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This article explores the role of politics for member states’ absorption problems of European Union (EU) funds. Existing research relies solely on the influence of administrative capacities, but more recent evidence points at the additional relevance of politics as the party politicization of the implementation process. Drawing on this evidence, I argue that parties alternating in control of EU funds change implementation priorities and even management staff according to their preferences. These changes interrupt implementation, weaken capacities, and thereby also contribute to absorption problems. The argument is tested in a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis of 17 operational programmes building large infrastructure in the new member states of the EU. The results strongly support a role of frequent party alternation and low capacities leading in conjunction to absorption problems. Low capacities are found to be an important, but crucially not a sufficient condition for absorption problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of the Prespa Agreement was the successful endpoint in the process of solving a decades-old dispute between Greece and North Macedonia on the latter's official name. Greece had long shown an uncompromising stance on its neighbour using the same name as its northernmost province. As a result Athens blocked the country's accession to EU and NATO. In North Macedonia, a decade of democratic backsliding and nationalist rhetoric and policies under consecutive Gruevski cabinets left no perspective for a solution of the dispute. However, as the 2015-2017 crisis in North Macedonia set the low-point in this development, the change of government in Skopje finally offered a fresh start to address the issue. The article gives an overview of the process towards the Prespa Agreement's negotiation and implementation. It also offers an outlook on the possible developments after North Macedonia appears to be back on track in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration. Overall, there are many reasons to be optimistic about the current developments. But several problems inside and challenges outside of North Macedonia remain that can make the next steps more difficult [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macedonia was for more than two years shaken by a deep political crisis that started in the realm of a massive wiretapping scandal revealed in 2015. This crisis finally came to an end when an opposition-led government took power on 31 May 2017. After months of obstruction by the long-term ruling party VMRO-DPMNE and its allies, the centre-left SDSM formed a coalition with three ethnic-Albanian parties and Zoran Zaev was appointed the new Prime Minister. The article takes a closer look at how the crisis took a turn for the better and how the difficult situation after the snap elections of 11 December 2016 was resolved. It then takes stock of the development of domestic and international politics under the new government, as well as the progress of promised reforms. Overall, the government has achieved its intermediate goal and received a recommendation from the European Commission for the start of EU accession negotiations. This recommendation rewarded the ending of state capture, the increase in media freedom, and the inception of important reforms. Still, much remains to be done and most measures still have to reach the decisive stages of legislation and implementation. Progress in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration could help the new government to achieve its agenda while remaining popular with the electorate. This progress, however, is based on a resolution of the name dispute with Greece. Domestic change in Macedonia, it seems, hinges on the willingness at the domestic and international levels to make such change happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macedonia held early parliamentary elections on 11 December 2016. They were part of the EU mediated process to resolve the country's ongoing political crisis. The poll led to a narrow majority for the former ruling coalition of VMRO-DPMNE and DUI, but also substantial gains for the opposition SDSM. Even though DUI has governed with VMRO-DPMNE for many years, it has not ruled out a potential change of coalition partner. Still, irrespective of the party's decision and the outcome of negotiations, it seems unlikely that either of the possible coalitions will result in a stable government, needed to initiate an important step towards crisis resolution. The article argues that both constellations are based on very tight majorities and face foreseeable internal frictions as well as external pressure that would soon put the partnership to a hard political test. The outcome of post-electoral negotiations might thus well be another early parliamentary election, potentially in May 2017 together with the local elections. It remains an open question, however, if such a re-run would lead to a different result and enhance the changes for a continuation of the reform process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report on transferring 10^-16-level fractional frequency stability of a “master laser” operated at 1.5 \mu\m to a “slave laser” operated at 698 nm, using a femtosecond fiber comb as transfer oscillator. With the 698-nm laser, the ^1\S0 - {}^{3}\P0 clock transition of ^87\Sr was resolved with a Fourier-limited linewidth of 1.5 Hz (before: 10 Hz). Potential noise sources contributed by the frequency comb are discussed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The collapse of the Communist Party in Moldova in 2009 went hand in hand with high hopes for changes in the country. However, the new governments continued failure to elect a president has instead aroused memories of the 1990s. At that time, the country fell apart both politically and economically: A process that was only halted when the Communists came into power under Voronin. The paper analyses whether anything has changed in Moldova since the tumultuous events of 2009. It compares the former Communist government under Voronin with the current rule of the 'Alliance for European lntegration.' It argues that even though it was the Communist Party that brought Moldova onto a more ambitious path towards European integration, it was the Alliance that added a credible political component to this process. In some areas, reforms continued to progress only slowly. Still, the country has become politically more liberal while maintaining its good record in areas of technical cooperation. Overall, even if the government were to fall as a result of the presidential crisis, Moldova's current path towards European integration seems to be set. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have measured the absolute frequency of the optical lattice clock based on 87Sr at PTB with an uncertainty of 3.9 × 10−16 using two caesium fountain clocks. This is close to the accuracy of todayʼs best realizations of the SI second. The absolute frequency of the 5 s2 1S0 – 5s5p 3P0 transition in 87Sr is 429 228 004 229 873.13(17) Hz. Our result is in excellent agreement with recent measurements performed in different laboratories worldwide. We improved the total systematic uncertainty of our Sr frequency standard by a factor of five and reach 3 × 10−17, opening new prospects for frequency ratio measurements between optical clocks for fundamental research, geodesy or optical clock evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of direct distal selective nerve transfer close to the end organ with high radial nerve injury is restoration of the paretic function before irreversible atrophy of the target muscle. Simultaneous tendon transfer enables direct functional correction of wrist drop., Indications: Selective nerve and tendon transfer of the lower arm is indicated if a) the primary nerve lesion is located proximally distant and reinnervation by direct nerve repair would take too long to reach a paretic muscle because of the long distance involved, b) direct repair of the nerve lesion is impossible or c) there has been a substantial delay after the primary injury. A viable donor nerve must be available., Contraindications: A) After final denervation of a muscle, which occurs approximately 1.5 years after a nerve injury, the atrophy is irreversible and a nerve transfer can no longer restore the paretic muscle. Only younger patients under 30 years old might benefit from delayed nerve transfer. B) When no sufficient donor nerve is available only tendon transfer is possible., Surgical Technique: Direct nerve transfer from the median nerve to the radial nerve as well as direct functional correction of wrist drop by tendon transfer of the pronator teres muscle., Postoperative Management: Immobilization of the arm for 3 days, wrist orthosis for 6 weeks for protection of the tendon transfer, ergotherapy and physiotherapy preferably by a hand therapist., Results: Active wrist and finger extension 2 years after transfer, with individualized extension of the thumb and index finger is possible, wrist drop reversed., (© 2021. Springer Medizin Verlag GmbH, ein Teil von Springer Nature.)