Search

We appreciate the feedback and additional information provided by Dr. Rindfuss. We agree that pharmacists are being used differently today than almost 20 years ago but also recognize that the standardization and utilization of clinical pharmacy services vary nationally. As mentioned in our

By disrupting the routine practices and social structures that support social hierarchy, disasters provide a unique opportunity to observe how gender, race, and class power relations are enacted and reconstituted to shape health inequities. Using a feminist intersectional framework, we examine the dynamic relationships among a government/corporate alliance, front-line disaster recovery workers, and disadvantaged residents in Mississippi Gulf Coast communities in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, which struck in August, 2005. Data were collected between January 2007 and October 2008 through field observations, public document analysis, and in-depth interviews with 32 front-line workers representing 27 non-governmental, nonprofit community-based organizations. Our analysis reveals how power relationships among these groups operated at the macro-level of the political economy as well as in individual lives, increasing health risks among both the disadvantaged and the front-line workers serving and advocating on their behalf. Socially situated as outsiders-within, front-line recovery workers operated in the middle ground between the disadvantaged populations they served and the powerful alliance that controlled access to essential resources. From this location, they both observed and were subject to the processes guiding the allocation of resources and their unequal outcomes. Following a brief period of hope for progressive change, recovery workers became increasingly stressed and fatigued, particularly from lack of communication and coordination, limited resources, insufficient capacity to meet overwhelming demands, and gendered and racialized mechanisms of marginalization and exclusion. The personal and collective health burdens borne by these front-line recovery workers--predominantly women and people of color - exemplify the ways in which the social relations of power and control contribute to health and social inequities.

The major aim of this research is to reopen the study of the subjective experience of upward mobility and to incorporate race and gender into our vision of the process. It examines evidence from a social science study of upward mobility among 200 Black and white professional-managerial women in the Memphis, Tennessee metropolitan area. The experiences of the women paint a different picture from the image of the mobility process that remains from scholarship conducted 20 to 30 years ago on white males. Relationships with family of origin, partners, children, friends, and the wider community shaped the way these women envision and accomplish mobility and the way they sustain themselves as professionals and managers.

Two novel biomarkers (whole-body thyroid hormone and triglyceride concentrations) were developed for use in wood frog tadpoles. The development of these biomarkers was based on previous work done in fish and lizards and incorporated triglyceride and thyroid hormone extraction into 1 homogenization step with 95% ethanol as the solvent. This method is useful for reducing sample-to-sample variability because the same sample can be used for each extraction and assay.

Scholars and activists working both within and outside the massive health-related machinery of government and the private sector and within and outside communities of color address the same fundamental questions: Why do health disparities exist? Why have they persisted over such a long time? What can be done to significantly reduce or eliminate them?

Invasive pneumococcal infections can be devastating in the setting of immune deficiency. These infections have been seen in pediatric oncology practices, but the outcome has not been reported. With the introduction of routine 7- valent pneumococcal conjugate vaccine (PCV7) the rate of pneumococcal infections dramatically decreased in the general pediatric population. It is unclear if a similar reduction in rate would be seen in pediatric oncology patients. A total of 44 pneumococcal infections occurred in 34 oncology patients at Childrens Hospital and Clinics of Minnesota over a 5-year period (5/1/2001 – 4/30/2006). Twenty-five episodes of invasive infection were identified in 24 patients, of which 4 (16.7%) required intensive care admissions and 2 of them died (8.3%). During this period 863 new malignancies were diagnosed, therefore our rate of invasive infection is estimated to be 28 per 1000 oncology patients. This is higher than the reported rate of 3.8 8.1 infections per 1000 stem cell transplantation patients. Fifteen patients (62%) with invasive infections were diagnosed with leukemia, of which 12 had acute lymphoblastic leukemia. The invasive infections occurred a median of 15.2 months (range 0–36) after diagnosis and the median patient age at time of infection was 5.6 years (range 1.5 - 14). The average length of hospitalization for patients was 8.3 days (range 0–38), with six patients receiving outpatient therapy alone. Pneumococcal serotypes were known in 21 of the 25 episodes of invasive pneumococcal infection and in 1 non-invasive infection. Of the 22 serotypes identified, 19 were covered by either PCV7 or the 23-valent pneumococcal polysaccharide vaccine (PS23). Eleven patients who were immunized with either PCV7 or PS23 later developed a pneumococcal strain that should have been covered by the immunization. Three patients who received immunization acquired a strain of streptococcus pneumoniae not included in either vaccine. Invasive pneumococcal infection is a potentially preventable complication with a high morbidity and mortality. Use of PCV7 or PS23 may not prevent the development of pneumococcal infection in pediatric oncology patients with vaccine-susceptible strains. It is unclear whether immunization before and during the immunocompromised period results in protective immunity against streptococcus pneumoniae.

How wonderful it would be to possess theinsight to see beyond the messy, contemporary politics of race, class, and gender in order to propose “a new way of thinking about the workings of these relations” (West and Fenstermaker 1995, 9). The area of race, class, gender studies struggles with the complex question of how to think about intersections of systems of oppression of race, class, and gender. We clearly need new models that will assist us in seeing how structures of power organized around intersecting relations of race, class, and gender frame the social positions occupied by individuals; work explaining how interlocking systems of oppression produce social locations for us all, where Black men are routinely stopped by the police for no apparent reason, or African American women like Patricia Williams are denied entry to stores where they could spend their hard-earned law professor salaries.

This research examines the validity of the normative embourgeoisement perspective—the familiar notion that manual workers are becoming middle class in their cognitive orientations. Data are used from ten national surveys between 1956 and 1976 to examine changes in middle class identification among manual and nonmanual workers. Contrary to some earlier research which examined only two time periods, the results indicate that middle class identification among manual workers has increased over time at a faster rate than among nonmanual workers. Thus, there is greater similarity between manuals and nonmanuals in their middle class identification. Contrary to the arguments of normative embourgeoisement, however, the socioeconomic status (i.e., education, income, and occupational prestige) gains of manuals relative to nonmanuals do not account for this increased similarity. The research shows the need to apply longitudinal tests to dynamic theoretical perspectives, and the potential problems involved in such tests when only two periods are examined.

The purpose of this paper was to determine whether differences in religious denominations' formal polity structures (i.e., congregational, presbyterian, and episcopal patterns) contribute to vertical power differentials among their structural levels. Formal polity structure was measured as authority of local churches to hire and fire their ministers. Data from 26 Protestant denominations suggest a relationship between formal polity and the power distribution which was operationalized as the location of the pastoral placement bureau. This relationship was obtained independent of such important variables as size, administrative specialization, and bureaucratic formalization. The findings suggest that when studying power distributions, especially in purposive organizations, constitutionally defined and normatively shaped aspects of organizational polity (i.e., formal polity structures) should be taken into account.

As women who came to maturity during the social upheavals of the late sixties and early seventies, we entered academia to continue-in a different arena-the struggles that our foreparents had begun centuries earlier. We sought to reveal untold tales and unearth hidden images, and we believed (or at least hoped) that, once illuminated, the truths of the lives of our people-Black, brown, and working-class white-would combat the myths and stereotypes that haunted us. We were, in that sense, scholars with a special mission. In the tradition of W. E. B. DuBois, Oliver Cox, Joyce Ladner, and other pioneers, we sought to use the tools of history and social science and the media of literature and the arts to improve our people's future and more accurately portray their past. We each had developed critical perspectives on society and sought theoretical explanations for the continued poverty and oppression of our people. We had different but related foci for our research: on Chicanos and the impact of outside resources on family structure and ethnicity; on working-class consciousness and class conflict; on Black women achieving a college education; and on the relationship of work and family for Black women private household workers. In the process of conducting it, we became acutely aware of the limitations of traditional social science with

Previous studies of the relationship between social structural changes and individual-level perceptions have focused on perceptions of ‘well-being’. Those studies conclude that relative position in the social structure (e.g., more or less income compared to others) determines perceived ‘well-being’. In contrast to those studies, this research focuses on social structural changes and perceptions of middle class identification and concludes that absolute position in the social structure (e.g., a certain amount of income in itself) determines perceptions of middle class identification.