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This study considers various historical types of the state and implementation of their universal characteristics by implementing a comparative analysis. It is shown that the traditional state had a privatelaw basis; a basis of the states of modern type is the public law; in the traditional state the territory acted in the form of the earth belonging to the state on the right of the supreme property; in the modern state - as geographical space to which its power extends; supremacy of the traditional state was shown in the form of sovereignty, and the state of modern type - sovereignty; the power of the traditional state has property (personal), and the modern state - political (public) character. Historical types of the state differently realize its universal characteristics, getting the special signs which are historical modifications of these characteristics in the course of evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article argues that the transition between early-modern and modern organization of empires—especially the administrative outlooks and institutional logics used to govern them—revolved around how moral conflict was viewed within imperial organizations themselves and by metropolitan audiences. Early modern imperial organizations were deeply patrimonial, and hence relied on a style of embedded moral reasoning that distanced and segmented their affairs from the metropole. By contrast, modern empires order what they govern in hierarchies that are nominally objective and whose criteria seem universal. Using a case study of the British Empire’s crisis and transformation at the turn of the 19th century, I argue that modern imperial administration emerged because networks of moral justification, which provided the scaffolding for patrimonial early-modern empire, eroded in the face of “disinterested” metropolitan scrutiny. This scrutiny created an audience for bitter political and moral conflicts among imperial administrators, who then used disembedded moral claims to mobilize support. Résumé: Cet article étudie le rôle de la perception publique du conflit moral pour la transition entre les organisations impériales de type pré-moderne et moderne, en particulier du point de vue des approches administratives et des logiques institutionnelles mobilisées pour les gouverner. Les premières organisations impériales modernes étaient profondément patrimoniales et s’appuyaient sur un style « implanté » (embedded) de raisonnement moral qui contribuait à éloigner et segmenter leurs affaires courantes des métropoles. À l’opposé, les empires modernes ordonnent ce qu’ils gouvernent dans des hiérarchies théoriquement objectives et sur la base de critères qui semblent universels. À l’aide d’une étude de cas consacrée à la crise et à la transformation de l’empire britannique au tournant du xixe siècle, cet article montre que l’émergence de l’administration impériale moderne repose sur l’affaiblissement des réseaux de justification morale, qui constituaient l’échafaudage de l’empire patrimonial, face à un contrôle métropolitain de type « désintéressé ». Ce contrôle a contribué à créer une audience pour les conflits politiques et moraux entre les administrateurs impériaux, qui ont ensuite utilisé des revendications morales « désimplantées » (disembedded) pour mobiliser leur soutien. Zusammenfassung: Beim Übergang von vormodern zu modern organisierten Weltreichen, und hier insbesondere in puncto Verwaltungsperspektiven und institutionelle Logik, um sie zu regieren, wurde die Frage, wie moralische Konflikte innerhalb der Reichsverbände einerseits und im Mutterland andererseits gesehen wurden, zum Angelpunkt. Neuzeitliche Imperien waren vermögensrechtlich aufgestellt und stützten sich auf eine moralisch verankerte Argumentation, die zu einer Trennung ihrer Angelegenheiten vom Mutterland führte. Ganz anders moderne Weltreiche, die ihre Regierungsstruktur hierarchisch gliedern, die rein formal betrachtet objektiv sind und deren Kriterien universell erscheinen. Aufbauend auf einer Fallstudie, die sich mit der Krise und Umwandlung des britischen Empires Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts auseinandersetzt, behauptet dieser Artikel, dass die Entstehung der modernen Kolonialreichsverwaltung auf die Zerrüttung der moralischen Rechtfertigungsnetze, das ursprüngliche Gerüst der frühen, vermögensrechtlich organisierten Weltreiche, zurückzuführen ist, die sich wiederum durch eine “desinteressierte” Überprüfung durch das Mutterland erklären lässt. Diese Überprüfung führte zu harten politischen und moralischen Konflikten zwischen imperialen Verwaltern, die schließlich durch “unverankerte” moralische Anforderungen Unterstützung zu erwirken suchten. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the ordering function of the concept of origin in a specific constellation: the post-imperial novel. Using the example of the literature of the so-called Habsburg myth, it asks what role the origin plays for authors whose geopolitical space of origin has disappeared at the time of their writing. What are the significant similarities and differences between the literary texts and biographical histories of post-imperial authors? And how do they correlate with the imperial as a comprehensive as well as a differentiated space of origin? To answer these questions, Joseph Roth and Robert Musil are considered from the theoretical perspective of the literary field: In a first step, the concept of origin is clarified in terms of literary studies. The second and third steps turn to the literary texts and examine the ways in which the image of imperial origin is generated in Roth's Radetzky March and Musil's Der Mann ohne Eigenschaften. The fourth and final step moves from the narratives to the authors by examing their disposition in search of a homology between the post-imperial novel and the geopolitical context of its origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “Roman world” is nowadays understood as a vast collection of territories with which Rome enjoyed more or less close relations within the known world, i.e. the oikoumene (spatium orbis). Two main spaces composed the Roman world. First, the Roman Empire, strictly speaking, formed by Italy and its provinces; second, the neighbouring peoples located around the Mediterranean Sea and in its immediate vicinities. The Romans’ domination took the form of diplomatic, client and economic ties, which have evolved along the period taken in consideration until the integration of those peoples within the new provinces. The elaboration of a universal empire – which has progressively seen the Roman Empire and the Roman World coinciding – results from an ideological, political and scientific process in close relation with the great mutations that Rome experienced at the end of the Republic and in the beginning of the Principate.

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On the basis of a comparative analysis of the worlds presented in Moscoviada by Yurii Andrukhovych and in the Little Apocalypse by Tadeusz Konwicki the article demonstrates the meaning of "metaphorical translation." Using the category proposed by Joseph Brodsky, the author of the article shows how similar characters, who search for their identities, are presented in both books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even if at first sight the joining of the two concepts reminds us by a synonym of terms or a homonymy, we showed that in reality these two concepts are different in their substance. The category of administrative acts is much broader and includes the category of acts of administration. In order to clarify the distinction, we analyzed the notions of administrative act and act of the administration and presented several administrative acts, which are not issued by government bodies. We mainly researched the acts of judges, taking into account the concept of judicial act and we noticed that most of the documents issued in the work of justice are not jurisdictional, but are administrative acts issued by the judiciary. Another point of interest in our study was the public notary documents, which we have divided into three distinct categories for more accurate identification of their legal nature. We finally remembered the category of administrative acts that comprise civil rights in their content, such as title deeds and acts of civil status. Our conclusion was that the distinction between administrative acts and other acts issued by a public power can not have as a starting point neither the type of the issuing body, nor the legal procedure for contesting it. The criterion that we have identified and which we appreciated suitable is the form of activity that will achieve through the act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Resumen: El propósito de este artículo es trazar una historia de la translatio studiorum, es decir, el tópico según el cual de este a oeste, junto a la astucia del poder (imperium), se habrían ido trasladando de igual modo el conjunto de los saberes. Lo curioso del asunto es que cuando uno se acerca con atención a los textos descubre, con sorpresa, ciertas obliteraciones estratégicas tanto en lo concerniente al origen (lo egipcio), como por lo que respecta al destino (lo indígena). En efecto, se percibe entonces que la translatio studiorum es un concepto eurocéntrico, anclado y encerrado en una geografía muy concreta, y que ello le obliga no sólo a impostar un origen áureo (lo griego), sino a negar la mera posibilidad de que la sapientia pudiera en algún momento traspasar las Columnas de Hércules. De interés será entonces perseguir las huellas dejadas por las primeras improntas greco-latinas -que tendrán como sintómatica protagonista a una traducción de Ovidio- en el continente recién "descubierto". Palabras clave: translatio studiorum, imperium, sapientia, eurocentrismo, tradición, descubrimiento. TRANSLATIO STUDIORUM: BRIEF HISTORY OF THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGES Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to trace a history of translatio Studiorum, an expression according to which from East to West, along with the cunning of power (imperium), learning was also transferred. The curious thing is that when the texts are approached carefully, surprisingly enough certain strategic obliterations are discovered, both in relation to the origin (Egyptian), and also as regarding the destination (the indigenous). In fact, translatio Studiorum is percieved as a Eurocentric concept, anchored and locked in a very specific geography, that forces an aureus origin (the Greek), denying the very possibility that sapientia could at some point go beyond the Pillars of Hercules. Our interest will then be to pursue the traces of the first Latin-Greek imprints -having as a symptomatic protagonist a translation of Ovid- in the newly "discovered" continent. Keywords: translatio studiorum, imperium, Sapientia, Eurocentrism, tradition, discovery. TRANSLATIO STUDIORUM: BRÈVE HISTOIRE DE LA TRANSMISSION DES SAVOIRS. Résumé : Le but de cet article est de retracer une histoire de translatio studiorum, expression selon laquelle, d'est en ouest, l'ensemble du savoir se seraiet déplacé de la main de la ruse du pouvoir (imperium). Ce qui est curieux, c'est que lorsqu'on approche les textes attentivement, on découvre, avec surprise, certaines oblitérations stratégiques à la fois par rapport à l'origine (Egypte), ainsi que par rapport à la destination (les indigènes). En effet, on s'apercoit alors que translatio studiorum est un concept euro-centrique, ancré et enfermé dans une géographie très spécifique, qui oblige non seulement à forcer une origine aureus (ce qui est Grec), mais à nier la possibilité même selon laquelle la sapientia pourrait à un moment donné aller au-delà des colonnes d'Hercule. Notre intérêt sera alors de poursuivre les traces des premières empreintes greco-latines -qui auront comme protagoniste symptomatique une traduction d'Ovide- sur le continent nouvellement « découvert ». Mots-clés : translatio studiorum, imperium, Sapientia, eurocentrisme, tradition, découverte. TRANSLATIO STUDIORUM: BREVE HISTÓRIA DA TRANSMIÇÃO DOS SABERES. Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo e percorrer a história da "translatio studiorum", isto é, o tópico que mantém que de leste a oeste, junto à astúcia do poder (imperium), teriam se trasladado igualmente o conjunto dos saberes. O curioso do caso é que cuando chegamos de perto e com atençao aos textos advertimos, com surpresa, certas obliteraçoes estratégicas tanto no origem (o egipcio), cuanto pelo que respeita ao destino (o indígena). Efetivamente, percebe-se lá que a "translatio studiorum" é um conceito eurocéntrico, fixado e fechado numa geografía muito concreta, e que isto a obriga nao só a impostar um origen áureo (o grego), como a renegar da mera possibilidade de que a sapientiapodesse traspasar as Columnas de Hércules. Será de interesse portanto perseguir os rastros deixados pelas primeras improntas greco-latinas -com uma sintomática traduáçao de Ovidio- no continente recentemente "descoberto". Palabras-chave: translatio studiorum, imperium, sapientia, eurocentrismo, tradição, descoberta.

W wywiadzie przeprowadzonym w 2010 r. przez Davida Muhlmanna Antoni Negri opowiada o wpływie, jaki myśl Róży Luksemburg wywarła na niego i cały nurt włoskiego operaismo. Negri zwraca uwagę na wagę opisanych przezLuksemburg doświadczeń z próbami samoorganizacji robotników podczas rewolucji 1905 r., a później w latach 1917-1918. Obecnie, gdy tradycyjne instytucje polityki proletariackiej, jak partie robotnicze i związki zawodowe, znajdują się w rozsypce i nie są zdolne do poważnego działania, przeprowadzony przez Luksemburg opis fenomenologii i fizjologii jest, zdaniem Negriego, szczególnie inspirujący. Innym aspektem jej teoretycznej spuścizny, na który należy zwrócić uwagę jest teoria akumulacji kapitału. Negri podważa aktualność poglądów Luksemburg, wskazując, że przedmiotem analizy marksistów nie powinno być „zewnętrze” systemu kapitalistycznego, lecz jego wnętrze – tubowiem rozstrzygnie się walka o zniesienie wyzysku i alternatywny model gospodarczy.

En la tercera redacción del Orlando furioso, Ariosto añade unos versos para dejar constancia de las buenas relaciones hispano-italianas. Es un texto de tipo providencialista en que se ensalza a Carlos V como sucesor de Augusto y autor de una especie de «pax Hispana», que vincula el viejo con el nuevo mundo. Lo interpreto a la luz de una exposición de Luis Vives sobre la Edad de Oro, a partir, a su vez, de un texto de Virgilio, y lo comparo con algunos historiadores del humanismo italiano, que no comparten aquel uniformismo que preside la mayor parte de crónicas españolas.

Wywiad z Maurizio Lazzarato przeprowadzony przez Colectivo Situaciones.

By analyzing the Byzantine sources, the author presents a thorough picture of the Arsenite faction and the internal schism occurred in the Byzantine society as a result of their actions. Beside their uncompromising position towards emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos, always supported with spiritual arguments, the Arsenites also had concrete political-religious interests, making them an authentic political party.

The paper is an attempt to reconstruct the notion of multitude which appears in the work of Antonio Negri, Michael Hardt and Paolo Virno. Multitude refers to the emergence of a new social subject, substantially different from the known historical formulations (nation, people, class). The notion is analyzed both in the context of the classical political philosophy and the changes in the modes of production occuring in the western societies - transition from the material to immaterial labor, which consists of producing relations between social singularities. The genealogical perspective will be therefore supplemented by the analysis of the biopolitical constituion of the multitude and both perspectives will show the exigency to deconstruct numerous notions of the traditional philosophy.

On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.

En este trabajo hemos intentado acercarnos al problema central que suscitó en su momento este estudio, esto es, las concepciones jurídicas de san Agustín en general con especial atención en el concepto básico de ciuitas.Para acercarnos a las concepciones jurídicas de san Agustín, y que enlaza con el tema y problema de la legitimación del Derecho canónico, hemos comenzado analizando los términos jurídico políticos más importantes, populus, regnum, Res publica, societas y el más importante de todos, civitas. Todos estos términos están relacionados entre sí, y a su vez se vinculan con otras cuestiones y temáticas, como los conceptos pax, iustitia o caritas. Normalmente se desarrollan mostrando unos matices, que se enmarcan dentro de la contraposición entre la civitas terrena y la civitas Dei, es decir en la apología de la Ciudad de Dios, aunque no en todos ellos se produce este fenómeno.

El término imperium según Suerbaum (1961), se sitúa en paralelo al de res publica. Este autor señala cómo es en el libro III cuando da una defi nición de imperium. Al comienzo de este libro III, Agustín comenta la infi nidad de males que ya antes de la llegada de Cristo sucedieron a pesar del culto a los dioses paganos. Agustín quiere referirse sólo a las catástrofes que le habían pasado al imperio romano. (III, 1, 20-26) Según Suerbaum, es aquí donde compone al Imperio de las provincias que se han unido a Roma o que ella ha sometido. Roma y el imperium, juntos, forman el cuerpo del estado, el corpus rei publicae.

Why Putin Started War Against Ukraine? The author analyzes the causes and consequences of undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine. Among the main reasons – the desire to restore Russian leadership’s geopolitical influence in the former Soviet Union by building a new type of empire. In order to reach it official Moscow uses a wide range of tools - from economic pressure and blackmail to armed aggression on the territories of the former USSR. The author is convinced that the annexation of the Crimea and the undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine were the result of revanchist policy of Russian President Vladimir Putin aimed at the return of influential world power status. Achieving this goal involves prevention of Europeanisation and democratization of post-Soviet countries, the main jewel among which is Ukraine. Exit from the influence of Russia is possible, according to the author, through the integration of Ukraine into the EU and NATO.

The socio-historical context of the Pauline letters was dominated by the Roman Empire. But the Empire amounted to more than a material entity, and positing it as a negotiated concept is helpful for interpreting the Paul and Empire nexus. While areas of dissonance between Paul and Empire can be argued, the impact of Empire is discernible in other ways also in the letters. The lasting legacy of Paul's imperium requires attention for Empire's push and pull in his letters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present is a time of endless, albeit sporadic violence or armed conflict globally. This is abundantly evident in news programmes on international television channels such as CNN, Sky News or Al Jazeera, as well as in newspapers. Such armed conflict, whether as part of "the war on terror", or between government forces and rebels challenging such governments in different parts of the world (for example in Syria), is happening under the regime of the currently hegemonic economic order, namely neoliberal capitalism, where political power and economic power are increasingly fused into what Hardt and Negri (2001:9) describe as "a properly capitalist order". No doubt representatives of the world's dominant states would justify such (particularly military) violence as being necessitated by the requirements for global peacekeeping, or by "terrorist" attempts to undermine the "forces of law and order". The fact remains, however, that military action, even if conceived of, according to Hardt and Negri in Empire, as international "policing", is invariably accompanied by violent conflict. What would a comparative historical investigation into this state of affairs bring to light, and if understood as "aggressive" acts, would the violence uncovered by such an account lend itself to a psychoanalytic-theoretical interpretation in terms of "aggressivity" as condition of the possibility of aggression? An attempt to answer these questions in an exploratory manner is undertaken here. In light of the military character of global armed conflict today, one might ask whether "war" still means the same thing as in former eras, for example during the time of the two World Wars of the 20th century. Hardt and Negri's work in this regard is instructive -- they call the present the age of "Empire", which means the emergence of a novel, supranational force at various levels, including the political, juridical, technological, economic and cultural. In Multitude -- War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2006), the sequel to Empire (2001), they elaborate on the changed meaning of war in the present age, compared to what it meant in the modern age (namely, legal and "legitimate" state violence), to the point where it "tends toward the absolute" (2006:18) in the sense that it has become the rule, rather than the exception. They claim that this global condition has to be addressed first, before a global democracy can be conceived at all. The Thirty-Years (German-European) War of the 17th century is seen by them as marking the transition from a medieval conception of war to a distinctly modern concept, which introduces the notion of the sovereign nation state. For them, the attacks on the Pentagon and on the World Trade Centre in New York on September 11, 2001, on the other hand, marked the symbolic transition from a modern to a postmodern notion of war. While warfare in the modern era was conceived of as a matter of armed struggle between two or more sovereign nation states, and was known as "conventional warfare" (Hardt & Negri 2006:3-6), the idea of civil war applied where intra-national, armed conflict erupted. Today, however, Hardt and Negri (2006:12-14) claim, war is no longer what it was in modern terms. There is no longer clearly recognizable differences between the role of the military and police functions, with the result that one increasingly witnesses military personnel executing "police" missions aimed at "keeping the peace" in global political space. In other words, they assert, modern warfare between sovereign states is no longer the reigning paradigm; war has become a pervasive condition in the postmodern era of globalization, and it has increasingly assumed the guise of global civil war, if the latter means military, armed conflict between different groups within the "same" (previously sovereign national, but now increasingly sovereign, inter- and even supra-national, neoliberal, globalised) space. Given the crucial role played by images -- including images of violence -- in the distinctive media-oriented or "informatised" character of contemporary society (Hardt & Negri 2001:280-289; 297-300; 322-323), Lacanian psychoanalysis presents itself as an appropriate theory for understanding global violence. In Lacanian terms, images play a crucial role regarding aggressivity, which is the condition of the possibility of violence or actual aggression (Evans 1996:534). Lacan's early work on the family complexes (Lee 1990:13-17), the mirror stage and on aggressivity (Lacan 1977 and 1977a) therefore proves to be helpful in making sense of the conditions of pervasive, image-related. violence in global neoliberal space today. Aggressivity towards others is in the first place aggressivity towards oneself in the guise of the misleadingly unified (mirror-) image, ambivalently experienced as being oneself and as being "other" simultaneously (Olivier 2009). This "otherness" is transferred to other individuals (or collectively, the "image" of other nations or groups) in various social relations, and forms the basis for rivalry and aggressivity as the condition of violence. Seen through the lens of Lacan's theory of imaginary identification and aggressivity, the attacks of September 11, 2001, on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon in the United States display the same pattern of identification with an (ideological) image of spurious unity, which simultaneously attracts and alienates, concomitantly engendering aggressive rivalry with the "other" in oneself as well as in others. A closer psychoanalytical look at 9/11, the event referred to by Hardt and Negri as marking a symbolic transition between "modern" war and "postmodern" war, and one in which images in global media space played a crucial role, yields interesting insights, therefore, particularly when combined with Derrida's (2003) analysis of the event. He shows that a network of mutually reinforcing agencies, including the media, technoscience, as well as military, economic and diplomatic institutions, produced what subsequently became known as 9/11. This incident first became visible as "event" in its constituent mediatised forms after having been beamed through the "prism" of language, dominant discourses, images, media and communication channels. Hence the name, 9/11, within which the image of the imploding towers has been inscribed, has become a site of identification in globalized space, dominated by the forces of Empire. The logic of identification and rivalry, accompanied by aggressivity, is inseparable from such an identification process in light of what the image signifies, and one can therefore conclude that such rivalry and aggression, or violence (engendered by latent aggressivity) is playing itself out globally between the forces of Empire and those agencies that oppose them. David Pavón-Cuéllar's (2010:284-285) Lacanian discourse-analytical perspective helps one understand this as "symbolic" (as opposed to directly "physical") violence insofar as discourse must, of necessity, "kill" the real being of subjects. (Recall that, for Lacan, the signifier always "kills" the "real", or that which surpasses symbolisation.) Hence, in addition to the people who died in the collapse of the twin towers, at the level of the Lacanian "real", the subjects who have articulated their resistance to the hegemony of the capitalist states comprising Empire (not only in language, but through the work and suffering of their bodies), are repeatedly "killed" by the master's discourse emanating from the reactionary reassertion of global power in the wake of 9/11. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Synergies Turquie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue Historique de Droit Francais & Etranger is the property of Editions Dalloz Sirrey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Christian Kracht's novel Imperium (2012) is based upon the life of August Engelhardt, a radical cocovore and nudist, who decides to establish a colony of coconuts in German New Guinea before World War I. In the form of a utopia, the novel contains a sharp criticism of German colonial history. In modernism, utopias are representations of paradisiacal places and identified with alternative ways of organizing better societies. Actually, they are improved by the existence of reality itself, which builds the fundamental source of utopias. Thus, they always end up with corruption. This paper focuses on Christian Kracht's novel Imperium (2012) and aims to analyze the novel within the concept of utopian impulses as constitutive elements of utopias. Referring to Fredric Jameson, this study examines the challenge between reality and utopian thinking. This article also shows how utopias end up in destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the causes and consequences of undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine. Among the main reasons - the desire to restore Russian leadership's geopolitical influence in the former Soviet Union by building a new type of empire. In order to reach it official Moscow uses a wide range of tools - from economic pressure and blackmail to armed aggression on the territories of the former USSR. The author is convinced that the annexation of the Crimea and the undeclared war of Russia against Ukraine were the result of revanchist policy of Russian President Vladimir Putin aimed at the return of influential world power status. Achieving this goal involves prevention of Europeanisation and democratization of post-Soviet countries, the main jewel among which is Ukraine. Exit from the influence of Russia is possible, according to the author, through the integration of Ukraine into the EU and NATO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]