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In a 1969 editorial in Television Quarterly, communications scholar Cedric C. Clark wrote that minorities are often subjected to predictable stages of treatment in media depictions, particularly on television. According to Clark there are 4 stages of minority representations: non-recognition, ridicule, regulation, and respect. This study uses this framework to examine representations of American Indians to ascertain whether it has universal utility as a guide to understanding minority representations. The research demonstrates that U.S. television has primarily used 2 ways of dealing with American Indians: they are either relegated to the distant past or shown as enforcers of the dominant group's norms, sometimes both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at the effect of news images and race on the attribution of responsibility for the consequences of Hurricane Katrina. Participants, Black and White, read the same news story about the hurricane and its aftermath, manipulated to include images of White victims, Black victims, or no images at all. Participants were then asked who they felt was responsible for the humanitarian disaster after the storm. White respondents expressed less sense of government responsibility when the story included victims' images. For Black respondents this effect did not occur. Images did not affect attribution of responsibility to New Orleans' residents themselves. These findings are interpreted to support the expectations of framing theory with the images serving as episodic framing mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the issues surrounding the state of public sphere and the role of the media during the outbreak of xenophobic violence in South Africa in May 2008. It provides an overview of the incident which killed 60 people and displaced thousands and the criticism on the media's role in aggravating such conflict. It also looks into the media-state-society relations and the implications of the incident on the communication within the state and communities.

The article explores the history of wartime violence and racial relations in Los Angeles, California. The author compares the media response to the Zoot Suit Riots in relation to the novel "If He Hollers Let Him Go," by Chester Himes. Emphasis is also given to the essay "Zoot Riots are Race Riots" by Hines, published in the journal "The Crisis," which analyzed the heterogeneity of a multi-racial and multi-ethnic city. These narratives are juxtaposed with the media coverage of the "Los Angeles Times" newspaper. It is suggested that the "Times" was reluctant to introduce the concept race and racial inequality in lieu of the war metaphors being used to construct coverage of the race riots.

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The article offers information on the author's views regarding the reviews about Canada's media and minority research. The author asserts that there are various studies examining the role of the ethnic media and counters the analysis of some critiques about the specificity of research in media and minorities. She also believes that critiques serve to weaken scholars' valuable contribution to research.

The article offers information on several Canadian regulations and guidelines for advertisers with the intent to create a responsible and non-prejudiced advertising. Advertising Standards Canada addresses issues to rule out gender discrimination in advertising. In the Statement of Principles of the Canadian Association of Journalists, it states that race, ethnicity or colour will not be cited during reporting except when it is relevant to the story.

The article offers information on research reports dealing with issues of race, ethnicity and communication in Canadian mass media. During the analysis in randomly selected news stories of CBC.ca, it highlights that a high percentages of minority characterization contain negative contexts. It adds that researchers found that the availability of settlement information in mainstream and ethnocultural media for newcomers is lesser compared to immigrants who are integrated in the host countries.

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses an article on the treatment of race and ethnicity by the media after September 11, 2011, an issue on humour and race of intercultural communication, and an analysis on the biopolitics of the war on terror.

The article presents an overview of white and African American press reactions to the Truth Housing Controversy and the 1943 race riot of Detroit, Michigan, which was considered to be the most deadly, costliest and largest riot in Detroit's history. A discussion of the factors, including the proposed opening of the Sojourner Truth Housing Project for African American war workers, which led to the riot, is presented. A comparison of the 1943 riot and another Detroit riot which occurred in 1967 is offered.

The article seeks to interpret and explain the "neoliberal racial regimes of security" that emerged as a narrative of criminality associated with African American disaster victims in the wake of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, Louisiana. The security responses to the disaster are viewed in the context of capitalist interests, radicalized structures of meaning, and relations of force in the Gulf Coast region. It is argued that the mass-mediated discourses of counterinsurgency and security are expressions of moral panic rooted in ideological images of race and crime. The work of political artist and author Sunni Patterson is examined as a source of counter-memories of the disaster for aggrieved communities.

This study investigated experimentally whether social class of people who appear in news stories influences Chilean journalists' ethical reasoning. Based on schema, social identity, and moral development theories, it found that journalists applied lower levels of ethical reasoning when faced with an ethical dilemma associated with the poor, an effect moderated by participants' involvement in the story. Psychological mechanisms--such as involvement, mental elaboration about stories' subjects, and identification with them--influenced participants' ethical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a discussion of the need to re-envision a critical integrative approach to poverty in Canadian families where there is no father present and a child is being raised by a single mother. A discussion of the concept of the feminization of poverty and of the racial undertones of poverty is presented. The ways in which a gendered and racialized understanding of poverty in single mother mother families is neutralized and/or erased in political and policy discourses and media in Canadian society are discussed.

The article provides an overview on the development of journalism in the U.S. following the release of the Kerner Report in 1979 until the current year 2009. It says that after the Kerner Report was released, there has been a combination of technological shifts in the newspaper business and the continued migration of newspaper readership among Americans in the country. Commemorating the 40th anniversary of the publication of the Kerner Report, the authors of this article review the findings of the said report with respect to journalism. It stresses that the role of minority media in modern times are still relevant and useful especially in a democratic nation like the U.S.

This study attempts to determine whether 4 decades after the Kerner Commission, newspapers report more accurately on an increasingly diverse population. Specifically, it studied whether the size of the Asian American population covered by a newspaper influences the coverage of Asian Americans in newspaper articles. It appears that although newspapers situated within larger Asian American communities report more frequently, at more depth, and with more prominence on Asian Americans, the quality of that coverage is not influenced by the size of the Asian American community. In cities with larger Asian American populations, newspapers have responded with increased stories and length but not with increased quality of coverage. This is likely because of newspaper fears of alienating European American readers, leading to a “White flight” in circulation and because of news practices that lead to distorted reports of Asian Americans. These findings renew calls for the newspaper industry to more fairly represent the diverse range of its readership and not just its most favored demographic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Barack Obama's address of March 18, 2008, sought to quell the controversy sparked by YouTube clips of his pastor, Jeremiah Wright of the Trinity United Church of Christ, condemning values and actions of the United States government. In this address, Obama crosses over the color line with a rhetorical strategy designed to preserve his viability as a presidential candidate and in so doing, delivered a rhetorical masterpiece that advances the cause of racial dialogue and rapprochement. Because of his mixed racial heritage, he could bring perceptions and misperceptions in black and white "hush harbors" into the light of critical reason. The address succeeds, I argue, because Obama sounds the prophetic voice of Africentric theology that merges the Jewish and Christian faith traditions with African American experience, assumes theological consilience (that different religious traditions share a commitment to caring for others), and enacts the rhetorical counterpart to Levinas's philosophy featuring the "face of the other." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By employing a new policy of “check all that apply,” the Census Bureau accommodated a mushrooming multiracial lobby demanding that its members be allowed a right to self-identification. With its implied shifting meaning of race, newspapers portrayed the reaction to this change as a firestorm of debate along racial fault lines, highlighted by Black-American inferences that this was a perilous decision. Using textual analysis, I examine from 1996 to 2006 how five Black-American and three White-American newspapers characterized multiracial people. White-American papers framed the discussion in two ways: (a) multiracial people epitomize a new era in which race has lost its bite, and (b) Black America stands in the way of their gaining their civil rights. There were also two frames for the Black-American papers: (a) The lobby advocates individual identity and is undergirded by denial or distancing from Blackness, and (b) that focus undermines Black America's future by playing into the misguided notion that race is socially insignificant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze racist news discourse by applying some notions from Norman Fairclough's and Teun van Dijk's work. We know that racism is shaped and defined in relation to specific historic and cultural contexts. How, then, should we grasp the many similarities between different case studies? This issue is addressed by relating the results of the case study mentioned above to the ones arrived at by Hall et al. in their classic Policing the crisis (1978). The conclusion is that these similarities have to do with the recurring externalization of internal conflicts in capitalist societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When white Americans think about welfare, they are likely to think about black Americans. The most prominent explanation for this phenomenon offered has been media coverage--newsmakers have presented welfare as an overwhelmingly black and overwhelmingly bad social program. Most of the data used in studies that reach these conclusions, however, predate welfare reform. Since passage of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), welfare has lost its place among America's most controversial issues. While there are many critics of the reform, many more declare it a success, and these elites are both Republican and Democrat. Opinion polls indicate that a majority of the public is favorably inclined toward the passed reforms. In this paper, we provide systematic evidence that the information environment surrounding welfare policy has changed. Given this, we pose the following research question: do negative attitudes about blacks continue to color people's willingness to spend money on welfare programs? We address this question by examining the predictors of opposition to welfare spending in the 1992, 1996, 2000, and 2004 American National Election Studies. The evidence suggests that despite the changing information environment, welfare attitudes are as strongly racialized in 2004, as they were a decade earlier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The context in which the current 'debate' about Muslim women and the veil is taking place, in Britain and elsewhere in Europe, is that of the new orthodoxy, the 'clash of civilisations'. This attempts to explain much of the world's political turmoil in terms of a clash between the ('secular modern') West and the ('traditionalist religion') Islam. The increased visibility of veiled bodies in Britain today has stirred a response that draws on long-standing orientalist oppositions and reworks them in the current climate of the 'war on terror', connecting them to parallel racist discourses about 'threats' to British culture. Sections of the British media have homogenised the variety of Muslim veiling practices and have presented the veil as an obstacle to meaningful 'communication'; an example of Islamic 'refusal' to embrace 'modernity'. Veiled women are considered to be ungrateful subjects who have failed to assimilate and are deemed to threaten the 'British' way of life. This paper reviews the debate over the veil in Britain in the context of British foreign policy, attacks on civil liberties, the further marginalisation of poor communities and the politicisation of British Muslims, where the veil is an increasingly political image of both difference and defiance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a series of voting rights cases, the U.S. Supreme Court held that race-based redistricting, particularly the intentional formation of majority–minority districts (districts in which voters of color constitute a majority of eligible voters) may be unconstitutional if race was the predominant factor in the formation of the district. The Court stated that “redistricting legislation that is so bizarre on its face that it is unexplainable on grounds other than race” may violate the Constitution because of the messages such districts send to the public (Shaw v. Reno, 1993). Yet neither the Court nor social scientists have examined whether the existence of race-conscious majority–minority districts sends messages to voters and what the nature of these messages may be. This research begins to address this scientific issue. In a quantitative content analysis, we examined messages about racial redistricting conveyed to citizens via the print media. Our sample consisted of 355 newspaper articles about redistricting included in the Lexis–Nexis database between 1990 and 2005. We found that newspaper coverage of racial districting contains messages to citizens about the motives involved in redistricting, the individuals and groups who are responsible for it, and its actual and expected effects. This finding is consistent with the Supreme Court's assumption that districts, particularly bizarrely shaped ones, convey distinct messages to voters. The specific messages communicated varied in important ways across the articles. Newspapers in states subject to Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act because of their history of discrimination against voters of color covered racial redistricting differently than states not subject to Section 5. We discuss the legal and theoretical implications of these findings for understanding the role of race in legislative redistricting efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

America's post-riot era was a time of unfulfilled expectations for those concerned with newsroom staffing. The Kerner Commission said blacks should be trained, hired, and promoted in mainstream media, yet few news managers moved beyond tokenism to diversify what had been a white domain. In 1968, broadcaster Fred W. Friendly crafted a summer program at Columbia University's Graduate School of Journalism that would graduate 223 minority trainees over seven years. Some became reporters, news anchors, media executives, and producers, although many left journalism for other careers. In a study more than thirty years after the project closed, participants discussed what they saw in newsrooms during this era of social change, and their recollections reflect the idealism that fueled this early effort in media hiring reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether White majority and Black minority members differ in selecting news stories that featured either individuals of their own group or dissimilar others. Hypotheses derived from social-cognitive theory, social comparison theory, and distinctiveness theories were tested utilizing unobtrusive observations of news story selections. This selective exposure research design overcomes methodological constraints of previous experimental studies that employed self-reports and forced-exposure techniques to measure responses of Blacks and Whites to race-specific media sources. Our sample consisted of 112 Blacks and 93 Whites, who browsed 10 online news stories while exposure was unobtrusively logged via software. The news site displayed equal numbers of Black and White characters, with the pictures associated with the news stories rotated across participants. Results indicate that Whites showed no preference based on the race of the character featured in the news story. In contrast, Blacks strongly preferred news stories featuring Blacks and spent more than twice the reading time on them compared to exposure to news stories featuring Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few researchers have studied the contests between organizational sponsors' different frames and their reception in the media. This paper builds on a case study that illustrates a potential problem for strategic communicators: The media largely ignored the frames of the organizational actors. Instead a typical media frame, the “horse race frame,” was used. Communication professionals have to pay attention to such media frames, but it is also suggested that practitioners are more likely to succeed if it is possible to strategically construct master frames, that is, frames with a wider cultural resonance than issue-specific frames. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Historically, the media perpetuate ideas about race and ethnicity that place African American women at a clear disadvantage. Beginning with the welfare queen image during the Reagan administration and moving to the porno chick represented in current videos, society views a daily discourse on race, gender, and class that continues to reproduce dominant and distorted views of African American womanhood and sexuality. The overabundance of this portrayal in popular culture raises serious implications associated with linking sexual promiscuity to the nature and identity of African American women. These popular representations of African American women and men are mostly unchallenged by larger society and the African American community. This article discusses the media as a system of racialization and proposes to challenge this system as a method of social justice and social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of a series of editorial apologies for neglecting coverage of the civil rights movement, this article examines coverage of the 1963 Birmingham campaign in five prestige dailies to explore the social construction of news and the relationship between news organizations, their subjects, and their audiences. This study considers survey data that indicated regional attitudes toward civil rights and found coverage did not always reflect the views of a paper's readers. Southern newspapers tended to discredit movement leaders and their agenda, as well as to emphasize law enforcement's preparedness, while northern and western papers were sympathetic to the movement. The study specifically considers why a midwest paper was hostile to the movement in contradiction to its readers' pro-integration attitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines anti-Hungarian sentiment in the nationalist mass media of the nation of Romania. Particular focus is given to an examination of anti-Hungarian articles and content in the newspaper "Revista România Mare" in 2000, and the target audience and demographic characteristics of the readers of such content and articles. An overview of ethnic tolerance and tension in Romania is also offered. Further article topics include historical forms of nationalism in the nation of Romania, and the correlation of media and nationalism in Romania.

Participants were exposed to a crime story embedded in a newscast in a 3 (Officer Race–Black, White, or Race Unidentified) × 3 (Perpetrator Race–Black, White, or Race Unidentified) × 2 (Prior News Viewing—Heavy, Light) factorial design. Afterward, participants were asked the likelihood that the depicted officer and perpetrator were either White or Black. In addition, participants were asked how positively they viewed the officer who was featured in the story. Results revealed that race unidentified perpetrators were rated as having a high likelihood of being Black. In addition, heavy news viewers were more likely than light news viewers to express a high likelihood that the unidentified officer was White. Finally, heavy news viewers were more likely than light news viewers to have positive perceptions of unidentified officers, but not of Black officers featured in a newscast. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed in light of cultivation and chronic activation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study compares differences in crisis preparation, information-seeking patterns, and media use on the basis of race in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Surveys are collected from 935 Katrina evacuees relocated in different areas of the United States. Results indicate differences in crisis preparation and information seeking on the basis of race. Results also demonstrate a continued need to create messages encouraging crisis preparation, especially among at-risk subpopulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, considerable energy has been focused on extending the mandate of anti-racism. Modern (or symbolic) racism and discursive psychology have argued that racism has taken on more covert forms. A longitudinal examination of newspaper coverage of two important race-related newsprint stories in New Zealand (involving Winston Peters, Tuku Morgan and New Zealand First) identified discourses of ‘plausible deniability’ involved in warranting or defending statements about minorities against accusations of racism. We discuss implications of symbolic politics for minorities who are perceived to have violated societal norms, and show how nationalism is used as a framework for denying racist intent. Analyses of historical context show how ‘race’ forms only one lens from which to view issues of intergroup relations. While the press was sensitive to issues of racism, they demonstrated little awareness of concurrent issues of neo-liberal economics, or market fundamentalism. Anti-racism may be motivated not only by the ideals of egalitarianism, but also by underlying dynamics of economic power in a global economy. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines perceptions of British-Muslims deployed by “print media public intellectuals” (PMPI). It argues that PMPI embody a particular type of “mediatized intellectual” whose public discourse on Muslims is crucial in determining how issues emerging from the politics of multiculturalism are understood. Adopting a “theory of argumentation” (Richardson, 2001) derived from a critical discourse analysis methodology (CDA), it investigates the political content of messages disseminated by (1) conservative nationalist and (2) secular liberal PMPI through their newspaper opinion columns. The findings suggest that PMPI argumentation ranges from an overt hostility to a qualified discrimination (the former through exclusive accounts of belonging and the latter through a combative/civilising liberalism), and that—moreover—there is a convergence between these two positions in their anti-Muslim sentiment and desire to regulate the lives of ethnic Others (Hage, 1998). There are four parts to this article: the first part outlines what a public intellectual is and where PMPI stand in relation to this; the second part discusses some Muslim attempts to elicit forms of recognition from the state under a rubric of multiculturalism; the third part outlines the chosen CDA schema of analyses and PMPI output; and the fourth part concludes by encouraging us to recognise and examine further the importance of PMPI argumentation in public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the strategy of African American educator and political leadership Booker T. Washington in the U.S. to promote himself as a national race leader. He was the founder of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama where he directed the creation of several hundred photographs in order to advertise his leadership. The new mass reproduction of photography provided him with the perfect medium for his backhanded resistance. His use of mass media provided an opportunity to move beyond visual analysis in the arts and sociology, a form of powerful resistance which emphasized reproduction and exploitation of the oppressed.

This article examines the role of Balkanist discourse in Tudman's Croatia. Todorova's concept of Balkanism provides a useful theoretical framework through which to explore the deployment of Balkanist stereotypes against Croatia by Western leaders. Balkanism also illuminates the ways in which Croatians used many of these same Balkan stereotypes to differentiate themselves from their neighbors to the south and east. Through an exami- nation of Croatian newspaper columns, government documents and speeches, and political cartoons from the 1990s, this article analyzes how Balkanist interpretations and representations played an integral role in the construction of Croatian national identity and the mobilization of Croatians around a variety of political agendas. The objective of this article is not, however, simply to document the deployment of Balkanist stereotypes against or within Croatia. The second component of the article suggests ways in which Croatia's liminal position between ‘Europe’ and the ‘Balkans’ might serve as an ideal standpoint from which one might challenge the binary oppositions of Balkanism and begin to reimagine the Balkans, redirecting these categories as a site of political engagement and critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes several biases in some of the research investigating the relation between mass media and race. Information on the Other or racial minorities and the Self or the White majority population in the U.S.; Analysis of the constitution of the Other by and through the discursive activities of doing and reporting academic research; Role of White privilege in academic mass communication research; Influence of folk wisdom about the Other.

Emphasizes the importance of film media's influence on contemporary attitudes towards race in an urban context in the U.S. by focusing on Hollywood's changing representation of South Bronx, New York City. Information on the boundaries of South Bronx; Analysis of the national impact of motion pictures; Comparison of representation of South Bronx in the motion pictures 'Fort Apache' in 1981 and 'Finding Forrester' in 2000.

Focuses on a study which analyzed the media explanations regarding Afro-American support for U.S. President Bill Clinton during the 1988 coverage of the Monica Lewinsky scandal. Social construction of race; Samples of racialized perspective on the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal; Distrust of criminal justice system among Afro-Americans.

This article examines how ordinary victims of racism rebut racist beliefs communicated to them by the mass media and encountered in daily life. We describe the rhetorical devices that North African immigrant men in France use to respond to French racism, drawing on thirty in-depth interviews conducted with randomly selected blue-collar immigrants residing in the Paris suburbs. We argue that while French anti-racist rhetorics, both elite and popular, draw on universalistic principles informed by the Enlightenment as well as French Republican ideals, North African immigrants rebut racism by drawing instead on their daily experience and on a 'particular universalism', i.e. a moral universalism informed by Islam. Their arguments frequently centre on claims of equality or similarity between all human beings, or between North Africans and the French. Available cultural repertoires and the structural positions of immigrants help to account for the rhetorical devices that immigrants use to rebut racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addresses the issue of racism in South African mass media. Implication of the government inquiry into racism in mass media on the country's social and political condition; Factors that influence the change in the country's approach to censorship.

The article focuses on a rap that was performed on New Zealand television in 1995 as part of an advertisement for Primo. Primo is a banana, chocolate, or strawberry flavored milk drink aimed at the teenage market. The rapper was white, had an American accent, a hyper-muscular physique, and was dressed in a singlet, shorts, and a baseball cap. The advertisement began with the printed name of the rapper, "Ron McQuinn--busboy from Miami." The rap was shot without any musical accompaniment. Ron was filmed in black and white against a plain backdrop. After Ron concludes his rap with "Let's go with the flow," a series of twenty sequential still photos in vibrant colors were shown at 10 frames per second. As an American living in New Zealand, the author found this advertisement disturbing. The apparent commodification of racial violence and hatred used to sell a product was offensive and disquieting. While not ignoring the imperatives of the newly emerging transnational market economics of the postmodern world, the author began to wonder how the relations of representations connected with a more local interpretation and orientation.

Scholars from varying perspectives have suggested that discourse in media content may play an important role in shaping and reinforcing perceptions of race relations, particularly among White Americans. However, there has been relatively little systematic consideration of whether and, if so, how discourse in the press has contributed over time to relations between Whites and Blacks. With this in mind, this research examined the racial ideologies present in coverage by 14 mainstream newspapers of U.S. Supreme Court decisions in 1883 and 1896 that allowed and then institutionalized "separate but equal" race relations. Findings suggest that discourse in the mainstream press encouraged racial values and attitudes that were simultaneously being institutionalized in several cultural arenas by social Darwinism, Booker T. Washington's accommodationism, and legalized segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines what strategic ways are used by policymakers regarding discourse about race in news media in the United States. Way by which mass communication has been used in public debate about race relations as shown by evidence linking press content or journalists' comments about race with advocacy by political elites; Race, the press, and public opinion in the late 19th century.

In a field study, Noelle-Neumann's spiral of silence was adapted to a case of racially polarized, highly publicized opinions: the O. J. Simpson criminal trial. The predicted "spirals between and within groups" (based on a fear-of-negative-sanctions explanation) and "spirals between groups" (based on a presentation-of-a-public-face explanation) were not confirmed. However, there was evidence of racial differences in respondents' concerns regarding the impact of their expressed opinions. One's willingness to be quoted varied significantly in an unexpected fashion; majority group members (Whites) interviewed by minority group members (Blacks) were significantly more willing to be quoted than were minority members interviewed by majority members. Also, respondent race interacted significantly with the media outlet in which the subject was told his or her opinion might appear in predicting reported interest in the Simpson trial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the pervasive sense of televisual and violence in Brazil. Teleology of the dominant system of power; Impact of race in writing history; Necessity of examining global coincidences and isomorphic compatibilities.

Focuses on the implications of public representation denial on race relations in the United States. Civil rights deprivation case of John Howard; Whiteness as a minority identity; Characterization of white racial supremacy; Civil rights reform focusing on integration; Media representation of liberal whiteness.

Presents an analysis of interracial statements in selected feature stories in `Ebony' magazine. Related studies; Media content of `Ebony; Media content and race relations; Stories used in statement analysis; Percent of interracial sentences by type; Distribution of sentences by direction of bias; Distribution of sentences by tone.

Examines the portrayal of African American men in the mass media in the United States. Containment of Afro-American men in the 1990s; Evaluation of Afro-American men in terms of imagery; Subjectivity of the imagery produced in the mass media.

Presents a study on the increasing percentage of ethnic minorities in newsrooms of major market media in California. Percentage of minority employment in metropolitan newspapers in the state; Discussion on ethnic employment in mass media; Conclusion that editors of metropolitan newspapers are looking for more non-white employees.