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This report, conducted by the Human Rights Center and International Human Rights Law Clinic, in partnership with the Center for Constitutional Rights, provides the findings of a study of former detainees who were held in U.S. custody in Afghanistan and Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. The primary objective of the study was to record the experiences of these men, assess their treatment in detention, and explore how the conditions of their incarceration affected their subsequent reintegration with their families and communities.Using semi-structured questionnaires, researchers interviewed 112 people from July 2007 to July 2008. Of these, 62 were former detainees residing in nine countries who had been held in U.S. custody without trial for just over three years on average. Another 50 respondents were key informants, including former and current U.S. government officials, representatives of nongovernmental organizations, attorneys representing detainees, and former U.S. military and civilian personnel who had been stationed in Guantánamo or at detention facilities in Afghanistan. Researchers compared this interview data to 1,215 coded media reports about former Guantánamo detainees, relevant documents released by the Department of Defense, and reports by the U.S. government, independent organizations, and the media.

America’s disastrous past experiences with torture—in Vietnam, Chile and Guatemala, to name a few—should have been lesson enough to deter officials from authorizing torture after 9/11. But now we have a fresh opportunity to learn some lessons. First, torture cannot be employed with strategic precision; there is institutional “creep” as the use of techniques spreads and there is the inevitable and, in the US case, immense, imprecision of torturing innocents. Second, torture is ineffective in enhancing security; on the contrary, states that do not torture (or extra-judicially execute) prisoners experience substantially less terrorism, and their counter-terrorism efforts are more effective. Third, the universal illegitimacy and illegality of torture brings disgrace to those who violate the prohibition. American torture squandered “we are all Americans” global empathy after 9/11 and invited righteous condemnation by allied foreign governments.

This work happens by the necessity to conceive a bibliographic material about the Local History of Guantánamo that better the treatment of this matter in the classes of History of Cuba that is why is proposed a bibliographic abridgement by means of the Web Site “Mi Matria” as an alternative to elevate the professors’ preparation and knowledge that teach this subject. To carry out this research were used methods from the theoretical and empiric method that allowed to confirm the problem object of study. It is supported in the Marxist philosophy from each is took the dialectic materialism and the knowledge theory. In the elaboration of the Web Site containing the bibliographic abridgement were used the Content Manager System Joomla 3.6.5. The Web Site picks up articles, ephemeris, videos, images and a relation of bibliographies; related to the Local History of Guantánamo province. The use of the bibliographic abridgement by means of the Web Site “Mi Matria” in the professors’ preparation will favor their level of knowledge about facts, personalities and historical sites of the province making easy the treatment of them in the classes of History of Cuba.

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that the indefinite detention and torture of prisoners at the Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp and the intentional destabilization of Palestinian civilian life in the Israeli occupied Palestinian territories are indicative of the emergence of a new postmodern form of power. Coining the term homo dolorosus – the man who is available to be made to suffer – this article seeks to understand this emergent politics of suffering through a historicized reading of Foucault's typology of power, informed by the work of Giorgio Agamben. It is argued that, just as discipline was the dark inverse of the modern utopian Enlightenment project of universal democratic inclusion, the politics of suffering is the dark inverse of the postmodern biopolitical project of security. Using the work of Mikkel Joronen, Jasbir Puar and Lauren Wilcox as signposts, this article argues that homo dolorosus is produced by power's encounter with a population that it perceives or represents as simultaneously risky and dependent. Moreover, it is suggested that homo dolorosus may be the manifestation of a project that aims to do away with freely-deciding subjectivity while keeping the human body alive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article critically analyses the photographs and illustrations that have been used to support arguments about Omar Khadr. Khadr was a 15-year-old who was captured by the US in Afghanistan, transferred to Guantanamo Bay where he was charged with murder and submitted to US interrogation. Throughout this process both supporters and opponents of Khadr have used pictures to support their claims. By examining and discussing these images it is possible to detect biases and prejudices that attempt to sway and influence the reader to the particular ideology of the writers. The article studies in depth images both for, and against, Khadr. It shows the different, printing and illustrating techniques that add menace to existing photographs, or soften the image for a more peaceful approach. In particular, it subjects the image of Khadr's damaged body being assisted by soldiers to a critical analysis to reveal what it really shows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a personal recollection of Barbara Harlow and her impact on the author's intellectual development. Harlow's book Barred: women, writing, and political detention (1992) and her later writings on the US military prison at Guantánamo Bay are revisited for their contemporary significance. The author situates Harlow as a unique literary critic whose sustained work was conjunctural reading, translating and writing across geopolitical and disciplinary borders; her interventions being made in commitment to her honed liberatory agendas and visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses the attention on the analysis of the changes that face the Cuban-American relations. On December 17, 2014 two leaders announced their decision to restore diplomatic relations after half a century of hostilities. Since then, they have achieved significant progress, but Cuba and USA still have many accounts to pay before the standardization process can be finished. These outstanding issues are the economic blockade of Cuba and the return of Guantanamo Bay under the jurisdiction of the Cuban authorities. However, it is clear that the rapprochement between the old antagonists has removed the stumbling block that for the long time was hindering the inter-American relations.Where will go Cuba-USA relations? Can we say that “restarting” proclaimed by Obama in 2009 is realy im-plemented? Will the two countries overcome the discrepancies that still exist and prevent the further development of promising dialogue? Or USA domestic politics with its sophisticated decision-making mechanism will hinder this process? These are the questions that aims to address the author in the article.

Recent revelations – from government documents and investigative reports – have brought renewed attention to the disturbing involvement of U.S. psychologists in the abuse and torture of “war on terror” detainees. In light of these revelations, this commentary examines the American Psychological Association's inexplicable decision to close – without any sanction – an ethics complaint filed against psychologist John Leso for his role in the abusive treatment of prisoners at the Guantanamo Bay detention facility. The essay reviews key components of the case: the relevant background and context, Dr. Leso’s documented actions at Guantanamo, the APA's ethical standards, the ethics complaint rules and procedures, the justifications invoked by the APA leadership to defend the no-sanction decision, and recommendations for what should be done now.

Se analiza la gestión de la información y del conocimiento como factores determinantes en el logro de los objetivos organizacionales del Centro de Información y Gestión Tecnológica (CIGET) de Guantánamo, Cuba. Para el caso se abordaron ambos procesos como enfoques unificados e interdependientes. Los efectos de la aplicación de estos enfoques se traducen y se evidencian en cuatro productos y servicios informacionales generados por el CIGET.

Ethical debates over the use of mental health knowledge and practice at the Guantánamo Bay detention facility have mostly revolved around military clinicians sharing detainee medical information with interrogators, falsifying death certificates in interrogations, and disagreements over whether the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) “enhanced interrogation techniques” violated bioethical principles to do no harm. However, debates over the use of magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) in the mental health evaluations of detainees have received little attention. This paper provides the first known analysis of such debates over MRI use in the case of Abd al-Rahim al- Nashiri. Through a close reading of open-source legal documents such as defense motions, prosecution motions, judge rulings, and al-Nashiri’s mental health evaluation, debates over MRI use become interpretive contests over the very meanings of mental illness and the extent to which MRI results can verify whether he was tortured in CIA custody. Such work can revitalize interest in the neuroethics of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have mostly analyzed information from mental health practitioners, attorneys, and institutions to critique mental health practices in the War on Terror. These sources offer limited insights into the suffering of detainees. Detainee accounts provide novel information based on their experiences at Guantánamo. Mohamedou Ould Slahi’s Guantánamo Diary is the only text from a current detainee that provides a first-person account of his interrogations and interactions with health professionals. Despite being advertised as a diary, however, it has undergone redaction from American government officials. This article examines Slahi’s account of his interrogations and representations of mental health at Guantánamo and considers its role within the narrative function of the nation. At stake is the right of detainees to narrate, scholars to critique medical practices in the War on Terror, and the nation’s attempts to control its narration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking its cue from Alexander Weheliye’s question ‘What does hunger outside the world of Man feel like?’ this essay examines the politics of hunger as exemplified in Omar Khadr’s refusal to eat in Guantánamo Bay prison during a series of interrogations in 2003 by the Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Drawing on Luc Côté and Patricio Henríquez’s documentary You Don’t Like the Truth: 4 Days Inside Guantánamo (2010), which uses the camera footage of these interrogations, the author locates Weheliye’s question in the context of Guantánamo to explore the political implications of what she calls carceral gastronomy, one that concerns how the imperial state and its functionaries mete out livability through the control and management of appetite. In this encounter between the state and the prisoner, viands serve a manifold function: mediating the relationship of power to those subjected to it; facilitating the emergence of bodies manageable through food; bringing out the colonial genealogies of the ‘War on Terror’; providing the means with which to resist the carceral regime; foregrounding the colonial life of food and feeding; and, finally, racialising the distribution of food. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article develops a theory of the symptom and argues for a symptomal analysis of contemporary political situations, in particularly those that resonate with exception. By focusing on Guantánamo detainees and habeas corpus petitions, the article analyses the language of law and public attitude towards the closure of the facility. The article shows how the legal situation of detainees post-2010 is determined not by the binary distinctions (identity/difference, normal/exceptional) but by attempts to eliminate these binaries and bring detainees under the normal rule of law. The attempts to bring the detainees under the normal rule of law are social fantasies, that is different narratives, which determine how we understand and engage with the law in Guantanamo. Fantasies are always fragmented at their core, and Al-Adahi case with the lack of public response to it reveals this fissure in the form of ‘the return of the repressed’. In doing so, the article shows how the overcoming of the exception is a fantasy of modern politics and points to the moment the repressed truth is revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapidity and the competitive success s match in the context of the present-day volleyball training. In this sense it was considered necessary to elaborate a methodology for the creation of exercises aimed at the development of rapidity in Volleyball children players 11 to 12 years in the community of the downtown area of the municipality, according to the present-day requests of the game; Regarding the biological and psychological foundations examined and integrating them in updated and innovative optics. Different investigative methods, empiricist and statistical levels were used for the fulfillment of this investigation. The need to plan activities for the rapidity, such as determining the physical capacity of performance, and applying the methodology for the creation of exercises aimed at developing rapidity according to the characteristics of modern volleyball was proved, and the proposal proved to be feasible.

Oxyrrhis marina Dujardin 1841 es una morfoespecie fagotrófica con una distribución universal. Si bien se reconoce su presencia en varios ecosiste(CNEA). Universidad de mas alrededor del mundo, son pocos los reportes de floraciones y relativamente pocos los estudios explícitos sobre su distribución natural. En este trabajo se informa por primera vez la presencia de O. marina en la costa Carretera Caimanera km suroriental de Cuba, específicamente en la bahía de Guantánamo, en sep19½, Las Pailas, Caimanera, tiembre de 2013, en una floración mixta con otras especies de cianobacterias y dinoflagelados. La especie fue identificada sobre la base de características morfológicas bien establecidas mediante el uso de técnicas de microscopía óptica y tratamiento digital de imagen. ABSTRACT Oxyrrhis marina Dujardin 1841 is a fagotrophic morphospecies with a universal distribution. Meanwhile its presence is recognizing in several ecosystems all over the world, there are few reports of blooms and relatively few explicit studies of its natural distribution. This paper presents the first report of O. marina in the southeast coast of Cuba, specifically in Guantanamo Bay, during September 2013, in a mixed bloom with other species of cyanobacteria and dinoflagellates. The species were identified based on morphological features by means of a light microscopy and digital image processing.

Islands have transitioned from being conceived as prototypes of idealised polities to being deliberately engineered as offshore enclaves where the rules of the parent state need not fully apply. With their manageable size, separation and distance from the mainland, small islands are rendered as convenient laboratories for entrepreneurial political engineering, and equally handy sites for research on the same. Island migration policies manifest this contemporary flexibility and creative governance of states. As we approach the 500th anniversary of Thomas More’s Utopia (1516), this paper explores these ideas in relation to the migration phenomenon on Europe’s southern flank. Using an island studies approach, it discusses the problematique of island spaces caught in this dynamic but which cannot be ‘offshore’ because, as unitary island states (Cyprus and Malta) and unlike larger states with small outlying and peripheral island components (Italy and Australia), they must somehow be ‘both inside and outside’. The paper goes on to critique such facile binarisms, arguing for a more nuanced appreciation of islands as well as a recognition that what may be, at face value, an expression of a state’s authority is as much a manifestation of its limitations.

The article analyses the law of military detention applicable to the ongoing conflict with Al-Qaeda and associated forces, to the extent that that law emerges from the jurisprudence of U.S. federal courts, and particularly of the D.C. Circuit. It discusses four major issues: the types of organizations against which military force can be used in accordance with the Congressional authorization, the range of persons subject to military detention in connection with such use of force (in terms of both legal categories and factual predicates), the scope of the battlefield on which the use of force is authorized, and the extent to which American citizens or foreigners lawfully present in the U.S. territory enjoy special immunity from military detention. The article concludes that the impact of the D.C. Circuit decisions on those questions extends beyond the issue of military detention, and provides the general legal framework applicable to other military operations directed against terrorist organizations in the Middle East, such as target strikes or the campagin against the self-styled Islamic State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Aussen- und Sicherheitspolitik is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the time of the 10th anniversary of the opening of the detention centre in Guantanamo Bay, many are wondering about the reasons of its very existence in a country that purports to be the defender of the rule of law and human rights. To answer this question, this paper reviews the development of the regulations (both US and international humanitarian law) that are applied to the detainees. It also examines the violations of basic principles of law that have occurred and continue to occur, such as denial of access to ordinary courts and the right to a trial in case of detention, as well as breaches of the protections and guarantees provided by international humanitarian law. Finally, the author analyses the reasons that have allowed the centre to remain in operation despite President Obama’s pledge to close it, which he made early on in his term.

The terrorist attacks against WTC in 2001 allowed the world to review its expectations regarding the post Cold War World of a society based on values such as market economy and liberal democracy. This paper aims to understand how domestic institutions were affected by this event. It assumes that although September 11th event does not constitute an element of disruption the established order in the domestic level, it allowed, for a brief period of time, to establish an unbalanced relation between Executive, Legislative and Judiciary Powers, in which Executive was preponderant. This balance was restored by the decisions taken by the U.S. Supreme Court, which are also object of analysis in this work.

On the last day of 2011, President Obama signed a law affirming his power to detain suspected terrorists indefinitely. It is a next strike in an on-going turf war between the Obama Administration and the Supreme Court. A turf war that should have been over in 2008 when a landmark case Boumediene v. Bush granted the right to challenge their confinement to the detainees. Except the war wasn't over at all. The Federal Court appointed as the Appellate Court in detainee cases is not keen on implementing the Boumediene precedent at all. An answer from the Supreme Court is expected, but is not given. Why not?

Se exaltan las cualidades humanas, la actitud profesional y la condición revolucionaria de un médico guantanamero: el Dr. Pedro Pouymiró Dupuy, quien se inició en la medicina rural en la región de Caujerí, antiguo municipio de Guantánamo, pero luego cursó la especialidad en neumotisiología, aunque laboró también como clínico. Fue pionero en el uso de medios de diagnóstico novedosos en la época y fundador de la docencia médica en el territorio, donde alcanzó la categoría de profesor auxiliar. Obtuvo varios reconocimientos por su labor docente-asistencial y el buen desempeño de disímiles funciones administrativas, tanto locales como regionales. Constituye esta semblanza un añorado homenaje de sus descendientes, quienes han querido rendírselo desde hace más de 2 décadas.The human qualities, the professional attitude and the revolutionary condition of a doctor from Guantánamo are exalted: Dr. Pedro Pouymiró Dupuy, who began the rural medicine in the region of Caujerí, old municipality from Guantánamo, but then he studied the specialty in Pneumothisiology, although he also worked as a clinician. He was a pioneer in the use of diagnostic means which were novel by those times and founder of the medical teaching in the territory, where he became an Assistant professor. He obtained several rewards for his teaching and assisting work and the good behaviour of different managing functions, either local or regional. This paper constitutes a homage of his followers, who have wanted to dedicate it to him since 2 decades ago.

The idea of the Guantánamo detainee as a Muselmann, the lowest order of concentration camp inmates, contains within it important implications for the new understanding of sovereignty in the era of Guantánamo, in an age of exception. The purpose of this article is to explain the status of those who are detained at Guantánamo Bay. Stated broadly, in assessing that status, we will emphasize the connection between the altered meaning of sovereignty that has accompanied the placing of prisoners in an American penal colony in Cuba and the biopolitical status of the prisoners who reside there. More particularly, we will locate the points of convergence among the factors (the war on terror, sovereignty, and the media) that have produced and reconstituted the legal and ethical status of Guantánamo detainees.

Se realizó un estudio descriptivo y transversal para evaluar la satisfacción de prestadores de salud y pacientes con el funcionamiento del Sistema Integrado de Urgencias Médicas en el municipio de Guantánamo, perteneciente a la provincia del mismo nombre, durante el primer cuatrimestre de 2010. Para ello, por medio de un muestreo intencional fueron escogidos 8 médicos, 126 paramédicos encargados del servicio y 350 pacientes, a partir del criterio de los autores. Un grupo de expertos, en unión de estos últimos, elaboró los criterios, indicadores, estándares e instrumentos que se utilizaron para la evaluación. Los resultados mostraron amplias desviaciones de los valores obtenidos en relación con los establecidos, puesto que en 70 % fueron inadecuados por insatisfacción de los que ofrecían y recibían la atención sanitaria, respectivamente.A descriptive and cross-sectional study was carried out during the first four-month period in the year 2010 in order to evaluate the health workers´and patients´satisfaction with the functioning of the Integrated Medical Emergency System in Guantánamo municipality, which belongs to the province under the same name. For this reason, 8 doctors, 126 paramedics in charge of that service, and 350 patients were chosen using an intentional sampling starting from the author's criterion. An expert group, along with the aforementioned group, devised the criteria, indicators, standards, and tools used for the assessment. Results showed large deviations of the obtained values in relation to those established, since 70 % of them were inadequate due to the dissatisfaction for both, those who received the health care and those who offered it, respectively.

Se realizó un estudio descriptivo y transversal para evaluar la calidad en el "manejo" sindrómico del flujo vaginal en gestantes atendidas por especialistas en medicina general integral, pertenecientes al grupo básico de trabajo No.3 del Policlínico Universitario "Capitán Asdrúbal López Vázquez", del municipio de Guantánamo, desde enero hasta abril de 2010. Se conformó un equipo de expertos, que en unión de los autores, definieron los criterios, indicadores y estándares, así como los instrumentos utilizados en la investigación. Se aplicó un examen de competencia profesional y se revisaron las historias clínicas obstétricas. Los datos se procesaron mediante la versión 3.1 del paquete estadístico EPIDAT. Los resultados de los indicadores se compararon con los estándares establecidos, los cuales revelaron que 84,6 % fueron inadecuados, con una deficiente competencia de los profesionales para garantizar la atención médica a las embarazadas con ese síndrome.A descriptive and cross-sectional study was carried out from January, 2010 to April, 2010 in order to assess the quality for syndromic management of pregnant women attended by specialists in general comprehensive medicine, who belong to the basic working group # 3 at ¨Capitán Asdrúbal López Vázquez¨ University Polyclinic from Guantánamo municipality. An expert group, along with the authors, who defined the criteria, indicators, and standards, as well as tools used in the investigation, was created. A professional competence test was applied and obstetrical medical records were checked. Data were processed through Version 3.1 from EPIDAT, a statistical software package. When comparing indicator results to the established standards, it was revealed that 84.6% were inappropriate, with a poor professional competence to guarantee health care to pregnant women undergoing that syndrome.

The events of September 11, 2001 unleashed a series of security measures designed ostensibly to protect Western nations from terrorist attacks. Many of these measures were aimed at keeping out potential terrorists and neutralizing potential terrorist activities. However, many were also aimed at citizens within the nation, legitimizing their exclusion and denial of rights. Drawing on the case of Omar Khadr, this paper argues that the carceral net ensnaring Omar Khadr was in operation well before 2001. However, since then, the carceral net has tightened to render Muslim bodies unworthy on the grounds of their putative criminality, and as undeserving victims, unbefitting state intervention and societal sympathy. The colour line, I argue, demarcates bodies that are considered worthy as opposed to those precarious others who can be penalized by the state and whose lives simply do not matter. Race, class and gender intersect and interlock to construct particular representations of victimhood as demonstrated by contemporary media representations of Muslim women.

La administración del Presidente George W. Bush intento crear varios campos de tortura y detención sin limitaciones legales con el propósito de interrogar y detener a individuos sospechosos de cometer actos de terrorismo luego de los ataques de Septiembre 11. La administración del Presidente Bush selecciono los campos localizados en la bahía de Guantánamo, Cuba, en gran medida por que este territorio había sido designado un territorio no-incorporado que le permitiera construir un campo de detención fuera del alcance de la ley. Este articulo demuestra que los fundamentos legales utilizados para justificar la creación de los campos en Guantánamo son parte de una larga tradición de anexión territorial que ha durado mas de cien años y que fue desarrollada para justificar los esfuerzos de Estados Unidos por egresar el club internacional de Imperios. Además, este articulo sugiere que la noción del totalitarianismo invertido de Sheldon S. Wolin describe de mejor manera los debates legales que se han desatado sobre el estatus constitucional de los campamentos en la bahía de Guantánamo, Cuba en los ultimos años.

In this article I analyse the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in Boumediene v. Bush against the background of the discussion concerning the extraterritorial scope of the U.S. Constitution. The long-standing discussion about the scope of constitutional rights is situated within the theoretical framework elaborated by Gerald Neuman who distinguishes between membership models, universalism, ‘global due process’ and the model of ‘mutual obligations’. The last model, which is based on a limited government perspective tends towards the ideal of judicial cosmopolitanism. I argue that Justice Kennedy’s opinion for the Court does not live up to the cosmopolitan ideal of the model of mutual obligations as it was elaborated in Justice Brennan’s dissent in Verdugo and that Kennedy’s casuistic and flexible approach lends itself to possible manipulation. I argue that this danger can be reduced by adopting the minimum standards of international law as a second order framework for constitutional interpretation and I show that the ethical nexus between effective control and responsibility is common to the normative model of mutual obligations, on the one hand, and to the framework adopted in European human rights law and international humanitarian law, on the other.

O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir elementos de análises sobre a natureza, o significado e o alcance do campo de concentração de Guantánamo. Com esta finalidade, descreve-se a trajetória do fenômeno, inserindo-o na dinâmica mais ampla da globalização militarizada em curso, cujo vetor e forma dominante passam pela estratégia imperial dos EUA pós-11 de setembro. Esta estratégia implica, entre outros traços distintivos, a legitimação de crescentes espaços de exceção, a guerra preventiva sem ameaça de ataque iminente e a ascensão do "inimigo absoluto" encarnado na figura desterritorializada do novo terrorista teológico-político.The aim of this paper is to advance in the analysis about the nature, the meaning and the reach of the Guantánamo base. In order to do so, we describe the route of the phenomenon, integrating it in the broader dynamics of the current militarized globalization whose vector and dominating shape go through the imperial strategy of the USA post-September 11. Deep articulated with the enlarging logic and consequences of global capitalism, this strategy implies, among other distinctive traces, the legitimation of growing spaces of exceptions, the preventive war without imminent attack threat and the ascension of the "absolute enemy" embodied in the deterritorialized image of the new theological political terrorist.

The History of Cuba cannot be written without the students struggles. "Always, they have been in the land of the Revolution, even in the more hazardous times. They never went back; they always demonstrated their purity of students. So, many students forgot their classist origin". (Castro, 1987, 65) The objective of this article is to demonstrate the revolutionary action of Frank País into the student movement of Guantanamo in the struggle against the tyranny of Fulgencio Batista. This study submits an application of the methods Historical - logical, inductive - deductive, revision of bibliography and old newspapers, and others documents that aid to us write the history of Frank País García in the struggle of the students of Guantánamo until his death in July 30, 1957. This history had not been written in the Cuban historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]