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André Morizet, born of revolutionary unionism, magazine man, doctor of law, mayor of Boulogne-sur-Seine in 1919, joined the French Communist Party from its foundation. Driven by internationalism and concern for unity, he travelled to the young Soviet Russia in 1921 and brought back a book, Chez Lenine et Trotski, prefaced by the Commissary to the People himself, to the resounding audience. We analyze through the figure of Morizet the enthusiasm, hesitations and doubts that cross a part of the political intellectuals in the face of the birth of the socialist nation and the implications of the successes of the Bolsheviks on the international socialist movement. We show that already points in the work a critical detachment. Gradually, although playing a leading role in the new party, Morizet distanced himself from the party he left in January 1923. This difficulty to face a radically new reality, to express one’s point of view on a situation, in particular the balance of power, both national and international, in permanent and unpredictable transformation, is indicative of this period of the dawn of communism and constitutes the thread of our analysis.

Stecopoulos, H., 2023. Telling America's Story to the World: Literature, Internationalism, Cultural Diplomacy. New York: Oxford University Press. Excerpt used with approval of Oxford University Press.

Vladimir Lenin, leader of the Bolshevik movement, believed that a flourishing Black proletariat consciousness was the catalyst needed for a Communist revolution in the United States of America at the turn of the twentieth century. Thus, the Bolshevik egalitarian ideology of antiracism attracted Black Americans and anchored support for the global Communist agenda of Leninist Internationalism.After Lenin’s death in 1924, his protégé Joseph Stalin becomes the new leader of Soviet Russia and signs and sustains a strategic arms alliance with Italy. In his Harlem-set lost novel Amiable with Big Teeth (AWBT), Jamaican-American writer Claude McKay chronicles how this decision places Stalin at odds with the Black American allies of Leninist Internationalism.Fascist dictator Benito Mussolini invades Ethiopia in 1935 and because Stalin remains committed to the Italo-Soviet Pact, the Black American community in AWBT views this commitment as an endorsement of the colonial suppression of Ethiopia’s Black sovereignty and thus a violation of Lenin’s antiracism ideology.With the demise of Leninist Internationalism in the Stalin era, AWBT argues that the Pan-Africanist agenda of Black-led organizations is more adept at forging antiracist and antiimperialist transnational bonds. However, Blackness is not a monolith and McKay’s lost novel must soon confront the uncomfortable reality that even within Black-led organizations, ethnic differences can easily supersede racial allegiance.AWBT is ultimately a story about the arduous, and sometimes impossible, task of building an ideological identity across diverse national borders and racial groups.

On the basis of German and Cuban archival documents, the present article tries to apply the global history notion of ‘entanglement’ to the study of intercontinental personnel circulations within and at the margins of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). It shows the flows of personnel which were set in motion by the implementation of the CMEA’s task of achieving convergence in the sense of ‘aligning the developmental level’ of its member states. At the same time, it examines the contribution of these personnel flows to the convergence function of the CMEA. Angola is taken as a case study by investigating the Cuban–East German–Angolan entanglement in intercontinental mobility, with a specific focus on the circulating personnel; by examining institutional and everyday practices of dealing with inequality in these encounters; and by evaluating Cuba’s role in the CMEA on the level of personnel encounters, exchanges, and interactions. The present contribution zooms into personal encounters between Cubans, East Germans and Angolans in Angola while assessing how the organisational setting of these encounters mediated inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on literary dimension of communist internationalism has significantly contributed to the understanding of world literature by examining its institutions and global networks. Topics include Afro-Asian Writers' Association, the role of cities like Moscow and Havana in publishing, and the impact of communist writers' organizations in promoting non-European literature.

This article considers the "warring ideals" (Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks) of Black American solidarity with Third World Internationalism and complicity in U.S. imperialism through a reading of Lauren Wilkinson's American Spy (2019). The novel, a spy thriller, centers on the life and experience of Marie Mitchell, a Black woman FBI agent recruited by the CIA to further an assassination plot against Thomas Sankara, the charismatic socialist leader of Burkina Faso. The story puts individual career advancement in the service of American imperialism in direct tension with the larger collectivist goals of Black and Third World liberation. Thus, the novel invites an exploration of the geopolitical implications of Du Bois's famous formulation about Black American double consciousness, a formulation most often considered solely as a matter of individual psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 1960 marked the fiftieth death anniversary of Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910), one of the earliest self-proclaimed world writers. That summer, the CIA-funded Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) organized a lavish international conference near Venice; meanwhile, in Haifa, the Palestinian Trotskyist Jabra Nicola (1912–1974) published his translation of Tolstoy's sex-obsessed late novella The Kreutzer Sonata. These two events exemplified contrasting styles of Cold War literary internationalism, one aspiring to global dominance and the other to local impact. Both responded to Tolstoy's "world" status, Kreutzer 's moral ambition, and the Soviet Union's successful appropriation of nineteenth-century Russian literature. Exploring the CCF archives and the Arabic Kreutzer tradition, this article asks how each of these 1960 events came about, what they assumed, and what they achieved. The Palestinian Israeli case offers a usefully peripheral perspective from which the Cultural Cold War appears both more tangible and less strictly bipolar. Jabra's translation used the resources provided by Soviet cultural diplomacy for local progressive ends: not to press for social change in Arab society, but to build the cultural confidence of readers who found themselves both minoritized as Israelis and isolated from their fellow Arabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the national poet as surrogate: the rhetorical and poetic repertory that enables speaking for the national collectivity, and the ease with which this repertory is redirected to speak on behalf of other collectivities. It is a commonplace to attribute to Soviet multinational culture a Romantic nationalist genealogy, but this continuity or revival has generally been located in genre, intertextuality, and theories of the nation. Here, the author focuses instead on the tool kit of representation, and surrogacy in particular, arguing that the Soviet multinational literary system was a crucible that transformed the representational resources of Romanticism for the postcolonial age. The author's account draws on the distinctively neo-Romantic approaches to representation proposed by Lukacs and Ankersmit to consider the Soviet reception and translation of the major national poets Robert Burns, Victor Hugo, and Taras Shevchenko. It also follows the Soviet Eastern (Kyrgyz, Tajik, and Iranian émigré) writer-functionaries who translated the Romantics through their own acts of surrogate representation in the Third World. The result is an account of how the Soviet Union, simultaneously anti-colonial and semicolonial, bridged the transition from the Romantic figure of the national poet to the postcolonial figure of the literary representative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a list of contributors to the journal Diplomatic History. The contributors are scholars and professors from various universities around the world, including the United States, Brazil, Canada, Germany, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Their areas of expertise cover a wide range of topics, such as environmental history, Cold War relations, World War II, international relations, gender and women's history, and the history of specific countries like Russia, Vietnam, and Iran. The document includes information about their academic positions, publications, and current research projects. [Extracted from the article]

As highlighted in the recent controversies over European immigrants and the refugee 'crisis' that culminated in Brexit, Labour's struggle in balancing its internationalist principles with policy administration has been a constant theme in the party's immigration and refugee policy. This article situates the Labour Party's discussion on the 1919 Aliens Act in the context of post-war internationalism, and contends that the change in focus from pre-war advocacy of the British liberal tradition to internationalist concerns reflected both the socialist proclamation of the Labour Party and the liberal internationalism of the time. The 1919 Aliens Act was deemed an example of selfish nationalism likely to undermine international peace and workers' solidarity. At the same time, however, Labour also sought to shake off the suspicion that advocacy of free immigration could pose – that the party prioritized foreigners over Britons – by reconciling internationalism with patriotism. Insisting that true internationalism be built upon love of one's home country, Labour politicians did not give up their patriotic and national claims, and accepted that a state could restrict the inflow of foreigners in times of national difficulty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reconsiders contemporary internationalist experiences in relation to the multiple temporalities that characterized key cycles of struggles in the 2010s. Although these cycles are heterogeneous in social and political composition, they have resulted in significant synchronizations. The article's specificity lies in linking a reinterpretation of internationalism to an examination of the role that multitemporalities play both in longue durée capital development and in the various phases that characterized the post-2008 world. The series of crises that have marked the past decade have in fact led to contradictory outcomes, on the one hand opening the door to the rise of post-fascist forces, while on the other hand triggering unusual and powerful struggles. These outcomes have contradictory political orientations but are united by the fact they all have temporalities that are discordant with those initially imposed by capitalist processes. With regard to social movements, the article shows how the diversity of the geographies, practices, and claims animating them can be understood as unfolding "within and against" the post-2008 global scenario. It illustrates how contemporary social movements exhibit complex and contradictory rhythms and temporalities, arguing that the tuning between these multitemporalities is vital for rethinking the renewal of internationalism today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour is both a nationalist and internationalist party, which seeks to draw on the power of the state to coordinate economic and social life within the UK, while extending collective action and solidarity beyond Britain's borders. Internationalism is often seen as a principle in tension with national sovereignty. This article argues that the square can be circled with recognition that the national state remains - as it has been since the late 1940s - the basic unit of international society. In a world of turbulence, a progressive state should want what it pursues for itself for other societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Up to 120 thousand Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh were forced to flee their homes in September 2023 after Azerbaijan launched an all-out offensive against the separatist region and resolved the decades long conflict through military force. Prospects for the refugees' repatriation under safety guarantees are faint since the Russian peacekeeping mission and the Joint Russian-Turkish Monitoring Center was shut down. The violent conflict resolution and the plight of the refugees might be viewed as symptoms of a global phenomenon, the crisis of multilateralism and international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the history of the Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA), the organization that in the late 1960s originated a new identity, "Asian American," and a new social movement, "the Asian American Movement" (AAM). Despite its significance, the scholarly coverage of AAPA has been rather cursory. This essay presents the most extensively researched study of AAPA and is the first published article based on AAPA's papers at UC Berkeley, the newly released FBI files on AAPA, and extended interviews. It develops the concept of "Political Asian America" that, as constituted by AAPA, embraces ideas that are at once pan-Asian and Third Worldist, local and global, and antiracist and anti-imperialist. The article examines AAPA's politics and practices through (1) developing the concept of Political Asian America; (2) examining AAPA's intertwined goals of Asian American liberation and Third World radicalism, while raising complex questions about the tensions in coalitional work when Asians and Blacks are racialized differently; and (3) studying AAPA's internationalist politics that pivoted away from a domestic analysis of race alone. In addition, the secondary aim of the article explores a brief history of the growth of AAPA chapters to show AAPA infused themes of Political Asian America into the nationwide AAM. While short-lived, AAPA's politics continued to influence Asian American activism to the present through the ongoing organizing of its former members and its ideas that traveled across time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the response of Gladstonian ethical Liberals to Britain's relationship with empire from 1895-1906. It discusses the tensions between Liberal internationalism and imperialism and how progressive Liberals understood these concepts during a time of party divisions. The article focuses on the impact of divisions over imperialism on the positions of ethical progressive Liberals and their efforts to articulate a revamped Liberalism that combined liberal morality, politics, and social principles. It also discusses the influence of humanitarian crises on their understanding of British imperial policy and their efforts to reconcile humanitarianism with imperialism. The text provides insight into the complex relationship between liberalism and imperialism during this period. [Extracted from the article]

This paper provides a historical analysis of the peak and demise of the international view on cultural heritage. In the 1980s, cultural internationalism emerged as a conservative reaction against the adoption of the 1970 UNESCO Convention, which organises the restitution and return of stolen cultural properties. Internationalist and cosmopolitan scholars who have claimed that cultural heritage 'belongs to humanity', generally condemned restitution, and pushed back against the ratification of the Convention. The international view on cultural property became traditionally dominant in milieus such as universal museums, antiquity markets and some academic disciplines. However, over the past half-decade, the growing importance of research on provenance has challenged cultural internationalism in two areas. Firstly, research on provenance focused on art and archaeological crime has shown that artefacts allegedly excavated in the past are often the proceeds of recent looting, especially in conflict zones. Secondly, recent studies on historical provenance have revealed that many objects were collected using colonial violence. As a result, developments in criminology, postcolonial history, and indigenous peoples' rights have generally led to the retreat of cosmopolitan narratives on cultural property. Ultimately, this paper highlights that cosmopolitanism in cultural heritage has historically hinged on the imperialist past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways in which the Afro-Uruguayan press forged an internationalist agenda between the 1920s and the 1940s, the most active and radical period in the history of the Afro-Uruguayan movement. While previous scholarship has focused on the literary exchanges and political causes that created networks of Black internationalism, this article proposes that the world of mass entertainment played a key role in shaping a sense of belonging to the larger African diaspora. By focusing on La Vanguardia (1928–1929) and Nuestra Raza (1933–1948), the essay examines how Afro-Uruguayan intellectuals negotiated their symbolic relationship with the African diaspora and disputed the meaning of Blackness through their relationship with new forms of urban entertainment that arose during the first half of the century – the performing arts, cinema, illustrated press, and sports. Thus, the article proposes that the Afro-Uruguayan press harnessed the allure of the emergent entertainment culture to situate Blackness at the core of modernity, challenging the historical place that the Uruguayan state offered to its Black population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article follows the transnational career of Suzanne Labin, a French socialist and anti-communist professional, in order to analyse the roles and agencies of individuals while the global connectivity of anti-communist actors was growing during the 'long 1960s' (approximately 1955–1980). Retrospective analysis, as well as accounts from contemporaries, describes this period as a time of multi-polarisation and globalisation. I will chart Labin's path from anti-Stalinist circles in France to conservative circles in the US, to finally becoming the first and only female permanent member of the global anti-communist umbrella organisation, the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), chairing its French chapter in 1972. An analysis of Labin's seemingly ambiguous alliances as a socialist with anti-communist and right-wing organisations will shed light on the particularities of international anti-communism during the 'long 1960s' on three levels. First, it will show the dynamics between anti-communist networks and actors on national, transatlantic and global levels, especially their contact points. Second, it will underline the diversity of anti-communism and its capacity to integrate several (even contradictory) ideologemes. Third, by following Labin's global anti-communist engagement within the WACL and her cosmopolitan lifestyle, this article will argue that anti-communist actors were actively involved in the process of globalisation during the 'long 1960s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized in the spring of 1971 to denounce American intervention in Vietnam, the Indochinese conferences constitute one of the most important attempts at feminist coalitions of the time. The event embodies the project of building a global sorority. Although abundantly criticized in historiography, this ideal is rarely analyzed in all its ambiguity: this article therefore proposes to historicize sorority and highlight the complexity of its political uses. While recognizing the importance of the conflicts surrounding this project, we wish to understand why, despite everything, it emerged as a frame of reference shared by such a wide diversity of activists at the beginning of the 1970s.This rereading of the Indochinese conferences makes it possible to propose a more flexible definition of global sorority: the speeches on the question reflect the tensions of a movement driven by the urgency of articulating the different subjectivities of women in order to organize a massive and effective opposition to the Vietnam War. Sorority thus serves as a unifying frame of reference that is sufficiently malleable to allow various conceptions of feminism to coexist and collide. It thus makes it possible to mark out a terrain from which a pluralist and debated feminist solidarity can develop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thematic issue addresses nature and society as categories of analysis in Portuguese and Spanish textbooks. It starts from the premise that the natural and social sciences both provide a valuable and relevant basis with which to understand the world. Nature is examined from a sociopolitical and environmental perspective in the context of the international new paradigms and political discourses of the 1970s and 1980s concerning environmental conservation. Despite their different but parallel political trajectories during their transitions and democratic consolidations—Spain and Portugal evolved without mutual influence—they were exposed to the same international impact. Although the complex domestic affairs and reforms in these countries were conditioned by new environmental and feminist trends and movements, the reception of these phenomena in society and politics was not reflected in the latter's textbooks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the role of national spaces in the creation of interwar-era internationalism. Specifically, it explores how the future editor of Foreign Affairs magazine, the mouthpiece of what would become the American Foreign Relations Establishment, found his way to internationalism not in the corridors of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference, but rather through treading through the corners of the newly made Yugoslavia. During the 1920s and 1930s, internationally minded thinkers from across the political spectrum shared at least one commonality: they rooted their dreams for an international world in particular, and expressly national, spaces. This article explores how and why international thinkers became invested in foreign national movements during the interwar, suggesting that to some, these new states both represented and contributed to an idealized vision of an international world that could promote unity while protecting particularities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reconstructs the material history of a set of Super 8 films clandestinely shot in the Lecumberri prison of Mexico City in 1970, and eventually used for two films produced in France: 2 de octubre, aquí México (Menéndez 1971) and Histoire d'un document (Menéndez 1971). The article first addresses the production of these materials in the broader context of the 1968 Mexican student movement, and considers the impact of the Super 8 format for guerrilla filmmaking and Third Cinema. Secondly, it discusses the aesthetic, political and historical implications of Menéndez's agreement with the Office de Radiodiffusion-Télévision Française (French Public Office of Radio and Television) (ORTF), and the differences between the two films. Finally, the article attends to his short stay in Italy during the winter of 1972 to explore the tensions, imbalances and asymmetries that traversed transnational exhibition and production networks of solidarity between Europe and Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950s, a commitment to democratic socialism connected networks of intellectuals, activists and political operators in both Europe and Asia. Many of these were women, who built informal and intimate networks of solidarity that underpinned the movement. The rich set of correspondence between European and Asian socialist women speaks to their role as connectors of global and local civil society within international socialist circuits. It also indicates the importance of friendship, mobility and hospitality as a crucial factor in sustaining such networks, as well as building the trust that facilitated the exchange of subversive information. While Asia was seen as the great hope of international socialism in the 1950s, by the middle of the 1960s, many of its socialist parties had imploded, pointing to the limits of international socialism for Asian women amidst global anti-communism and the rise of authoritarian states. Transnational socialist networks nonetheless helped further both European and Asian women's campaigns for gender equality, development and democratic socialism in decolonizing Asia, adding vital new dimensions to the history of internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the links among internationalism, nationalism and racial discourses in post-Habsburg Central Europe. Focusing on Czech advocates of racial anthropology and eugenics, the paper documents that scientists embracing racial discourses did not evade scientific internationalism, either as an ideology or as a practice. Instead, in attempting to renew and expand their networks after the collapse of the empire, they were among its pioneers in interwar Czechoslovakia. This keen yet ambiguous embrace of internationalism that linked them to their counterparts in the Allied powers in the 1920s was reconfigured in the following decade. The 1930s were characterized by a search for alternative transnational models driven by political and epistemic challenges associated with the process of state-building and changing theories of heredity. This search resulted in interactions involving even Europe's colonies and dictatorships and became a significant, though not the only, factor contributing to the radicalization of these scientific communities. Analysing these exchanges as a manifestation of the 'dark side of transnationalism', the paper argues for the utility of this concept for the history of post-Habsburg Central Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1895 and 1916, a Conference on International Arbitration met annually at Lake Mohonk, New York, seeking to implement arbitration as a substitute for war. This article considers the aims, effects, and limitations of these conferences, including the problematic assumptions underpinning their apparent progressivism. The belief that an enlightened public opinion would play a decisive role in advancing arbitration will be interrogated, as will the conviction that the Mohonk group provided a mouthpiece for an emergent "international mind." The article shows how these conferences evoked a "global" public opinion that was simultaneously (and paradoxically) expansive, exclusionary, forcible, and manipulable. It reveals too how American conceptions of internationalism took shape, anticipating aspects of Wilsonianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Isaiah Berlin is a classic name in political theory, but does he have anything to teach us about international relations? In the Cold War he was a realist disciple of the containment doctrine, indeed a more hawkish container than his friend George Kennan, at least until he saw what was happening in Vietnam. In the aftermath of the Cold War, confronted with an outburst of resurgent nationalism, he seemed more like a utopian idealist, dreaming with Herder of a world of cultural harmony. But that dream is undermined by his own value pluralism, which points towards something more rigorous and interesting, a case for liberal internationalism in tension with its realist rival. From a value-pluralist point of view, realism tends towards moral monism, and liberal internationalism is normatively the more balanced view. However, liberals should still take seriously the central realist insight that security is an especially important value in the anarchic international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including Anthropology, Pluralism, History, Transnationalism, Multifocality, Identity, Center/periphery, Antisemitism, Strategies, Research and other relevant topics.

Copyright of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educación is the property of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 1930s, the Iron Foundry , a short orchestral piece by the Soviet composer Aleksandr Mosolov, became hugely popular with audiences across Europe, North America, and beyond. Reassembling the fragmented archives of its performance and reception histories, this article sets out to follow the work on the circuitous routes that ensued. Addressing issues including programmaticism, the reception of Soviet music, and the history of comedy, I show how Mosolov's composition became a lightning rod for larger debates about concert music's relationships with modernity, politics, and mass entertainment. The case of the Iron Foundry , I suggest, illustrates how the pleasures of machine aesthetics – and, more specifically, a stylized idiom of mechanized gesture distinctive to the period – became widely assimilated into what we might call the vernacular internationalism of the interwar middle classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a review of the book "Liberators of a Great Nation. Greek Revolution, Philhellenism, and Liberal Internationalism in Spain (1821-1822)" written by Eva Latorre Broto. The book offers a fresh perspective on the Greek independence movement and the agents who worked for and against it at a European level. The author delves into the political and diplomatic games of the Liberal International, an informal organization composed of transnational liberals, and their collaboration with liberal regimes in Southern Europe. The book stands out for its excellent use of primary sources and its contribution to the Spanish historiographical corpus on the Greek question. [Extracted from the article]

"Esperanto and Languages of Internationalism in Revolutionary Russia" by Brigid O'Keeffe is a comprehensive study that challenges the perception of constructed languages like Esperanto as mere hobbies or grandiose schemes. The book explores the history of Esperantism in Russia, from its origins in Zamenhof's early life and Jewish heritage to its fate under Stalin. O'Keeffe argues that Esperanto was seen by early Soviet Esperantists as a means of communication across the diverse peoples of the Russian Empire and as a tool for international socialism. However, the language ultimately faced opposition and persecution under Stalinism, leading to its decline. This book provides valuable insights into the ideas surrounding globalization in the early 20th century and offers a detailed analysis of Esperantism in Revolutionary Russia. [Extracted from the article]

"Fear of a Black Republic: Haiti and the Birth of Black Internationalism in the United States" by Leslie M. Alexander explores the history of Haiti and its impact on the development of Black internationalism in the United States. The book highlights Haiti's struggle to preserve its sovereignty, including the financial burden imposed by France and the intervention and exploitation by colonial powers. The United States played a significant role in this history, from its initial refusal to recognize Haiti as a sovereign nation to its military occupation and interference in Haitian elections. The book argues that Haiti served as a model republic and a potential home for Black Americans, inspiring their freedom struggle and the movement for Black American emigration to Haiti. The defense of Haitian sovereignty became intertwined with the Black freedom struggle in the United States, and the book emphasizes the ongoing responsibility to defend Haiti's sovereignty. [Extracted from the article]

The article offers information on Gayatri Gopinath's celebration of Manijeh Moradian's book This Flame Within: Iranian Revolutionaries in the United States, highlighting its contribution to reperiodizing the Iranian diaspora and understanding of Third World internationalism. Topics include the book's archival excavation of Iranian leftist student organizing history in the United States pre-1979, its interviews with Iranian Students Association members, and its insights into gender discourses.

The Monroe Doctrine occupies a unique place in the US history. It became one of the key foreign policy documents of its time and provided the basis for a wide variety of interpretations of the United States’ role and goals in the international arena at turning points of world history. One of these moments was the turn of the 1910s−1920s, when a new Versailles-Washington order of international relations was emerging. In the US public discourse, this period was marked by intense debates between supporters of the Democratic President V. Wilson and his isolationist opponents. Both Republicans and Democrats constantly referred to the Monroe Doctrine, on the one hand, to justify their own views on US foreign policy in the new conditions, and, on the other hand, to refute the arguments of their political opponents. The controversy surrounding the Monroe Doctrine has been reflected in publications in periodicals and analytical journals, as well as in cartoons. Studying these materials, it is possible to trace the evolution of the approaches of American politicians, experts, editors, and journalists to the Monroe Doctrine. The arguments of the Republicans against the ‘internationalist’ interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine that emerged in the face of the changing global context after the First World War are of particular interest. The study shows that at the initial stage of discussions (1920), the Monroe Doctrine was used by the Republicans primarily to criticize W. Wilson’s concept of international relations in general and his position on the League of Nations in particular. At the next stage (1921−1923), the debate focused around the need to revise the Monroe Doctrine itself, that aroused due to new trends in the development of international relations in the Far East and, in particular, because of the increasing competition between the United States and Japan. The author identifies several main approaches to the interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine formulated during the public debate in 1921−1923. It is shown that, despite significant divergences of view, both isolationists and internationalists eventually came to broader interpretations of the Monroe Doctrine, recognizing the need to extend its principles to the entire Asia-Pacific region.

Resumen El surrealismo fue uno de los movimientos artísticos más relevantes del siglo XX, sus propuestas sobre el automatismo, los sueños y la irracionalidad como principios creativos, fueron atractivos y polémicos para los círculos intelectuales y de artistas, alcanzando incluso la esfera de lo político debido a su simpatía con los postulados marxistas y de revolución social que pregonaban. El activismo realizado por los surrealistas en medios impresos y en particular el que hizo su líder André Breton, logró una rápida expansión por distintos países, llegando noticias de este movimiento a México aproximadamente en el año de 1925. En el principio se pensó que era una más de las vanguardias en boga de aquella época, pero con el tiempo se convirtió en un referente de innovación para aquellos que deseaban incursionar en las artes plásticas. Su desarrollo se dio en el marco de una serie de paradojas, de ahí, que el objetivo del presente artículo fue el de analizar de manera sucinta el recorrido histórico del surrealismo en sus comienzos en México, y las contradicciones que surgieron en su seno, en el periodo de los años veinte y treinta, para ello este trabajo tuvo un enfoque cualitativo, utilizando de base para su método de estudio el recurrir a fuentes primarias de información hemerográfica e investigación documental de textos especializados con el correspondiente tratamiento hermenéutico. Se concluyó que sí bien el país fue declarado un lugar por excelencia surrealista, en sus primeros pasos se aproxima al primitivismo como una forma de expresión que intenta alejarse del modernismo. Abstract Surrealism was one of the most relevant artistic movements of the 20th century, its proposals on automatism, dreams, and irrationality as creative principles, were attractive and controversial for intellectual and artist circles, even reaching the political sphere due to their sympathy with the Marxist postulates and the social revolution that they proclaimed. The activism carried out by the surrealists in the printed media, and that carried out by their leader André Breton, achieved rapid expansion in different countries, with news of this movement reaching Mexico approximately in the year 1925. At first it was thought to be a more of the avant-garde in vogue at that time, but over time it became a benchmark for innovation for those who wanted to venture into the plastic arts. Its development occurred within the framework of a series of paradoxes, hence the objective of this article was to briefly analyze the historical journey of surrealism in its beginnings in Mexico, and the contradictions that arose within it, in the period of the twenties and thirties, for this purpose this work had a qualitative approach, using as a basis for its study method the recourse to primary sources of hemerographic information and documentary research of specialized texts with the corresponding hermeneutical treatment. It was concluded that although the country was declared a surreal place par excellence, in its first steps it approaches primitivism as a form of expression that tries to move away from modernism.

Increasingly, sport has become an important lens through which to examine the historical influences of, and issues related to, transnational interactions and exchanges, yet the term "transnational" remains beset with disagreement regarding its precise meaning and definition. Commonly, transnational approaches to the historical study of sport provide opportunities to reach beyond "the nation," whereby the nation–state is not positioned, necessarily, as the central category of analysis in discussions of cultural exchange between or across nations and borders. In such analyses, nonstate actors—essentially, those working outside of government influence—can move from the periphery to the center of focus. Challenging the dominant narrative of much historical research into globalization in sport that has tended to dwell on the negative, transnational approaches, as evidenced in this collection, offer new opportunities to consider positive, progressive, and co-operative aspects inherent to the connections and exchanges examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1963, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) published the first volume of its long-awaited cultural and scientific history of mankind. First announced in 1948, the History of Mankind was envisioned as a comprehensive, universal human history, from the evolution of Homo sapiens to the middle of the twentieth century. This article uses editorial conflicts over the site of the cradle of the human species to explore the position of scientific knowledge in world history writing and to examine tensions between different national traditions of expertise at a moment of political and scientific transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept-rich international legal space has expanded in the past few years by incorporating the notion that there is a distinct form of international law possessing authoritarian traits. This notion stands in contrast with the time-honored mainstream variant which is assumed to have liberal-democratic roots and dispositions. A product of the current decade, authoritarian international law has nevertheless left a palpable mark on international legal theory and is believed to have materially reshaped the international legal landscape. The primary aim of this Article is to summarize the achievements made in analyzing the dimensions of this new concept and its considerable practical implications, with a view to suggesting some additional lines of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]