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What explains the militarization of public safety? Despite its failures, police militarization remains a popular policy. Existing scholarship has mainly focused on the police adopting military weapons and tactics but has neglected a silent but consequential type: the appointment of military members as police chiefs. Whereas the conventional wisdom points to partisanship and violence as key drivers, I argue that the militarization of police leaders responds to political motives. Based on a novel data set on 5,580 appointments in Mexico and repeated event history analysis, I find evidence of a top-down militarization sequence. Mayors are more likely to appoint military chiefs when upper levels of government and peers embrace a militarized security strategy. I further illustrate how coercive pressures and strategic incentives drive this sequence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The special status of Indian Occupied Kashmir has been abolished after the Bhartiya Janta Party's (BJP) government revoked Article 370 of the Constitution in 2019. The bilateral relations between India and Pakistan are marred by the Kashmir issue. Since independence, Kashmiris have been denied basic human rights including the right to choose and the right to life. India has pursued hard-lined policies to suppress Kashmiris' right to self-determination. The central argument of this paper is that Indian government has been trying to legitimize its occupation of Kashmir. In pursuit of this, it has been suppressing the voices of Kashmiris and committing human rights violations. The research investigates how Indian actions following the abrogation of Article 370 have led to grave human rights abuses in Kashmir. The study has adopted qualitative approach and used various reports and published literature on the matter. The issue has been analyzed from the lens of realism, constructivism, and balance of power theory. India has been using excessive military might and tactics like changing the demographics of the region to stabilize and legitimize its rule. It is the time when the international community should take notice of Indian belligerence and abuse of the internationally accepted Convention of 1990, the Covenant of 1966, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. The United Nations must intervene to stop the illtreatment of the Kashmiri people, who have been the victims of Indian defiance for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Maritime operations during Russia's 'special operation' against Ukraine were complementary to land operations. However, they played an important role in the process of isolating the country and limiting its export capabilities. Pointing to selected naval episodes and showing their political, operational, and tactical context, we indicated several features demonstrating the new dimension of naval force operations and the possibility of using missile armament and air weapons to effectively counter surface ship combat teams. The purpose of the study is to show the essential elements of the naval operations conducted as part of the 'special operation' against Ukraine, to identify its essential features and transformations in the use of combat potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing potential of unmanned systems promises massive changes in military tactics and enormous enhancements to army arsenals. However, these developments also raise many concerns for societies as the use of force could potentially be delegated to autonomous weapons systems (AWS) that could operate without meaningful involvement of the military chain of command. This paper [Article adapts from a collaborative research report of Estonian research group nr R-012 on the iMUGS (Integrated Modular Unmanned Ground System) project, funded by the EDIDP (European Defence Industrial Development Programme).] reports the findings of interviews with military personnel (n = 18), which were conducted to gauge their perceptions and attitudes towards UGVs and the transformation to autonomous weapons. The findings indicate that the patriotic mentality to fight for freedom is perceived as inconceivable for an AI because unmanned platforms can hardly ever be equipped with patriotical algorithms. However, participants agreed that AI-driven machines should be perceived as decision-making instruments at best, with the caveat that any discretion to use lethal force should not be delegated to the machine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a collection of book reviews and short notices from the Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association. The first review discusses the book "The Spirituality of Countess Matilda of Tuscany" by Penelope Nash, which explores the life and power of Matilda of Tuscany, a prominent figure in medieval Europe. The reviewer praises Nash's previous work on Matilda and highlights her new study's focus on Matilda's soul and her ability to balance power and piety. The second review discusses the book "Anglo-Danish Empire: A Companion to the Reign of King Cnut the Great" edited by Richard North, Erin Goeres, and Alison Finlay. The reviewer notes that the volume originated from a conference on Æthelred II and Cnut the Great and praises the book's comprehensive content and scholarly approach. [Extracted from the article]

Im Rahmen ihres 2008 gestarteten Modernisierungsprogramms haben die russischen Heeresverbände starkes Gewicht auf bataillonstaktische Gruppen (BTG) gelegt. Diese erschienen besonders geeignet für den Einsatz in lokalen und kleinen Kriegen und fanden erstmals Einsatz im Ukraine-Konflikt 2014. Nach den Erfahrungen aus diesem sowie dem Syrien-Konflikt wurden Organisation und Einsatz der BTGs erheblich verbessert. Im Zuge des russischen Angriffskriegs vom Februar 2022 maß Russland der Rolle von BTGs hohe Bedeutung zu, was sich offensichtlich als Irrtum erwies. Dieser Beitrag analysiert die verschiedenen Kriegsphasen und zeigt auf, wie wenig der BTG-Ansatz Russland geholfen hat, seine Kriegsziele zu erreichen, und welche Faktoren für den Ausgang dieses Kriegs bestimmend sein werden. As part of its modernization program, which began in 2008, Russian Army units placed strong emphasis on battalion tactical groups (BTG). These were particularly suited for use in local and small wars. The first deployment took place in the Ukraine conflict in 2014, and the organization and deployment of BTGs were significantly improved after the experience of that conflict as well as Syria conflict. In the context of the Russian war of aggression of February 2022, strong emphasis was placed on the role of BTGs. This obviously proved to be a mistake. The paper analyzes the different phases of the war and shows how little the BTG approach helped the Russians achieve their war aims and what factors will be determinants of how this war will turn out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Portmanteau identities, such as "Gaymer" (gay-gamer), can shed light on the important social work that identity labels do for those who choose to adopt them. In this article, I analyze how "Gaymer" is not just a convenient portmanteau, but an identity used to manage stigma and advance inclusivity for people inhabiting identities often viewed as mutually exclusive. I demonstrate this with data gathered through actual world ethnographic research with Gaymers at a monthly meetup in Houston, Texas, and virtual world ethnographic research with two Facebook Groups. I found that Gaymers are often excluded from both the gaming community and the mainstream gay community, however, rather than try to minimize contradictions in their identity, they seek to create contradictions by gaming in gay bars, performing in drag shows as video game characters, and advocating for more inclusivity at gaming conventions, among other tactics. My results show a critical need to move beyond an examination that multiple stigmas exist, toward a study of how they interact. I build upon Russian linguist Nikolai Trubetzkoy's concepts of privative and equipollent markedness to show how the interaction between "gay" and "gamer" has resulted in the creation and performance of a "Gaymer" identity, what I call an equipollent identity. Recognizing the existence of equipollent identities, like Gaymer, invites consideration of the potentially positive and productive ways that stigmatized individuals manage stigma and build community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the Prussian-German wargames between 1870 and 1880. It further discusses about the German Wars of Unification and professional wargames; wargames and mission tactics for contexts of technological revolution in the fields of firearms and railway transport; German professional wargame designed by Prussian army officer Georg Leopold von Reiswitz in 1812; and the design of the Reiswitz games used by the Prussian army in the decades following the Napoleonic Wars.

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Nuclear Notebook is researched and written by Hans M. Kristensen, director of the Nuclear Information Project with the Federation of American Scientists, and Robert S. Norris, a senior fellow with the FAS. The Nuclear Notebook column has been published in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists since 1987. This issue’s column examines Russia’s nuclear arsenal, which includes 4,350 warheads that can be delivered via long-range strategic launchers and shorter-range tactical nuclear forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the traditional interpretations of how the Wilderness, a forest some sixty miles south of Washington, D.C., affected strategy and combat during the Battle of the Wilderness, 4–6 May 1864. It argues that other factors besides the Wilderness determined the Federal and Confederate commanders’ strategies. It also undermines the contentions that the Confederates held a tactical edge in the Wilderness and that the Wilderness was a unique landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Which armed organizations form coalitions despite the inherent difficulties of cooperation in civil wars? We introduce the concept of tacit coalitions, which pertains to strategic and informal coalition behavior between civil war actors to address this puzzle. Our theoretical model of coalition behavior takes in theater-wide conflict behavior to allow for predictions that coalitions are more likely to form. It provides novel insights into the way military synergies within potential coalitions affect the trade-off between pooling resources and worrying about the division of gains. The empirical section finds considerable support for our theoretical argument that actors are more likely to engage in tacit coalition behavior (1) if potential coalitions are power balanced, (2) if joint capability of potential coalitions is not too high, and (3) when coalitions can unlock synergies. In addition, it produces evidence for the important role of geography and ethnic ties in generating military synergies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research was focused on the study of weapon‐related traumas in the skeletal remains of the soldiers who died in the Battle of San Martino (Italy, 1859). These remains are housed in the monumental ossuary of San Martino. The examination of 817 skulls revealed traces of injuries in 90 skulls, selected and submitted to anthropological studies. The aim of this work was to study the head injuries attributable to firearms and blade weapons in relation to the armaments and the military tactics used in that period. The shape, size, and features of the wounds were macroscopically examined to characterize the lesions. As regards the ballistic traumas, the caliber, the trajectory of the projectiles, and the kind of artillery were based on the diameter and localization of the entry and of the exit holes in the skulls. The sharp force traumas were identified as linear‐edge cuts or pointed lesions. The results evidenced different types of perimortem injuries, principally caused by firearms (79%) with projectiles of different calibers, mostly ranging between 14 and 18 mm. Sharp force injuries probably caused by bayonets and sabers had affected 17.8% of the skulls. The remnant 2.2% of the examined skulls presented only antemortem lesions. Moreover, seven other skulls showed healed lesions, in some cases surgically treated, testifying a rather intense war period, and the capacity of the soldiers to survive even severe injuries. The higher prevalence of gunshot wounds with respect to sharp force traumas is consistent with the military tactics and with the weapons used in that period: hand‐to‐hand combat was restricted and bayonet assault was unsuccessful compared to the use of efficient ranged weapons. This research presents important information on war‐related traumas, ballistic wounds and sharp force injuries of the armaments, and the military tactics of the mid‐19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite China's traditional role as a continental power, modern Chinese leaders are pursuing a grand strategy that includes the explicit goal of becoming a maritime power. China is strengthening its ability to deny its "near seas" (the Yellow, East China, and South China Seas) to US forces and building the capabilities and infrastructure to project power into "far seas" that lie beyond these waters. Yet Beijing is doing so without crossing the threshold of actual violence -- unlike Russia's use of violent "hybrid warfare" in Ukraine. In the maritime areas close to its coast, China has adopted "gray zone" approaches to alter the status quo while avoiding combat between uniformed militaries. Farther afield, China's strategy focuses on accumulating influence through efforts such as the Belt and Road Initiative, which seeks to build economic connections across the Eurasian landmass and the Indian Ocean. This article aims to reconsider how experts categorize and think about the instruments of power China is deploying in the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans, and their roles in China's expanding overseas strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What drives soldiers to risk death on the battlefield? Scholars have suggested that battlefield participation is driven by ideology, coercion, and cohesion while overlooking the importance of confidence in tactical success. On contemporary battlefields, training in effective, modern-system tactics will increase initial confidence and create a positive feedback loop of battlefield participation and combat effectiveness. I test this theory through the as-if random assignment of Peshmerga (Kurdish soldiers) to modern-system training by Western countries. One third of the Peshmerga had no formal training, one third had non–modern-system training from other Peshmerga, and one third had been trained in the modern-system. While non–modern-system training slightly increased unit confidence, it did not impact battlefield participation; coalition training in modern-system tactics dramatically increased confidence and, more importantly, led to higher levels of self-reported battlefield participation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do military tactics shape civilian support for foreign intervention? Critics contend that invasive tactics undermine popular support by alienating the civilian population. Counterexamples suggest that civilians will support invasive tactics when foreign counterinsurgents are willing and able to mitigate a proximate threat. I reconcile these divergent findings by arguing that civilian support is a function of threat perception based on three interacting heuristics: social identity, combatant targeting, and territorial control. To evaluate my theory, I enumerate a survey among Iraqi residents in Baghdad during the anti-ISIS campaign. Respondents preferred more invasive tactics when foreign counterinsurgents assisted the most effective local members of the anti-ISIS coalition. Across sectarian divides, however, respondents uniformly opposed the deployment of foreign troops. These findings suggest that in regime-controlled communities, civilians will support counterinsurgents who are invasive enough to mitigate insurgent threats, but not too invasive as to undermine local autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The redirection of military strategy towards counter-guerrilla warfare in the 1950s and the United States' positioning as the dominant power in the Western Hemisphere after World War II enriched the Colombian National Army's doctrine. This article examines the background that enabled implementing the military concept of air mobility -prevalent worldwide in those years-in the Colombian Army's military doctrine to complement the troops' ground maneuver performance. To this end, the article analyzes the 1962 Lazo Plan and the 1969 EJC 3-10 regulation to establish their conceptual advances, American influence, and the circumstances that prompted these new elements, such as Colombia's participation in the Korean War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polemos is the property of Croatian Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Universitaria de Historia Militar (RUHM) is the property of Centro de Estudios de la Guerra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's production and operational use of its own armed drones has grabbed much media attention and caused consternation in some regional capitals. Not only has Turkey emerged as one of the world's most prolific users of largely indigenously built armed drones but it has also become a major exporter of these systems. Analyses put Turkey's position as a major drone power down to long-term strategic calculation. Whilst Ankara's emergence as a serious drone player is certainly no accident – it is the output of a concerted state effort – this article emphasises how Turkish political-military leaders have absorbed military and political lessons from early forays into armed drone usage and adjusted foreign policy and military tactics accordingly. Such a non-linear evolution of its drone strategy suggests future change in how Turkey seeks to derive benefits from this niche capability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]