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Arms-exporting countries – even those that are liberal democracies – sell weapons to governments that violate human rights. Does the public support the provision of weapons to human rights violators? We examine public attitudes on arms exports through a survey experiment in Israel – a major arms exporter that is often criticized for arming repressive governments. Our analysis finds that human rights violations substantially increase the public's opposition to the sale of arms – by 21 percentage points. Furthermore, opposition to the arms sale arises even when the recipient country carries economic or strategic importance. Overall, we find a public preference for arms exports constrained by ethical concerns – a preference that is often at odds with governments' export practice. This study enhances our understanding of the domestic politics of the arms trade, which has received little scholarly attention, but increases in importance with rising public scrutiny and criticism of arms sales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The burgeoning illegal trade in succulents in southern Africa presents a critical conservation and social development challenge. Drawing parallels with the trajectory of the response to rhinoceros poaching, we considered the consequences of conservation law enforcement measures, particularly the militarization of antipoaching efforts. The response to rhinoceros poaching not only resulted in so‐called green militarization, but also led to extrajudicial killings, human rights abuses, and the disproportionate targeting of low‐level poachers. The nature of wildlife trade prohibition is complex and often contested, and many actors operating in illegal wildlife trades dispute the label of illegal for socioeconomic, cultural, historical, or political reasons. This contestation is crucial when considering Indigenous cultural and medicinal values of succulents, with Indigenous Peoples and local communities questioning the criminalization of traditional plant harvesting practices. As the illegal trade in succulents continues to grow, it is imperative for conservationists to consider a nuanced approach. We call for a socioecological harm reduction approach that emphasizes community engagement, sustainable use, and codesigned interventions. Such an approach could help balance the scales of ecological conservation and human dignity in the face of growing wildlife trade challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Society & Social Work is the property of Journal of Society and Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Life Esidimeni tragedy stands as a critical case of healthcare governance failure in South Africa, resulting in the deaths of 141 mental healthcare patients and the severe mistreatment of over 1,400 others. In 2015, the Gauteng Department of Health (GDOH) terminated its contract with Life Esidimeni, a specialized psychiatric facility, as part of a cost-driven deinstitutionalization policy. Patients were rapidly transferred to unlicensed non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that lacked the necessary resources and capacity, leading to widespread neglect, abuse, and preventable deaths. This study examines the governance breakdowns, ethical lapses, and decision-making failures that permitted this tragedy, drawing on government reports, judicial inquiries, and expert testimonies. The findings highlight the consequences of prioritizing cost-cutting over patient welfare and reveal significant gaps in oversight, accountability, and stakeholder engagement within the GDOH. By examining Life Esidimeni alongside global cases of mental healthcare reform, this study demonstrates the universal need for ethical governance structures, effective oversight mechanisms, and protections for the rights of vulnerable populations in healthcare settings. The discussion provides actionable recommendations for policymakers, advocating for regulatory frameworks that prioritize patient welfare, require rigorous oversight, and mandate inclusive decision-making processes. This analysis offers lessons for healthcare systems worldwide, urging reforms that place patient rights and ethical governance at the forefront to prevent similar crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Forced labour is one of the most exploitative practices in supply chains, generating serious human right abuses. The authors seek to understand how relationships for reducing forced labour are influenced by institutional logics. The emerging supply chain efforts of social enterprises offer particularly intriguing approaches, as their social mission can spur creative new approaches and reshape widely adopted management practices. Design/methodology/approach: The authors study supplier relationships in the smartphone industry and compare the evolving practices of two cases: the first, a growing novel social enterprise; and the second, a high-profile commercial firm that has adopted a progressive role in combating forced labour. Findings: The underlying institutional logic influenced each firm's willingness to act beyond its direct suppliers and to collaborate in flexible ways that create systematic change. Moreover, while both focal firms had clear, well-documented procedures related to forced labour, the integration, rather than decoupling, of forced labour and general supply chain policies provided a more effective way to reduce the risks of forced labour in social enterprises. Research limitations/implications: As authors' comparative case study approach may lack generalizability, future research is needed to broadly test their propositions. Practical implications: The paper identifies preconditions in terms of institutional logics to successfully reduce the risk of forced labour in supply chains. Originality/value: This paper discusses how social enterprises can provide a learning laboratory that enables commercial firms to identify options for supplier relationship improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a qualitative comparative analysis, we examine how Mexican and U.S. newspapers cover the massive arrival of Central Americans in 2014 and 2016. We find that the representation of these migrants in these two countries reflects the specific characteristics of each country's liberal media system model. In the U.S. coverage, characterized by a "Liberal" media system model that is relatively independent from government sources, the arrival of Central Americans is portrayed as a chaotic situation that overwhelmed border agencies and the immigration system. In doing so, it prevails a legacy discourse on the "illegality" of the phenomenon, highly characteristic of how U.S. media has historically depicted this population. In contrast, Mexican newspapers coverage is heavily influenced by official voices, depicting Central Americans as victims of human rights violations and as "in-transit" foreigners trying to reach the U.S. In this coverage, the government emerges as less accountable for the immigration crisis, reflecting its "Captured Liberal" media system model. By bringing together research in developed and developing nations, our comparative findings offer initial evidence about the influence of two media system models in shaping immigration news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence against women is a predominant, human rights violation, globally. Understood as any act of gender-based violence resulting in physical, sexual, or psychological harm or suffering to women, approximately 35% of women experience violence across the lifespan. While violence can be experienced at any age, women of reproductive age suffer the greatest prevalence, underscoring that for many women, experiencing violence or the health and social sequelae, which may follow violence, co-occurs with mothering. Mothering in the context of gender-based violence in Canada is complex and multifaceted. In this article, the interplay among gender-based violence and the childbearing stages of pregnancy, birth, and postpartum are explored using an intersectional lens, including consideration of social disparities and equity-deserving groups. Approaches to address gender-based violence among childbearing women, such as an ecological approach and trauma- and violence-informed care, are discussed as implications for further research and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political & International Approaches / Faṣlnāmah-i Rahyāft/hā-yi Siyāsī va Biyn/almilalī is the property of Shahid Beheshti University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sustainability incidents (e.g., human rights violations, pollution, bribery, etc.) in supply chains continue to manifest globally. Yet, evidence from practice shows such incidents tend to recur within the same supply chains despite stakeholder attention. We investigate the manifestations of supplier sustainability incidents (SSIs) and purchasing managers' reaction to them over time, looking for traces of the slippery slope effect. We also test whether moral disengagement and psychological distance can further impact decisions toward SSIs. Through a series of experiments on both social and environmental SSIs and a follow‐up qualitative study (683 participants in total), we find evidence for the impact of moral disengagement and psychological distance on purchasing managers' reaction to SSIs. However, results for the slippery slope effect were mixed. Our supplementary qualitative study found evidence for the slippery slope effect, as well as moral licensing/cleansing and moral psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines from the point of view of an intelligence practicioner the utility of the philosophical method that Professor Cecile Fabre has applied to intelligence ethics. Her emphasis on the duty that lies on governments to be sufficiently well informed about those who pose a real risk of serious violations of fundamental human rights is seen as a valuable addition to discourse on the ethics of intelligence activity. The just war tradition is put forward as an alternative framing of key ethical issues that can be translated into a practical code for intelligence officers that can be adapted to changing levels of threat in a way that is difficult to derive from a timeless philosophical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the competition between the US and China heats up in the realm of technology, the US media has been increasingly portraying it as a simplistic battle between democracy and authoritarianism. This article, however, argues that the reality is that people everywhere—including in China and the United States—are all living in an increasingly digital world where surveillance has become ubiquitous, and accountability for human rights abuses more challenging. It presents five solutions which the United States needs to take to address these challenges, and make for a more fair and equitable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For years, immigrants held at the Irwin County Detention Center (ICDC) in the U.S. state of Georgia, and the advocates with whom they shared their experiences, raised complaints about the abusive detention conditions they were subjected to at ICDC with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), and with LaSalle Corrections, the ICE-contracted private, for-profit prison corporation that owns and operates ICDC. Those complaints went largely unaddressed. For years, immigrants and advocates called upon members of Congress and the international human rights community to safeguard the fundamental human rights of persons detained by ICE at ICDC, and other detention centers in rural Georgia, most notably the Stewart Detention Center, owned and operated by the GEO Group, and recognized as one of the deadliest ICE detention centers in the country. Those calls also went largely unheeded. Then, in the fall of 2020, a group of women locked up by ICE at ICDC, bravely stepped forward--joined by a whistleblower-nurse who worked at ICDC--to file a public complaint with the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General addressing the ICE and LaSalle's grievous medical neglect and denial of basic hygienic protections in the face of the then deadly COVID pandemic, and retaliatory use of disciplinary procedures--including solitary confinement--taken against anyone who spoke up. The complaint also contained documented allegations of non-consensual, invasive gynecological procedures carried out by a doctor contracted by the detention center. Those documented allegations of medical abuse are what ultimately garnered national and international media attention, followed by Senate scrutiny, as well as attention from the international human rights community. The women at ICDC finally experienced a moment of validation: their fundamental human rights that had been so grievously violated were getting the recognition they had long been calling for. The Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs' Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations conducted an investigation culminating in a report and hearing that highlighted the failures of officials from LaSalle Corrections, as well as ICE, in the provision of medical care to women held in their custody--failures that directly resulted in women being subjected to non-consensual, contraindicated, and invasive gynecological procedures. The international human rights community issued communications expressing their grave concerns surrounding the documented allegations, noting the host of rights violations under international law. In the summer of 2021, at a hearing before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights "IACHR"), the women subjected to abuse at ICDC finally got their day of rights recognition. During that webcast hearing, members of the IACHR, representatives for the United States, and the public, heard the powerful and courageous testimony of Wendy Dowe, one of the women harmed by the documented medical neglect and abuse at ICDC. Members of the IACHR expressly recognized the experiences to which Ms. Dowe testified as torture, and noted the obligation of a state under whose authority torture is carried out to provide reparations. For its part, the U.S. Government, represented by the DHS Officer of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, publicly apologized to Ms. Dowe for the abuses she endured. The DHS Officer also took personal responsibility for following-up on the investigation and ensuring measures were in place so that the abuses Ms. Dowe and those detained alongside her suffered were not repeated. The IACHR's public hearing--together with the Communications from different United Nations human rights mechanisms--marked an important moment of rights recognition and an important moment of collaboration among the often-siloed rights-communities. But the women behind the ICDC complaint, and the thousands of other immigrants subjected to rights abuses at ICDC and Stewart, and in immigration detention sites across the country, have yet to receive redress or reparations for the right violations they suffered, and in the absence of accountability, rights violations persist. This Article tells the story of efforts to achieve rights recognition, accountability, and redress for individuals subjected to ICE detention, focusing on advocacy specific to rights abuses at ICDC and Stewart while placing that story in the national context of abusive systems of immigration detention across the United States. It shines a light on the opportunities for advancing rights recognition before the international human rights community, particularly the IACHR, the headquarters for which are housed in this country's capital, Washington, D.C. In noting the shortcomings and frustrations that come with international human rights advocacy, the Article makes the argument for continued engagement with international human rights mechanisms, and the norms they have established to protect and promote, and provides recommendations for moving from rights recognition to accountability, redress, and, ultimately, non-repetition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tries to develop a tenable philosophical idea of Ubuntu, that is, more specifically, a crystallized and sanitized African indigenous ethical perspective. Africa as an idea seems to be a “contested” concept in this contemporary post-colonial era due to the influx of different nuances, races, values, and beliefs that are in contention. Should this be a source of worry? So far, Ubuntu theory and practice in Africa seem to have become emotive, politicized, and not inclusive enough due to grandstanding about ownership, poor conceptual and theoretical articulation, as well as antagonism from other related foreign dominant worldviews that wish to become the development paradigm for most African social and political systems. This raises relational and dialogical issues about meaning from an African viewpoint. The search for an African endogenous paradigm for development is urgent given the real consequences of a (neo)colonial tendency that has threatened and disadvantaged the development of most countries due to its dominant paradigms of alienation, exploitation, and marginalization. These values have altered or affected African behaviour and thinking. This transformation of the African personality raises issues about agency. The underlying values of a development paradigm or philosophy of development for Africa require an ethical basis for human existence in political and social order. Generally, social order in most parts of Africa is beset by the problem of a negative dominant social paradigm (DSP) or core social values of hatred, intolerance, the abuse of human rights, dehumanization, exploitation, authoritarianism, poverty, and oppression. This often leads to tension, violent conflicts, and wars. So to build a viable and stable endogenous paradigm for development in most African sociopolitical environments, we attempt to use the main pillar of interconnectedness among human beings, which is central to Ubuntu as a humane and humanistic social system, to underscore some key moral and democratic values required for human liberation and transformation. The research question is: What concrete elements or values of Ubuntu can be useful as paradigms of endogenous African development? Specifically, our findings suggest that Ubuntu ethics is defined by a set of human values central among which are reciprocity, the common good, peaceful relations, an emphasis on human dignity and the value of human life, as well as consensus, tolerance, and mutual respect. Thus, the paper argues for the possibility of utilizing Ubuntu ethical correlates as materials for establishing stable and viable development worldwide and specifically in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Australia ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (the Convention) in 1990, all children within its borders became entitled to the protection of the rights set out in the Convention. Children, thus, became rights holders. More than just human rights holders, they became children's rights holders. The Convention is the first international instrument to address the protection of children from violence directly. Corporal punishment (CP) is increasingly recognised internationally as physical abuse and a violation of children's rights. However, CP in the home is still legal in all Australian jurisdictions even though it violates several of the rights protected by the Convention. This contribution will examine Articles 2, 3(1), 5, 16, 19(1), 24(3) and 37(a) of the Convention to outline how parental CP undermines the legally binding obligations of the Convention by violating the rights espoused by these provisions. This article then calls for CP to be outlawed by all state and territory governments to adhere to the aim of the Convention that because of children's unique vulnerabilities, all their rights need to be protected, respected and promoted by those who ratified the Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the application of the concepts of "unwilling" and "unable" in understanding gross human rights violations in Indonesia. The purpose is to delineate the nuanced dynamics behind such atrocities, exploring whether violations stem from the government's unwillingness or inability to protect human rights. Employing a qualitative research approach, data was collected through document analysis, interviews, and case studies. The findings suggest that gross human rights violations in Indonesia often result from a combination of both factors: state actors may be unwilling to uphold human rights due to political agendas or systemic corruption, while systemic weaknesses and resource constraints render them unable to effectively prevent or address violations. The study underscores the importance of addressing both dimensions to effectively tackle human rights abuses, advocating for institutional reforms, accountability mechanisms, and international pressure to compel the Indonesian government to fulfill its obligations to protect human rights. In conclusion, understanding the interplay between unwillingness and inability is crucial for devising comprehensive strategies to combat gross human rights violations in Indonesia and similar contexts worldwide, emphasizing the imperative of fostering a culture of respect for human dignity and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental emergencies are increasingly the subject of debate. As defined in this article, these emergencies start on a State's territory but can have consequences beyond its borders. The interconnectedness of the environment and the growing concern about environmental threats lead to the question of whether third States might have a legal interest in some of these environmental emergencies. It triggers a debate similar to past debates on human rights violations, resulting in the Responsibility to Protect. This article investigates the circumstances under which States can lawfully intervene without using force in another State in response to environmental emergencies. By analysing the principle of non-intervention and the effect of international environmental law on the scope of the domaine réservé, the article discusses whether certain environmental interventions can be justified under the current legal framework of the principle of non-intervention. The emphasis lies on the no-harm principle and the concept of the common concern of humankind as a means to address environmental emergencies with direct transboundary impacts or those threatening the environment at a global level. The article concludes that the no-harm principle and the concept of the common concern of humankind can potentially reduce the scope of the domaine réservé. Consequently, States' actions in response to an environmental emergency can be lawful under the principle of non-intervention. This lawful environmental intervention has the potential to develop from an activist idea into a legal tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the sociological implications of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly regarding the urgent need for justice in Palestine. Topics include the historical context of settler colonialism in Israel/Palestine, the ongoing humanitarian crisis exacerbated by military actions, and the responsibility of sociologists to advocate for a ceasefire and engage with issues of systemic injustice and human rights violations.

Does human rights advocacy make a difference? Many are skeptical. Studies often find that advocates have an impact only under limited circumstances. I argue that these underwhelming results are a by-product of an identification problem. Research so far has effectively focused on whether shaming campaigns reduce ongoing abuse. But such cases are only part of the story. Another big aspect of advocacy is preventing abuse from ever starting. We must then pay attention to the deterred, those who chose not to violate human rights because of the threat of shaming. These cases do not repress and are never shamed. They are easy to miss because they look the same as those who never considered abuse in the first place. However, identifying deterred cases is crucial for judging the effectiveness of advocacy. I argue that we can resolve this issue by focusing on the degree of human rights monitoring in a country. Doing so allows researchers to recognize those under the scrutiny of advocates, and hence those that could have been deterred even if they were never shamed. Once we do this analytical refocus it is easy to see the positive effect of human rights advocacy. Human rights monitoring reduces abuse, and it does so in most countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the reasons for human rights abuses in policing practices in Bangladesh. Following human rights practices in policing is challenging as Bangladesh's law enforcement agencies are involved in various forms of human rights violations. This study used mixed-methods research approach to enlighten the understanding of human rights violations in Bangladesh. In-depth interviews of 40 participants and survey responses obtained from 350 valid samples were considered for analysis. Thematic content analysis, factor analysis, correlation analysis, and regression analysis were used to identify the key factors influencing human rights violations in policing. The empirical findings indicated that human rights violations in policing are influenced by three key factors: corruption, a culture of impunity, and the militarization of policing. These factors are correlated, their relationship is dynamic, and their combination results in human rights abuse in policing practices in Bangladesh. Finally, the article suggests some policy measures including the de-militarization and de-politicization of law enforcement agencies, breaking the culture of impunity, and eradicating corruption. However, major political, social, legal, and institutional reforms and the development of the human rights movement are needed for implementing these measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After previous failed attempts, Prabowo Subianto won the 2024 Indonesian presidential election. In this article, we outline the events that unfolded in the run-up to the election before analyzing the drivers of Indonesian voting behaviour based on original survey data. Our analyses underscore the importance of transformations in the generational composition of the Indonesian electorate: younger voters, especially those born after the return of democracy, are fuelling its erosion with their support of a former general accused of human rights abuses. In addition to benefitting from the support of incumbent President Joko Widodo, we argue that Prabowo's victory was underpinned by a sophisticated social media campaign, the waning memory of Indonesia's authoritarian past, and a young populace anxious about their economic prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article draws interdisciplinary insights from research on trauma to theorize the ways in which inclusion can be enriched and diversified by incorporating a trauma-informed perspective that is equity-oriented and can facilitate the process of inclusive education reforms. Despite the existence of a significant body of research documenting the ways in which trauma can create, compound, and exacerbate disabilities and special educational needs, these empirically validated causal links have not informed inclusive education theories, policies, and practices. Trauma- and its varied configurations and manifestations- is a constituent element of oppression linked to, inter alia, human rights violations and social inequities and as a result, it should inform understandings of the genesis and exacerbation of children's special educational needs and disabilities. This is an issue that highlights the imperative of developing theories of inclusion that acknowledge and address the intersections of disability, impairment and trauma and their impact on educational accessibility, participation and achievement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Challenging the Narrative: Documentary Film as Participatory Practice in Conflict Situations" by Cahal McLaughlin is a book that explores the use of participatory practices in documentary filmmaking in conflict settings. The book focuses on McLaughlin's own experiences in conflict areas such as the North of Ireland/Northern Ireland, Haiti, Brazil, and South Africa. McLaughlin emphasizes the importance of collaboration, inclusivity, trauma sensitivity, and efforts to mitigate power differentials in these projects. The book provides case studies of McLaughlin's methodology, highlighting the benefits for both filmmakers and participants. Overall, the book offers a valuable analysis of participatory practices in documentary filmmaking and their potential for political and social change. [Extracted from the article]

Indonesia's 2024 presidential election campaign was shaped by an alliance struck between outgoing incumbent Joko (Jokowi) Widodo and a former rival, Prabowo Subianto, who chose Jokowi's son as his running mate. The seeming affirmation of dynastic power drew criticism, as did Prabowo's former associations with the authoritarian New Order regime and its human rights abuses. But Prabowo remade his image with his promises of free school lunches and a new "cute" persona while pledging continuity with his popular predecessor's administration, demonstrating the ambiguities of Indonesian democracy a quarter-century after the end of the New Order era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Salar Mohandesi's book, "Red Internationalism: Anti-Imperialism and Human Rights in the Global Sixties and Seventies," explores the intellectual history of anti-Vietnam War activism in the 1960s and 1970s. Mohandesi examines the influence of Leninism on radical activists and how anti-imperialist arguments based on national self-determination gained traction. The book also delves into the rise of human rights rhetoric and its eventual supplanting of anti-imperialist internationalism. Overall, Mohandesi's work contributes to the scholarship on the Global Sixties, anti-Vietnam War activism, and the emergence of human rights discourse in the 1970s. [Extracted from the article]

It states that he had exercised his right to leave his country. That is not so. The sacred right is the right to live in one's country. What kind of a right is that, the right to leave? Our right should be the right to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What makes a mercenary a mercenary? This pilot project aims to address this question to establish an operational framework to assist both scholars and policymakers in distinguishing between types of private security forces (PSF). PSFs are under scrutiny by the international community for committing human rights violations and for acting against self-determination, often in the context of intrastate conflicts. This disillusionment with PSFs is historically unprecedented, as PSFs have been utilized in inter and intrastate conflicts for centuries. Current literature has produced simplistic views of PSFs as detrimental forces in conflict zones, often categorizing all PSFs as "mercenaries." This perception has limited the potential utility of PSFs, as human rights violations and acts against self-determination are not unique to PSFs nor constant. Without distinctions between types of PSFs that differentiate groups based on their operations and utility, regulations against PSFs will remain inefficient. The title of mercenary is a contentious term. At the most basic level, a mercenary is a hired independent nonstate actor that in some way supports a military operation. But how can Halliburton which operated truck convoys and cafeterias in Iraq, the Wagner Group which only agrees to contracts when directed to by the Russian government, and Executive Outcomes which have aided state governments against rebel forces in Africa all be classified as mercenaries (Hartung 2011, 5; Marten 2019, 191; Howe 1998, 316)? The usage of mercenaries has occurred since the inception of currency-based markets, recent scholarship has formulated definitions explicitly or casually through analyses of specific cases (Brewis and Godfrey 2017). This research has resulted in conflicting definitions of mercenaries under numerous monikers, such as private security contractors (PSC) or private military contractors (PMC) (Percy 2003; Singer 2008). These analyses often approach this issue with predetermined interpretations of these groups as a monolith: mercenaries violate state self-determination and prolong conflicts in order to extend their own contract and pay (UN 2021). This results in a dilemma for analyses of these actors, as the evaluation of these groups involve parameters that do not capture the specific qualities of PSFs. For this analysis, the term private security force (PSF) is employed to refer to the actors that are categorized as mercenaries. Private insinuates the independence of these groups from a state, security is in reference to the defensive or offensive operations of these groups, and force connotates a body of people conducting some action in a conflict. This article will refer to the different types of PSFs with this comprehensive term. Further, discussions of PSF contracting requires common terms to identify the actors involved, with contractor being a PSF group, contractee being individual members of the contractor, and the hiring group being the state or organization that has acquired the services of a contractor. I identify three main types of PSFs for this analysis: the previously mentioned PMC and PSC and a new classification, private logistics contractors (PLC). The difference between these contractors is their typical operations. PMCs are characterized in their tip of the spear role in military operations, as their main usage by states is to directly engage in offensive front-line operations, hence the military designation. PSCs typically act as auxiliary forces; while being capable of front-line operations, their usage is generally oriented towards defensive operations for already achieved objectives. PLCs act as logistical support for military organizations, generally facing less risk of direct combat than the other designations but still is capable of combat if need be due to operating in a conflict zone. Distinctions between types of contractors in terms of their operational orientation are still not sufficient however, as all three types of PSF vary in capabilities. Considering these groups are hired to compliment or even replace the services usually provided by the national military, states are likely to carefully evaluate PSFs to select the group that best matches their need that cannot currently be fulfilled by the state's national military. Thus, amongst PMCs, PSCs, and PLCs, I argue that they vary in their degree of utility as a contractor. In this sense, a contractor is not expected to replace a national military outright; instead, contractors have innate utility for states that national militaries do not possess. This utility of a contractor is multifaceted and can therefore not be captured in the same way as national military utility, this will be elaborated on further in the theory section. This article will analyze mainstream definitions of PSFs to form a more comprehensive evaluation system for such entities, as past literature has indirectly evaluated these groups in their attempts to define them. The article will begin by examining current literature on PSFs and four common aspects that measure PSF utility. This will result in the formulation of four evaluation axes of PSF utility: authoritative control, group motivation, internal organization, and reliability. The methodology section will then assert the usage of a diachronic crosscase study analysis to test the four-dimensional evaluation of PSFs and justify the usage of five PSF cases. An analysis will then test this evaluation system by applying it to the five PSF case studies. These findings will then be examined in the discussion which will provide recommendations for further research and how the distinctions made in this article between PSF groups and further in-group variation can help guide said research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to systemic violence and human rights violations in Myanmar, many ethnic minorities, including Karen, have fled the country. Many Karen refugees from camps in Thailand and Malaysia were resettled in the United States. Despite having access to multiple resources and opportunities, the Karen face challenges related to health, housing, education, employment, and culture. This paper aims to broaden our understanding of the needs and challenges of Karen refugees living in Hartford, Connecticut, through a qualitative, narrative-based research study. Lessons learned will help nongovernmental organizations, mental health professionals, and social workers to develop and implement programs and policies for refugee resettlement and integration in a culturally competent manner that is based on the values, strengths, and resilience of the refugee Karen community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the issue of forced labor in Turkmenistan and the new EU forced labor ban regulation aimed at eradicating forced labor and child labor in global supply chains. Turkmenistan faces challenges with state-imposed forced labor and child labor in its cotton sector. The need for Turkmenistan to implement the Roadmap for Cooperation with the ILO is emphasized, along with the importance of strengthening labor inspection, social protection, and worker rights. The article calls for international cooperation and dialogue to address forced labor issues and improve working conditions in Turkmenistan. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the challenges faced by labor rights defenders in Bangladesh, particularly in the garment sector. It highlights the violations of freedom of association, violence against trade unionists, and the government's response to these issues. The International Labor Organization's Committee on Freedom of Association has been monitoring the situation since 2017, with concerns about the lack of effective protection for human rights defenders. The need for timely prosecution of human rights violations, institutional reform, and the role of international organizations and brands in addressing these issues are also emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

The circulation of illegal firearms in Papua is the main driving factor in prolonging the separatist conflict in the region. These firearms are used by separatist groups to carry out acts of violence against security forces, civilians and public infrastructure. This resulted in loss of life and material, as well as hampering development and stability efforts in Papua. This journal discusses the sources and routes of distribution of illegal firearms in Papua, the impacts they cause, and the government's efforts to overcome them. Analysis shows that the circulation of illegal firearms originates from international smuggling networks, theft from security forces, and the manufacture of traditional firearms. The impacts include violence and human rights violations, disruption of security and stability, as well as obstacles to development and community welfare. The government's efforts to address the circulation of illegal firearms in Papua include law enforcement operations, cooperation with neighboring countries, and economic and social development programs. Comprehensive and sustainable efforts are needed from the government and various related parties to eradicate the circulation of illegal firearms and build peace in Papua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors research the legal aspects of ensuring the State security of Ukraine with the help of artificial intelligence, taking into account the experience of the Olympic Games in Paris in 2024. The relevance of the research is due to the growing challenges to the use of artificial intelligence in public life and the need to respect the right to privacy. It is established that after lengthy discussions, the technology of face recognition using artificial intelligence was not introduced at the Olympic Games in Paris. It is substantiated that the main areas for improving the current regulatory framework in Ukraine for the use of artificial intelligence and ensuring the privacy of citizens and avoiding possible human rights violations are as follows: in the context of the introduction of face recognition technology, it is important to have detailed rules governing the scope and application of measures, as well as reliable safeguards against the risk of abuse and arbitrariness (the need for legal safeguards is much greater when it comes to the use of real-time face recognition technology); the processing of personal data in the application of face recognition technology must be justified and require a high level of justification; the use of face recognition technology for forensic identification of suspects. It is proved that when identifying real threats to the state security of Ukraine at the present stage in the context of the possible introduction of face recognition technology, it is important to have detailed rules governing the scope and application of measures, as well as reliable guarantees against the risk of abuse and arbitrariness. The inevitable need for legal guarantees for the implementation and protection of citizens' privacy, especially when it comes to the use of real-time face recognition technology, is derived from the content of the State Security Strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to education is one of the fundamental human rights approved in the Constitution of Ukraine. However, the war conditions taking place on the territory of Ukraine create significant challenges for ensuring this right. In this article, we analyze the problems that arise in the context of ensuring the provisions of Article 53 of the Constitution of Ukraine in conditions of war and offer ways to solve them. This article highlights the importance of ensuring the right to education under martial law in Ukraine and suggests practical measures to achieve this goal. The study of this topic contributes to the development of effective strategies for managing educational processes in wartime conditions. Ensuring the right to education in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine becomes a particularly acute problem due to active hostilities and occupation of territories. Military operations are accompanied by violations of human rights, including the right to education, which is contrary to international standards. Military aggression forces the evacuation of schools, universities and other educational institutions, which disrupts the educational process and creates difficulties for obtaining an education. The results of military operations have serious psychological consequences for children, youth and teaching staff, which negatively affects their learning and work capacity. The article analyzes the problem of ensuring the right to education under martial law. The challenges faced by Ukraine in providing educational opportunities during the war are investigated. Special attention is paid to strategies for protecting the right to education, including the role of international law, humanitarian aid programs and innovative approaches to education. Based on this analysis, recommendations are provided to improve the situation with the right to education in the conditions of military conflict. The problems of education during the legal regime of martial law are analyzed, the need to continue measures to guarantee the constitutional right to education is emphasized, since education is considered extremely important for the progress of society, the future of the country directly depends on the level of education, talents, culture and consciousness of the young generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to make the human rights case against human rights penality—that is, against the reliance upon and foregrounding of penal mechanisms in the protection of (certain) human rights. The rationale for the alliance between human rights and state penality has at least three central dimensions: effectiveness, accountability and equal protection. In particular, the mobilisation of criminal law (enforcement) and punishment is often treated as the most effective means of preventing and/or redressing human rights violations. Moreover, the criminal process and sanction are often understood as the pinnacle of accountability for serious human rights violations. Finally, the egalitarian rationale for human rights penality views it as redistributing protection to under-protected persons. While remaining committed to human rights, I unpack (some of) the ways in which human rights penality ultimately fails to uphold and even undermines the principles that it has been promoted as fulfilling within the human rights frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the neo-colonial project of Narendra Modi implemented in Kashmir after the revocation of special status on August 5, 2019. The neo-colonial infrastructure supported by the threads of re-classification of legal residents and land designations intends to significantly transform the demography of Muslim majority Kashmir into a Muslim minority, consequently destroying the Muslim identity of the state. The abrogation of Article 370 and enactment of new domicile law has extended the legal and administrative control of New Delhi, making Kashmir indistinguishable from the Indian legal system and leaving no room for the local legislative assembly to make laws beneficial for the state residents. The paper asks how India is implementing the neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir. How and to what extent legal and military instruments are employed to disempower Kashmiris from territorial and cultural identity? The paper argues that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pursuing a neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir through 'destroy and replace,' which is supported by the neo-liberal agenda, including; new land management policy, new domicile law, spatial planning and development, new settlements of Hindus, authoritative central control, and massive militarization to carry out gross human rights abuses and repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do conflicts within a country's borders affect its behavior beyond them? We argue that fighting insurgencies at home shapes a country's human rights posture at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). States often suppress insurgencies using methods that violate their international human rights commitments. They are therefore hesitant to condemn other countries' alleged violations for fear of reciprocal condemnation of their own actions. This is especially true in countries with greater media freedom where the media is more likely to hold the state accountable for human rights violations, and to highlight its apparent hypocrisy internationally. Such states, we argue, are more likely to vote against or abstain from resolutions that target individual states for human rights transgressions. We test this claim with a global statistical analysis of country voting patterns at the UNHRC from 1973 to 2017. Our results yield new insights into the determinants of countries' voting behavior in multilateral human rights fora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses migration processes in the first quarter of the 21st century, which have become a characteristic feature of global development and emerged as a global challenge for the future of humanity. One of the factors influencing these processes has been the Russian-Ukrainian war, initiated by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014. Until 2022, this war was perceived by the international community as a localized conflict; however, during this period, it triggered large-scale displacements of people forced to leave their homes due to ethnic cleansing, discrimination, and brutal violations of human rights. As a result of the large-scale war initiated by Russia against Ukraine, external migration of Ukrainians has reached unprecedented levels, particularly in the countries of the European Union. This situation has come as a surprise both to the state leadership and to many Ukrainians who were unprepared for such a turn of events. Ukraine lacked sufficient experience in managing issues related to mass migration, making it extremely difficult to determine the quantitative and qualitative parameters of migration flows under these extraordinary circumstances. This presents challenges not only for the state but also for international organizations trying to provide assistance and support to Ukrainians who have left their homes. In such conditions, it is crucial to develop effective strategies to support refugees, integrate them into new societies and cultures, and address the social and economic consequences of this migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marta Rodríguez is one of the first documentarians in Colombia. Her filmography focuses on exposing human rights violations through film. Her approach as a filmmaker is ethnographic, characterized by using the camera as an observer, and portraying the reality of her subjects without imposing personal narratives. Her work has triggered social change and her documentaries have become part of the archive of Colombian history. The following article describes how she uses her ethnographic method as a filmmaker and the impact of her approach in making cinema for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: In addition to being a violation of human rights, the practice of child labor can be related to criminality against young people. In view of this, the hypothesis tested in this article was that child labor aggravates youth homicide through educational level. Design/methodology/approach: This study used annual data for the 26 states plus the Federal District for the period 2001 to 2014. To do so, the authors used the iterated feasible generalized least squares (IFGLS) estimator under the seemingly unrelated regressions (SUR) model. Findings: The results showed that child labor positively affects the homicide of young people, showing education as a transmission channel through which the effect is materialized. The general conclusion, given this, that work is an alternative for children not to enter the world of crime due to its socializing character, cannot be sustained. Practical implications: This evidence provides input to the formulation of policies and programs to eradicate or slow child labor. In addition to the social and economic rise of individuals, it is important to emphasize the role of education (human capital) in explaining economic growth. Originality/value: So far, there is no record of national research that sought to empirically assess the effect of child labor on crime, in particular, on the homicide of young people, considering education as a transmission channel, and this assessment is the contribution of the present study to the economic literature on crime. Peer review: The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-03-2023-0163 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty is a universal reality that takes various forms worldwide. It is considered the most detrimental economic and social issue, being the root cause of human rights violations due to its destructive effects on individuals and society. In the modern era, poverty has become a major global issue, hindering economic and human development and leading to deprivation of well-being. Any credit type, micro or nano credit, must be implemented well to help the poor. Recently, there has been an interest in nanocredit. Although there are limited studies on nanocredit, there have been some attempts to review the topic. In contrast to other research, this study adopts a different methodology to thoroughly review the literature on the development of nanocredit to address the innovative and reliable tools that are dependable financial inclusion for the underprivileged. This study is being conducted to comprehensively review and analyse current research on nanocredit. Scopus, Web of Science (WoS), Emerald Insights, and Google Scholar index the reviewed literature from 2000 to 2022 for published article access. Studies have presented that nanocredit is a new paradigm in the lending industry with fewer requirements and bureaucracy. Although it is still lacking in fully complying with Shariah guidelines, nanocredit is a saviour for the poor in improving their quality of life. In simple understanding, nanocredit should be the bridge that connects Islamic finance and Islamic philanthropy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Violence against women or other vulnerable individuals is a serious violation of human rights and a global public health issue representing a significant "problem of enormous global health proportions". Violence against women is an endemic phenomenon; the numbers are very high, highlighting the severity and urgency of the problem. Methods: We conducted this research by examining the field of violence against women. Our analysis involved reviewing papers published between 2018 and December 2023, which were identified through electronic database searches. Out of a total of 136 papers initially identified, we considered 71 documents. Results: This research highlights the global nature of violence against women, including psychological assessments of harm, as a socio-cultural problem and underlines the more common injuries. Conclusions: We examined how the presence of forensic experts can be beneficial in identifying and evaluating injuries, as well as reconstructing the dynamics of the events, particularly for judicial purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, in response to degrading habitats and species extinction caused by human activities, the international community pledged to protect 30% of Earth's land and waters by 2030. On its face, this pledge is intuitive; human activity is destroying the land and polluting the water, so the "natural" must be protected from the "human." But this conservation model is flawed. The underlying premise--gerrymander nature into its own discreet areas to save it from humanity--erases millennia of Indigenous practices that shaped and reshaped our environment. The forced relocation of Indigenous groups from their lands threatens the biodiversity of the areas that NGOs and nationstates seek to protect. More importantly, this expulsion is a human rights violation. Protecting 30% of the planet within six years without rethinking old conservation strategies would lead to unimaginable human suffering. This Comment blends biodiversity literature that is increasingly critical of 19th and 20th century conservation practices with a discussion of these methods as a modern form of colonialism. In doing so, it advocates for a new vision of conservation that centers sovereignty of Indigenous peoples and the wisdom of their practices: Indigenous Protected and Conserved Areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender justice has been a priority of the Lutheran Word Federation (LWF) for decades, much longer than the existence of its Gender Justice Policy (2013) where it is affirmed that gender justice is “a matter of faith.” The LWF has always put great emphasis on the theological problems gender justice issues present, as opposed to an assessment that women's experiences of exclusion and abuses of power are strictly acknowledged and treated as human rights violations. Therefore the committment to gender justice has been strongly tied to the importance of theological education as a critical tool against misleading theologies that justify patriarchal world views, including traditional gender roles and women's submissiveness. The focus in this article is on two major gender justice issues the LWF has called particular attention to, namely women's equal participation to men in leadership roles, including ordained ministry, and violence against women within the church and society at large. Ever since the Seventh Assembly of the LWF in Budapest in 1984, LWF member churches have been urged in assembly messages and resolutions to promote full inclusion of women in the life of church and society and to secure their health and well‐being. Multiple documents, action plans, policies, and reports have been written in order to follow up on the directions from the assemblies regarding women. My aim here is to explore those documents and to lift up what has already been said about women's leadership roles in church and society and about discrimination and violence against women. These documents laid the groundwork for what was stated in the documents passed at the Thirteenth Assembly of the LWF in Poland in September 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of Nigeria’s multiculturalism, the operations of the press revolve around the dynamics of political, economic, and ethno-regional contestations for power which impact the discourse it anchors on national issues. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Cultural Discourse Studies (CDS) as the research methods, this study underscores how these factors shaped the coverage of #EndSARS in two national dailies from the northern and southern regions: Daily Trust and Punch. Data is coded across five major themes that constituted foci of interest in the protest: calls for police reforms, youth revolution, human rights violations, destruction, and politicisation/regionalisation/ethnicization of #EndSARS. Findings indicate that political and ethno-regional factors significantly impacted the priming and framing of the themes by the newspapers as reflected in their choice of words and other linguistic/journalistic techniques. Daily Trust’s approach exemplifies northern Nigeria’s pro-Buhari administration’s sympathies as reflected in its amplification of violence and destruction in the protest while downplaying the agency and revolutionary strides of the youth towards driving political reforms. On the other hand, Punch projected state repression and youth agency against violence and destruction. This confirms that ethno-regional politicking shaped the Nigerian press approach to #EndSARS coverage. Theoretical and practical implications are highlighted accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents a comprehensive analysis of the critical issue of water insecurity and its multifaceted impact on and relationship to the human rights and environmental justice conditions within Rohingya refugee camps located in New Delhi, India. A comprehensive mixed-methods approach was employed to investigate water-related challenges within a refugee camp in Madanpur Khadar, region in Delhi. Qualitative methods including focused group discussions and one-on-one household interviews were conducted to allow residents' perceptions from diverse groups and examine their experiences. Structured surveys were administered to gather quantitative data on water access, sanitation, health, and socio-economic factors. Additionally,, literature surveys and document archival research provided contextual insights. This study underscores the pressing water, sanitation, and hygiene (WaSH) challenges faced by Rohingya refugees in the area, revealing irregular water supply, impacting residents' daily lives and hygiene practices. The majority of families in the camp, with an average of 6 members in each family, can only collect 30–40 L of water to meet all their needs, from consumption to personal hygiene, which is significantly insufficient. This situation has resulted in severe health consequences for the camp residents. Alarmingly, over 90% of the female respondents reported experiencing issues such as urinary infections. This paper gives a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensionality of rights that intersect with and are affected by WaSH issues. The poor WaSH conditions in the camp directly hinder the fulfillment of fundamental human rights. It not only disrupts the basic sanitation need but has negative economic repercussions and causes mental distress. This study concludes by targeted recommendations aimed at improving the conditions prevailing within the camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State apologies for human rights violations are often seen as a key mechanism in reconciliation processes. Nevertheless, they are often contested as well and have not been embraced equally by countries around the world. This raises questions about their universal value and potential to address or redress past harmdoing by countries. In a study across 33 countries (n = 11,023), we found that people around the world consider apologies by states for human rights violations to be reasonably important but tend to be less supportive of the idea that their own country should apologize for past harmdoing. We found that this discrepancy was amplified in countries with stronger honour norms and a stronger collective sense of victim– rather than perpetratorhood. Moving beyond the decontextualized approach that has prevailed in previous psychological research on this topic, our findings show that people's attitudes towards apologies by their country do not exist in a cultural and social vacuum but depend on the extent to which the broader context affords a critical reflection on past harmdoing. As such, they help explain why some countries have been reluctant to offer apologies, and why such gestures may also be more controversial in some contexts than in others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]