance of practices that one disapproves of – which implies that tolerance is a balance between reasons to accept and reasons to reject disapproved practices. In this dissertation, Evi Velthuis investigates those reasons for, and boundaries to, intergroup tolerance. Using large-scale surveys and experiments from the Netherlands and Germany, this dissertation presents four empirical chapters which consider three main aspects of tolerance: (1) reasons why minority practices are tolerated, (2) situational factors when practices are tolerated, and (3) individual differences in who tolerates minority practices. The findings and contributions are discussed in light of the social scientific literature on tolerance and intergroup relations.

Multilingualism is considered a pathway to European identification but might also undermine national identification. We examine regular foreign language usage and two psychological constructs that can explain the relationship between multilingualism and European and national identification in the Netherlands: greater mental openness and a deprovincialized worldview. Using structural equation modeling, the results of two studies conducted with national Dutch samples show that foreign language usage predicted greater mental openness (cultural in Study 1, and cognitive in Study 2), which then predicted greater European identification. Foreign language usage also predicted greater deprovincialization which, in turn, predicted lower national identification.

Increases in cultural and religious diversity have led to calls for toleration of differences, although it is unclear how calling for toleration impacts people’s affective and attitudinal responses. The present research conducted in a small western nation examines if calling for toleration of Muslim minority practices elicits an aggressive backlash against the group amongst those relatively conservative, using relative left frontal EEG activity to examine the motivational processes involved. Non-Muslim participants from New Zealand (N = 172) self-reported their political orientation before being randomly assigned to a toleration or control condition involving writing and reflection tasks about Muslims. Participants then evaluated various groups including Muslims while EEG was recorded. Results revealed that among those relatively conservative, toleration produced higher levels of relative left frontal activity, which in turn led to more negative evaluations of Muslims (relative to control participants). However, for those relatively liberals, toleration had no impact on neuropsychological or attitudinal responses relative to controls. Collectively, these findings suggest that intergroup toleration may backfire amongst those relatively conservative, undermining its intended purpose.

Although several studies have examined outgroup empathy, the link between trait empathy and outgroup attitudes has been underinvestigated. In the present study this link was investigated among two samples of ethnic Dutch preadolescents (N = 335, Mage = 10.83 years, SD = 0.94; 53% girls; N = 326; Mage = 10.53 years, SD = 1.03; 48% girls). It examined children’s parallel empathy in relation to their ethnic attitudes, and the moderating role of perceived peer norms. Results (partly) support the hypotheses that empathy is associated with more outgroup positivity and less ingroup bias (ingroup minus outgroup attitude). The negative link between empathyand outgroup bias was stronger when peers were perceived to be more biased against the outgroup.

Interethnic contact is important for social cohesion and has been shown to vary with people’s socio-economic status (SES). There is some evidence that SES has opposite effects on interethnic contact for non-Western ethnic minorities and for majority members in Western countries. Whereas minority members with a higher SES tend to have more contact with natives, natives with a higher SES tend to have less inter-ethnic contact. To replicate and further understand these contrasting findings, we focused on interethnic friendships in particular and tested simultaneously for majority and minority members whether preferences for cultural similarity, opportunities to meet ethnic others, and disapproval of third parties, mediate the relationship between SES and having interethnic friendships. Analyses of 368 natives and 267 non-Western ethnic minority members in the Netherlands confirmed the contrasting effects of SES on interethnic friendships for these two groups. Importantly, we found that for minority members higher SES was related to more friendships with natives through more meeting opportunities. For natives, higher SES was related to fewer friendships with ethnic minorities, however, this relationship could not be explained by lower meeting opportunities. Preferences for cultural similarity and third-party disapproval did not explain the link between SES and interethnic friendships for any of the two groups.

Among a national sample of Dutch respondents (N = 1,155), this study examined whether the belief configuration of personal political orientation differs for individual level of education, and how it is related to negative attitudes toward immigrant-origin groups and refugee policies. In agreement with the ideological sophistication perspective, the endorsement of social conformity and the acceptance of group-based inequality were found to be more strongly part of the political orientation of higher compared to the lower educated participants. Furthermore, the endorsement of social conformity and acceptance of group-based inequality were associated with more negative feelings toward immigrants and more negative attitudes toward policies in relation to refugees. These findings add to the existing literature that has predominantly examined education and political orientation as two independent correlates of anti-immigrant and refugee attitudes.

We draw on a field experiment conducted in five European countries to analyze hiring discrimination on the basis of gender and race. We adopt an intersectional perspective and relate existing theories on gender and racial discrimination to recent work on the gendered stereotype content of different races. We find that employers prefer hiring white women over men for female-typed jobs. By contrast, women of color do not have any advantage over men of the same race. Moreover, black and Middle Eastern men encounter the strongest racial discrimination in male-typed jobs, where it is possible that their stereotyped masculinity, made salient by the occupational context, is perceived as threatening. Overall, we argue that the employment chances of applicants of different gender and racial backgrounds are highly dependent on their perceived congruence (or lack thereof) with the feminine or masculine traits of the job they apply to.

Various diversity ideologies including assimilation, colorblindness, and multiculturalism have been promoted with mixed results about their costs and benefits. In the current research, we consider the impact of a new diversity ideology, interculturalism, discussed and debated by political philosophers and policy-makers as the “way forward.” Across three experiments ( N = 1230) in two ethnically diverse nations, we examined the causal impact of promoting interculturalism on intergroup relations. Data revealed that interculturalism reduced outgroup prejudice, increased willingness to engage in intergroup contact, improved implicit attitudes, and increased behavioral trust and cooperation relative to controls. Reductions in essentialist beliefs partially mediated the impact of interculturalism, highlighting one psychological mechanism underlying the benefits of interculturalism. However, interculturalism was found to be no better than multiculturalism in its impact on intergroup relations in two of three experiments. Collectively, these studies suggest that interculturalism may be a promising new diversity strategy for improving intergroup relations.

Intergroup toleration is a requirement for living with diversity and actively promoted by local, national, and international bodies. However, although psychological researchers have extensively considered the implications of being discriminated, little is known about the psychological consequences of being tolerated. In this article, we argue that beyond the freedoms implied by tolerance, being “merely” tolerated also implies social identity threats that compromise specific psychological needs (belongingness, esteem, control, certainty). We further consider the psychological consequences of being tolerated at the personal, interpersonal, and intergroup levels and consider factors that may moderate the impact of being tolerated for minority outcomes. Taken together, this work provides the first theoretical argument and overview of what it means to be tolerated by considering the negative implications of toleration in diverse nations.

Disapproval of others’ beliefs and practices is an inevitable consequence of living with diversity, and the ability to tolerate, or put up with, these differences is crucial to maintain a functional society. Considering reasons to condone what one disapproves of is considered a key aspect of tolerance. Across three national samples (N = 1,708), the current research examines how recognizing arguments to support practices that one disapproves of increases tolerance. Studies 1–2 demonstrate that when participants generate arguments to support Muslim minority practices (Study 1) and Orthodox Protestant minority practices (Study 2), they disapprove of, they show increased tolerance towards such practices in society. In Study 3, the importance of considerations is experimentally extended by demonstrating that perceiving objectionable behaviour as more reasonable increases tolerance. Collectively, these studies demonstrate the importance of engaging in and perceiving reasonable considerations to enhance tolerance of dissenting beliefs or practices.

Background In the past decades, Western European countries have become increasingly religiously diverse; furthermore, a growing share of their population is now youth with a migration background. Little is known about the role religion plays in social ties among children of native and immigrant origins. Purpose This study examines religious group boundaries among youth in secondary schools in England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden. To this end, it describes to what extent youth’s positive and negative ties in the classroom are segregated along religious lines. Furthermore, it analyzes the role of structural opportunities and religious in-group preferences in the formation of religious boundaries in the social networks of youth. Methods The data come from the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries (CILS4EU), which contains more than 18,000 adolescents (aged 14–15) in England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden. First, we describe overall religious segregation in the social ties of youth by using the full survey data. Second, we test our hypotheses by analyzing the complete social networks of 5236 students in 247 classes. Results The analysis reveals that friendships are more likely between classmates with similar religious affiliations than classmates with different religious affiliations. In particular, in terms of friendships, there is clear segregation between non-religious and Christian youth on the one hand and Muslim youth on the other. This segregation is partly driven by structural forces that constrain intergroup meeting opportunities. However, group segregation goes beyond the patterns expected from opportunities alone. The results show strong preferences for intrareligious friendships and a tendency to avoid ties between Muslim and non-Muslim youth. Conclusion and Implications There are religious boundaries in the social relationships of youth in ethnically and religiously diverse school classes in Western Europe. In particular, social boundaries between Muslim and non-Muslim youth are the strongest. Creating opportunities for positive intergroup contact, such as the promotion of religiously diverse schools, apparently is not sufficient to avoid religious boundaries among youth. To reduce segregation along religious lines, interventions would also need to address the factors that shape youth’s preferences for intrareligious friendships.

Collective ownership threat is the fear of losing control over what is perceived to be owned. In two experimental studies, we examined the intergroup consequences of collective ownership threat in relation to perceived owned territories. First, among a sample of Dutch adolescents ( N = 227), we found that infringement of a hangout place owned by a group of friends led to more perceived collective ownership threat (and not symbolic threat), which was in turn related to more marking and anticipatory defending behavior. Second, among a sample of native Dutch adults ( N = 338), we found that framing Turkish EU accession as an infringement of the collective ownership of the country led to more perceived collective ownership threat (and not symbolic and economic threat), which was in turn related to more opposition to Turkey’s possible accession. Our findings indicate that collective ownership threat is an important construct to consider in intergroup research.

Tolerating others' ways of life is often promoted in diverse societies as a way to live together in harmony. In this research, we examine what it is like to be tolerated from the perspective of various minorities. Being tolerated means that one's way of life is not appreciated, but that one can still live as one wishes. In the first empirical chapter, we interviewed trans people in the Netherlands and found that being tolerated can be a confusing and difficult experience which gives the impression that one is not appreciated. In the next chapter, we found that among ethnic minorities in the United States, being tolerated feels worse than being accepted, but feels better than being rejected. In the third empirical chapter, among ethnic minorities in the Netherlands, we additionally found that tolerance affects well-being due to how it influences people's sense that they are included within the larger group. In the last empirical chapter, we found that when people are tolerated within a group, their interactions are characterized by less trust and less ability to speak up for themselves compared to being accepted, but are more positive compared to being rejected. Overall, we conclude that being tolerated can bring up strong feelings of uncertainty among the tolerated; that tolerance is experienced as in between acceptance and rejection; and finally that it matters what tolerance is compared to - when compared to rejection, it is better to be tolerated, but tolerance is not as beneficial as being fully accepted.

Muslim minority practices, such as the wearing of a headscarf, the founding of Islamic schools and the building of minarets, are often contested in Western societies, and a large section of the population is unwilling to accept them. In this dissertation, Marija Dangubić examines various reasons behind the rejection of these and similar Muslim minority practices, and in particular whether the rejection is based on prejudicial feelings towards Muslims as a group of people or rather more principled considerations related to liberal democratic values, such as state neutrality, secularism and gender equality. By applying a person-centered approach and using the data collected among majority members from several European countries (and Germany and the Netherlands in particular), she identifies several subgroups of individuals that differ in their attitudes towards Muslims and acceptance or rejection of Muslim minority practices, as well as in what seem to be their main concerns related to these. Some majority members show generalized negativity towards Muslims as a group of people, reject all Muslim practices, and discriminate against Muslims relative to Christians and Jewish, which reflects majority members’ prejudicial feelings. However, other majority members displayed more selective rejection of only some Muslim practices (e.g., the wearing of religious symbols in schools), and did so withouth harboring negative feelings towards Muslims as a group, and without discriminating against Muslims relative to Christians and Jews, which provides strong indication for more principled rejection based on concerns for civil liberties and secularism. Further, for some majority members, rejection of Muslim practices simultaneously reflects prejudical feelings and more principled considerations. In addition to subgroups of majority members who reject Muslim minority practices, some majority members are rather supportive of Muslim minorities and their practices, whereas others take a rather neutral stance. Overall, the dissertation provides a more detailed description of the various ways majority members respond to Muslim minorities and their practices and a more nuanced understanding of the reasons underlying these responses making it possible to better understand complexities of intergroup relations.

There is evidence that in more economically unequal societies, social relations are more strained. We argue that this may reflect the tendency for wealth to become a more fitting lens for seeing the world, so that in economically more unequal circumstances, people more readily divide the world into “the haves” and “have nots.” Our argument is supported by archival and experimental evidence. Two archival analyses reveal that at times of greater inequality, books in the United Kingdom and the United States and news media in English-speaking countries were more likely to mention the rich and poor. Three experiments, two preregistered, provided evidence for the causal role of economic inequality in people’s use of wealth categories when describing life in a fictional society; effects were weaker when examining real economic contexts. Thus, one way in which inequality changes the world may be by changing how we see it.

Deprovincialization is a set of attitudes characterized by two sides: a nuanced and fresh perspective on the in-group culture and an open and accepting attitude toward other groups. After reviewing early research and indirect tests of the construct, we focused our attention on research investigating these two sides of deprovincialization. Studies conducted in various countries demonstrate that deprovincialization as in-group cultural nuance is a strong and reliable correlate of reduced prejudice and improved intergroup relations; moreover, it is distinct from both national identification and cultural relativism. Studies conducted in Italy show that deprovincialization as openness toward other groups is related to positive intergroup contact and intergroup harmony and has longitudinal negative effects on prejudice. Importantly, in both lines of research the beneficial role of deprovincialization goes beyond the effects of constructs such as social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, nationalism, and demographic variables. We conclude by proposing suggestions for future research and highlighting relevant issues to be considered in policy development and implementation.

This participatory research sought to understand how engagement in awareness-raising multicultural activities strengthens well-being and group efficacy among immigrants and host nationals. We also examined the mediating role of self-transcendent emotions and shared flow.We tested our predictions across three studies, each focused on one awareness-raising activity organized by a nongovernmental organization, SOS Racismo-Mugak, working closely with the local community. This investigation was conducted in line with a community-based participatory research framework and thus with participation of community members in the procedure design, recruitment and data collection, as well as the dissemination of research findings. In Study 1, 204 participants responded to a survey before, during, and after participating in a multicultural lunch promoting interaction between immigrant and host national families. In Study 2, 106 participants were surveyed during an open-outdoors multicultural community meal. In Study 3, 93 participants completed an online survey after an antiracist protest.Self-transcendent emotions and shared flow explained the relationship between the quality of participation and well-being (Studies 1 and 2) among immigrants and host nationals. The indirect effect of shared flow was stronger for immigrants (Study 1). The relationship between quality of participation and group efficacy was mediated by self-transcendent emotions (Study 2) and shared flow (Study 3) for both groups.Our results point out that participation in community awareness-raising activities has several positive outcomes, such as individual and collective empowerment, and elicits shared flow and self-transcendent emotions among immigrants and host nationals. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

We tested whether signaling warmth and competence (“Big Two”) in job applications increases hiring chances. Drawing on a field experimental data from five European countries, we analyzed the responses of employers ( N = 13,162) to applications from fictitious candidates of different origin: native candidates and candidates of European, Asian, or Middle-Eastern/African descent. We found that competence signals slightly increased invitation rates, while warmth signals had no effect. We also found ethnic discrimination, a female premium, and differences in callbacks depending on job characteristics. Importantly, however, providing stereotype signals did not reduce the level of ethnic discrimination or the female premium. Likewise, we found little evidence for interactions between stereotype signals and job demands. While speaking against the importance of “Big Two” signals in application documents, our results highlight the importance of group membership and hopefully stimulate further research on the role of in particular ethnic stereotypes for discrimination in hiring.

Contains fulltext : 248389.pdf (Publisher’s version ) (Open Access) This study applies the dynamic perspective of realistic conflict theory to assess whether and the extent that individuals' negative attitudes toward ethnic minorities changed and were linked to changes in individuals' economic situations. Employing Dutch panel data, we found that negative attitudes toward ethnic minorities were remarkably stable. Differences in attitudes toward ethnic minorities were more pronounced between individuals than within individuals. The small changes that did occur over the 10-year study period were hardly explained by economic characteristics. Only increased individual dissatisfaction with the national financial situation was associated with more negative attitudes. These results cast doubt on whether attitudes toward ethnic minorities are susceptible to change and raise questions about realistic conflict theory's relevance in explaining attitudinal change. 20 p.

With a person-centered approach, the constellations of internal motivation and external motivation to respond without prejudice within individuals are examined, and how these relate to directly and indirectly reported levels of prejudice. Using latent profile analysis, we identified four subgroups of motivated individuals among large national samples of majority members in Germany (N = 1745) and in the Netherlands (N = 1645). With one exception, these subgroups differed in the proportion of prejudiced individuals as well as the average level of self-reported prejudice. Our findings make a contribution to the literature by highlighting the importance of considering how internal and external motivations are organized within individuals for understanding their prejudicial responses.

Collective psychological ownership as a sense that a territory belongs to a group might explain attitudes of the White majority toward territorial compensation for Indigenous Peoples in settler societies. Ownership can be inferred from different general principles and we considered three key principles: autochthony (entitlements from first arrival), investment (entitlements from working the land), and formation (primacy of the territory in forming the collective identity). In two studies, among White Australians (Study 1, N = 475), and White South Africans (Study 2, N = 879), we investigated how support for these general principles was related to perceived ingroup (Anglo-Celtic/White South African) and outgroup (Indigenous Australian/Black South African) territorial ownership, and indirectly, to attitudes toward territorial compensation for the Indigenous outgroup. Endorsement of autochthony was related to stronger support for territorial compensation through higher perceived outgroup ownership, whereas investment was related to lower support through higher perceived ingroup ownership. Agreement with the formation principle was related to stronger support for compensation through higher outgroup ownership, and simultaneously to lower support through higher ingroup ownership.

The central question in this article is whether there was greater discrimination against European applicants in the labor market in those English regions where public opinion was more strongly in favor of Brexit. Using a field experiment conducted immediately after the Brexit Referendum, we provide causal evidence that applicants with EU backgrounds faced discrimination when applying for jobs in England. On average, applicants from EU12 countries and applicants from Eastern European member states were both less likely to receive a callback from employers than were white British applicants. Furthermore, in British regions where support for Brexit was stronger, employers were more likely to discriminate against EU12 applicants. This finding, though, is driven by the more favorable treatment reserved to EU12 applicants applying for jobs in the Greater London area. Eastern Europeans, on the other hand, did not benefit from this ‘London advantage’. Administrative and legal uncertainties over the settlement status of EU nationals cannot explain these findings, as European applicants, both EU12 and Eastern Europeans, faced the same legislative framework in all British regions, including London. Rather, London appears to exhibit a cultural milieu of ‘selective cosmopolitanism’. These findings add to the still limited literature on the relationship between public opinion on immigrants (here proxied by the referendum vote) and the levels of ethnic discrimination recorded in field experiments.

Economic relative deprivation is increasingly recognized as an indication of economic well-being, also among refugees. This study examines to what extent financial contributions (financial aid and remittances) can compensate for the objective and subjective relative deprivation of Congolese refugees compared to their Rwandan hosts. The analysis is conducted using unique data that have been collected with a UNHCR-funded research project. We find that refugee households initially experience more objective and subjective relative deprivation than local households, but that this association is largely suppressed by financial contributions they receive. The results show that especially financial aid can compensate for relative deprivation. Furthermore, there is evidence that local households are more often exceptionally deprived than refugee households, when more rigid measurements of objective relative deprivation are used. To promote economic well-being among the whole population, the needs of both refugees and locals should be considered when distributing financial and development assistance.

This article discusses the social identity approach (social identity theory and self-categorization theory) for understanding children’s ingroup biases in attitudes and behaviors. It is argued that developmental research on ingroup bias will be enhanced by more fully considering the implications of this approach. These implications include (a) the conceptualization of group identity, (b) the importance of social reality and children’s epistemic motivation, (c) the role of processes of normative influence and social projection, and (d) the relevance of moral considerations. These four implications have not been fully considered in the developmental literature but indicate that the social identity approach offers the possibility for theoretically integrating and empirically examining various processes involved in children’s ingroup biases.

Tolerating or condoning practices that one finds objectionable is typically considered a positive way to negotiate intergroup differences. However, being the target of tolerance might harm well-being, which we examined in three studies (a survey and two experiments) among a total of 1,054 members of various racial/ethnic minority groups in the United States. In Study 1, we found that perceiving oneself to be tolerated on the basis of one’s ethnic group membership was associated with more negative well-being. In Study 2, we found that bringing to mind experiences of being tolerated results in less positive and more negative affect than thinking about experiences of acceptance, but more positive and less negative outcomes than thinking about overt discrimination experiences. In Study 3, we replicated the results of Study 2 while demonstrating that threat to social identity needs mediates the tolerance–well-being link. These results suggest that being tolerated is related to minority targets’ well-being in ways that are intermediate between being treated with outright discrimination and full acceptance, but that being tolerated follows a pattern closer to discrimination.

In most settler societies, such as Australia or Chile, Indigenous Peoples have been dispossessed of the majority of their lands. Intergroup relations between Indigenous and non-Indigenous (settler) people have been shaped by conflicts about the ownership of territory, and calls for territorial restitution or increased autonomy are central to the demands of many Indigenous Peoples. People can feel like a group owns a territory, regardless of whether they legally do. In settler societies, the extent to which people perceive a territory as belonging to an Indigenous group or to the settlers is likely to influence their support for territorial compensation for the Indigenous group. In this dissertation, using large-scale survey data collected among settlers and Indigenous people, Wybren Nooitgedagt examines different understandings of collective territorial ownership that people can have in settler societies, and how these relate to support for territorial compensation. He considers three aspects of perceived territorial ownership: who is seen as the owner, why is that group seen as the owner, and what are the implications of perceived ownership?

Global trends surveys suggest that collective nostalgia for one's country is widespread. Moreover, research indicates that collective nostalgia is used by populist radical-right parties to mobilize their voters against immigration. We focused on antecedents of collective nostalgia and its consequences for collective action in the context of national identity. In particular, we hypothesized that collective nostalgia for the country's past is triggered by a sense of collective discontinuity and subsequently engenders collective action intentions to protect the national ingroup and limit the presence of immigrant outgroups. We tested this hypothesis in a three-wave longitudinal cross-lagged panel study (N = 1489) among native Dutch majority members. The results were consistent with the hypothesis. The findings highlight the relevance of collective nostalgia as an emotional response to collective discontinuity that drives collective action intentions aimed at protecting ingroup continuity. We discuss implications of the findings for the literature on collective nostalgia and group dynamics as well as the broader literature on collective action and provide directions for future research.