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The number of women in the Chinese National People's Congress exaggerates the impact of women on Chinese politics. Even though women make up 21% of the Congressional deputies, that are usually in positions subservient to men and are put in charge of issues considered to be less important. The nature of state-derived feminism is examined.

The significance of the Fourth World Conference on Women for women's organizations such as the All-China Women's Federation (ACWF) and gender issues in China was studied. Its catalytic effect on the development of non-governmental women's organizations was also explored. The conference created positive changes within the ACWF as, it unified many independent women's group and contributed to the development of gender policy and research.

The process of economic reform introduced under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping in 1978 has not only restructured society but also reconstituted gender relations. For women the consequences have been ambiguous. On the one hand, the introduction of market forces has opened up new opportunities in the economic, social and cultural spheres, but on the other hand it has reinforced old patterns of gender subordination and created new forms of oppression. It is within this context of rapid socioeconomic transformation that the All-China Women's Federation faces a severe challenge. This article explores the attempts of the All-China Women's Federation to refashion itself in the face of a rapidly changing society. Given that the UN Fourth World Conference on Women took place in 1995 in Beijing, it is an apt moment to reflect both upon the future prospects of this organization and the respective roles of state and civil society organizations in addressing gender issues. With the rise of new women's organizations over the last decade and particularly in the run-up to the World Conference, the All-China Women's Federation is desperately trying to find a new identity. In doing so it has to address the acute dilemma of how best to reconcile the often competing and conflictual interests of its members and the Chinese Communist Party.

With the liberalisation of the economy and the influx of foreign capital into China, new social organisations have emerged which mediate between the state and society. Howell argues that although these organisations harbour elements of a civil society, they have a complex relationship with the Party/state, casting doubt upon their credentials as organs of civil society. They are best understood in the dual context of state transformation and socio-economic transition.

How non-governmental organisations (NGOs) craft accountability and legitimacy in authoritarian states is poorly understood. We put forward a framework of analysis for capturing the processes of making accountability and legitimacy. We introduce the ideas of first- and second-order accountability and stocks of accountability capital. In authoritarian regimes, building second-order accountability through the accumulation of stocks of accountability is crucial for NGOs' survival and organisational development and as a path towards gaining first-order accountability. Drawing on a decade of fieldwork on child welfare NGOs in China from 2007 to 2017, we select three case studies with long operational trajectories to illustrate processes of crafting legitimacy and accountability. The research contributes empirically and theoretically to the understanding of accountability in NGOs in authoritarian states through the novel analytic framework and case study of China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hu–Wen era has been characterized as a "lost decade" for economic and political reform, but a "golden era" in terms of economic growth and political stability. Yet, relatively little attention has been paid to the social policies introduced during Hu and Wen's decade in power. These important policies, however, abolished agricultural taxes, extended health insurance, pensions and income support to almost all rural as well as urban residents, and built a civic welfare infrastructure to address migrants' grievances. These policies, some of which were developed under the preceding Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji leadership, were introduced for a complex mix of reasons. Their aim was not only to reduce inequalities but also to stimulate domestic consumption and sustain economic growth, offset the effects of China's entry to the WTO and the global recession of 2008, and maintain social stability. They were the product of domestic bureaucratic politics and experimentation. They were also strongly influenced by China's integration into the international economy, as well as by international governmental and non-governmental organizations and the ideas they introduced into China's domestic policy networks. Although Hu–Wen era social policy reforms had only limited effects on reducing income inequality and involved complex politics, they did establish for the first time entitlements to social security and safety nets for all China's population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2015 rights-based NGOs, lawyers, feminists and journalists have endured the most stringent crackdown since 1989. Simultaneously the Xi Li administration has pushed forward a series of laws, policies and regulatory changes to enable service-oriented NGOs to apply for government contracts to provide welfare services. This seemingly Janus-like policy of welfarist incorporation can be traced back to the Hu–Wen period, often described as a lacklustre period, despite significant efforts to tackle issues of poverty and inequality. This article argues for a more balanced appraisal of this period by exploring in depth the complex politics underpinning efforts to pluralize welfare provision by involving service-oriented NGOs. It explores three sets of politics influencing this policy process: inter-institutional politics; state/non-state actor politics; and domestic/external politics. Furthermore, it considers processes of gradual institutional change adopted by key political actors to achieve these ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]