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The article explores how private consultants, textbooks, online resources, and workshops to help applicants improve their interviewing skills and help programs maximize the success of their recruitment efforts for African Americans. Topics include effect of microaggressions on applicant performance is profound, and experiences can affect the Black applicant's chances of matriculating to a program; and institutional racism and inequality of educational opportunities for African Americans.

The article discusses the legality of gender transition and the right to get a new birth certificate recording the birth as being in the newly acquired gender. It references the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) in Goodwin v United Kingdom, including the application of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 of Great Britain in the case. Also explained is the use of Articles 9 and 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights in such cases.

The main objective of this work is making evident that the Spanish legislation does not regulate, forgets and even harms many of the rights of Trans people. For that, this research performed a study of the resolutions, recommendation and reports of the international organization, as well as the international norms and jurisprudence. As a result of this, the research was able to prove that Spain is far behind countries such as Argentina in matters of gender identity. One of the conclusions of this work is that the Spanish State should approve a new gender identity law that regulates this right from a de-pathologizing perspective, and apply gender studies in all of its laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1990s, some theoretical and empirical approaches to bodily construction processes carried out by transgender people were produced by feminism and gender studies. These works wondered to what extent those experiences contributed to reinforce the binary gender system or to put it in crisis. In the same period, several studies carried out in the field of feminism and gender studies produced a critical approach to cosmetic surgeries. Some productions conceived cosmetic surgery as a normalization practice of cisgender women's bodies. Other ones aimed to understand cisgender women as autonomous agents of decision. That is, neither as mere victims of the cosmetic surgery industry nor as subjects alienated by cultural messages that affirm their subordination. Taking these debates into account, this article puts into dialogue feminism and gender studies with the bio-medical field. In order to identify points of agreement and disagreement between those fields, it focuses on the senses that urological surgeons and plastic and reconstructive surgeons elaborate around surgical treatments requested by transgender people. The study is based on the analysis of in-depth interviews conducted between 2015 and 2019 to urological surgeons and plastic and reconstructive surgeons of the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beatriz Espejo has worked in Barcelona as a trans-sex-worker since the 1980s, and in 1993 she founded the CTC, one of the leading activist organisations in the Spanish trans movement during the '00s. The CTC had a direct impact on the definition of the Spanish law on gender identity. Although it may seem like a success story, this activist articulation has been conflicted and complicated: alliances between multiple and divergent political positions have proven difficult. This article explores the interconnections between personal experiences, implications of social policies, academic reflections and historical documents in order to unfold memories about im/possible articulations and dis/tensions between and among asymmetric positions; stories about how the sustainability of collective action may need institutional support and require unclear tactical transformations of political demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

System justification theory posits that perceiving society as fair and legitimate provides palliative benefits to people who endorse such beliefs. Despite mixed evidence among socially disadvantaged groups, recent evidence shows that members of disadvantaged groups minimize perceptions of discrimination in order to reap palliative benefits. We tested this hypothesis in a sample of gay men and lesbians in Chile (N = 467). Specifically, we examined the effects of system justification on psychological distress, and the mediating role of perceived sexual stigma. As expected, system justification was negatively associated with psychological distress via minimizing perceptions of sexual stigma towards the in-group. Our study replicates previous results, and unveils a soporific mechanism of system-justifying beliefs: that of providing palliative benefits to sexual minorities' well-being by minimizing perceptions of their in-group as target of sexual stigma. Considerations for the well-being and status of sexual minorities and their unwitting compliance with heteronormativity are further discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the struggles of sex and gender dissidents, laws that guarantee the recognition of gender-identities have been passed all around the world. The Argentinian Gender Identity Law (2012) offers a definition of "gender identity" as opposed to biological anchorages and pathologization, respecting personal will and leaving no room for endorsement by "authorised" third parties. This law regulates the access to medical practices to freely intervene bodies. However, the theoretical scientific principles of sexual dimorphism on which these procedures are based on are usually denounced for repressing, normalizing and pathologizing especially intersex bodies. I will analyse the issue of gender identities in the light of this tension and, finally, I will argue that identity is transformative, relational and biotechnologically produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research will examine one type of official identity – the birth certificate – and how the ability to alter such a document, after the enactment of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 in the United Kingdom, affected individual trans people's motivations to alter, or not, the official sex/gender identity marker on their birth certificates. An examination will be made of a series of interviews conducted with trans identified persons in order to better understand the motivation, or not, to change one's official sex/gender identity marker on a birth certificate from that which was medically assigned at birth. Respondents reported a number of motivations including access to various social and legal benefits, a greater sense of psychological well-being, and a desire for jurisdictional coherence. They also reported a number of non-motivations including the financial burden, ethical objections to having to be judged by a panel of presumed experts, and the desire for conflicting documents as a form of willful political protest. The goal of this research is to better understand the motivations, or lack thereof, of individuals to alter (or not) the official sex/gender marker on their birth certificate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the author's views on new law developed in the U.S. on gender identity in education and parental rights on it. Topics discussed include educational consequences of gender right, parental influence on their identity, freedom of speech given to children and racist attitude of certain parents.

Today, despite national campaigns and mass shootings, gun sales continue to rise. The majority of gun owners in the United States are men, and prior research has documented the complex relationship between masculinity and gun ownership. However, a majority of the research has remained on the micro level. In this article, we look at the effects of men's unemployment on gun ownership. Using both national‐ and state‐level Federal Bureau of Investigation background‐check data as well as economic indicators, we find that worsening economic conditions for men (relative to women) lead to increases in gun sales. Moreover, this effect is exacerbated by the prevalence of guns in an area. We supplement these analyses with nationally representative survey data showing a strong relationship between perceptions of threat to men's gender identities and opposition to laws limiting access to guns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses responses to the 2018 Gender Recognition Act reform consultation in the UK, exploring reasons behind the widespread anti-trans sentiment in this context. It compares the conservative Christian roots of traditional opposition to LGBT+ rights, which is still the major source of anti-trans politics in the US, with the rise in prominence of a specific feminist opposition to trans rights in the last few years in the UK. It then explores why the beliefs of relatively small groups have had such a compelling influence on a wider audience in the general population. It argues that the gendered socialisation we all experience through education, media, and political institutions creates a baseline belief in gender determinism and oppositional sexism, and as many people's main source of information about trans people is the recent surge in related media, a trans moral panic propagated through mainstream and social media easily creates misinformed beliefs about trans issues. A major conclusion of this paper is that trans people have been constructed in the public imagination predominantly in terms of threat- threat to investment in gendered norms, threat to one's own gender identity, and for marginalised groups including women and also other LGBT+ people, threat to their own in-group resources and desires for assimilation into mainstream culture. Anti-trans sentiment is therefore not only about ideology, but also has important emotional components that should not be overlooked when considering ways to tackle transphobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various reports published within the issue on topics including gender identity, politics of the Gender Recognition Act backlash, and the use of non-binary and other proliferated ways of understanding gender.

The article discusses the challenges faced by Women's, Gender, and Sexuality Studies scholars in navigating the academy and conducting feminist knowledge-making practices during times of crisis, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, war, climate crisis, and attacks on reproductive justice. The issue of Feminist Formations features a painting by Palestinian artist Malak Mattar on its cover, highlighting themes of liberation, decolonization, and Palestinian identity. The articles in the issue explore topics such as ableism in women's sports, the representation of land and inheritance in Black feminist literature, the effects of colonialism and heteropatriarchy on Indigenous women and families in Canada, the entanglements of white masculinity, ethnonationalism, and xenophobia in the US, and the impact of the #MeToo movement in Iran. The issue also includes book reviews and a poem by Arielle Twist on the complexities of Indigenous identity. [Extracted from the article]

"Donald Trump Sexually Abused and Defamed E.Jean Carroll, Jury Finds" I "A jury found Trump liable for defamation and sexual abuse against Carroll and awarded her $5 million in damages.'" - May 9, 2023, New York Times i During these weeks that I have been reflecting on how violations of women's and trans rights have impacted and inspired my work, writer E. Jean Carroll's civil trial against Donald Trump has raged here in New York City. E. Jean Carroll's courtroom triumph sent me back to the fall of 2016, when, following Trump's election to the presidency, I was stirred to write an opinion piece for the news site I Vox.com i . Through the campaign season, we watched as Donald Trump bragged on tape about "pussy grabbing", and was accused, over a dozen times, of sexual harassment or assault - including by E. Jean Carroll ("US election: Full transcript", [2]). [Extracted from the article]

In Argentina, the Gender Identity Law allowed people to be recognized for their gender. The same law also guarantees access to health with the same efficiency that exists for access to a new identity document, but the reality does not reflect these developments. Health indicators show the vulnerability of the LGBT population to adverse health events, including HIV prevalence rates in trans women. This article takes a brief tour of the advances in health care for the LGBT population in the province of San Luis, valuing the role of mental health professionals. Accessibility plays a central role and the strategy of prevention centers for HIV and STD testing is an accessibility model that the Friendly Clinics for Sexual Diversity take as a reference. Mental health professionals who perform their functions in public health are an active part in the development of strategies that reinforce the accessibility of the LGBT population to health systems through: interventions under a rights approach, co-management work with institutions of government and civil society organizations, ongoing training and generation of epidemiological information on mental health, thus contributing to a comprehensive approach to the problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article argues that the expressive components of gender-stereotyping theory serve to delink the equality protections afforded by that theory from fixed and predetermined identity categories in helpful and positive ways. Many have viewed American antidiscrimination law as being normatively grounded in the notion that there are certain identities that, because of their stable and immutable characteristics, deserve equality-based protections. Gender-stereotyping theory can help make the normative case for a more pluralistic understanding of equality, one that is grounded in the need to protect the fluid and multiple ways in which gender is performed or expressed rather than focusing, as American antidiscrimination law has traditionally done, on protecting limited categories of essentialized, fixed, and finite identity categories. In short, gender-stereotyping theory, properly understood, offers a practical way of articulating and implementing a theory of equality that does not depend on the existence of a limited number of privileged identities. A proper understanding of gender-stereotyping theory--one that focuses on how expressive performances of gender and sexuality identities may trigger responses by defendants that are motivated by sex stereotypes--can help antidiscrimination law move away from the notion that plaintiffs must identify according to certain fixed, stable, and predetermined categories in order to succeed in their equality claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the last two years, respective proposals by the Scottish and UK Governments to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) to allow people to change their legal sex based only on making a legally-registered self-declaration have sparked an intense debate on how sex and gender identity should be defined in law and policy. This paper examines how gender self-identification had in fact become a feature of Scottish policy-making and practice, long before public consultation on GRA reform began. The analysis is structured as two case-studies that examine firstly, policy development on the census in relation to the 'sex' question, and second, Scottish Prison Service policy on transgender prisoners. The analysis shows that the unregulated roll-out of gender self-identification in Scotland has taken place with weak or non-existent scrutiny and a lack of due process, and that this relates to a process of policy capture, whereby decision-making on sex and gender identity issues has been directed towards the interests of a specific interest group, without due regard for other affected groups or the wider population. The paper raises questions about the adequacy of institutional safeguards against well-organised and highly purposeful lobbying, particularly where any groups detrimentally affected do not have effective representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand has no criminal laws against same-sex acts or cross-dressing. There are numerous commercial businesses catering to LGBT individuals, primarily gay men. Police do not harass LGBT venues, conferences or events. Government policy statements speak of encouraging acceptance, recognising diversity and supporting partnerships. The National Human Rights Commission actively supports LGBT rights. The Gender Equality Act aims to end discrimination on grounds of sex and gender expression. A number of court cases have ruled against discrimination in employment or access to public services. The drafting of a 'life partnership' law has proceeded, intermittently, from 2012, receiving cabinet approval in December 2018, however it was not considered by the legislature before the March 2019 election. Some drafting work on a gender identity law has been taking place. Four 'out' politicians, standing for a major party, were elected to the national legislature in 2019, the first time 'out' candidates have campaigned for office. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Fonseca: Journal of Communication is the property of Revista Fonseca Journal of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last two decades, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender + elderly people in Argentina have experienced considerable transformations with respect to social policies and laws as well as in the media and public opinion. This article aims to analyze the levels of acceptance and expression of identity ("coming out") in lesbian and gay seniors based on the political and legal changes that have occurred in Argentina but also in their relationship with others. Focus groups were conducted with 10 older gay and 10 older lesbians. The results indicate that sociocultural changes are seen as something positive although doubts arise about the in-depth and authenticity of the changes. The same-sex marriage and gender identity laws are considered as a symbol of an era of greater tolerance and diversity in which they have achieved the exercise of their rights as citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2013, one of the final acts of the Gillard government was to amend Australia's Sex Discrimination Act to add sexuality, gender identity and intersex variations as protected categories. This was not the first time the Commonwealth had considered anti‐discrimination legislation protecting LGBTI people. The most prominent example was the Democrats‐sponsored Sexuality Discrimination Bill, introduced to Parliament in November 1995, which included provisions to protect transgender people as well as gays, lesbians and bisexuals. The Senate referred the bill to an inquiry by the Senate Legal and Constitutional References Committee, which received 436 submissions. Approximately 100 of these submissions specifically addressed transgender discrimination, some advocating for the rights of transgender Australians, and others focusing their attacks against the bill based on the transgender provisions. This article draws on the concept of transgender citizenship to examine the transgender‐related aspects of the inquiry and the debates in parliament, to understand the ways that the public and politicians framed transgender rights in the mid‐1990s. These debates are telling in how transgender issues and anxieties over gender fluidity have consistently become an easy target in wider debates about equality for sexual and gender minorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the decision by the U.S. government to resign as member of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council. Other topics include the U.S.' reasons for leaving the council like its alleged bias against Israel, the council's mandate to protect, develop, and promote human rights, as well as the council's treatment of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) rights to discuss the needed reforms in its operation.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses legal challenges involving individuals that identify as non-binary in terms of gender in the U.S. Topics explored include the legal issues faced by Jamie Shupe of Oregon and Sara Kelly Keenan of California with regard to their gender classification, the adoption of a legislation by California which concerns the use of a non-binary gender indicator on legal documents, and the application of the Equal Protection Clause of the U.S. Constitution in gender classification.

The European Court of Human Rights is the human rights monitoring body that has dealt with the largest number of cases related to gender identity and trans* persons. In this regard, it has recognised under Article 8 ECHR both a right to gender self-determination and a positive obligation for the State to adopt a procedure for legal gender recognition. However, Contracting States were given a wide margin of appreciation to set conditions for the legal recognition of a person's actual gender identity, leading to the acceptance by the Strasbourg Court of pathologising requirements such as a diagnosis of gender dysphoria and compulsory sex reassignment surgery. This contribution analyses and conceptually explains this message of trans* pathologisation in the ECtHR's case law. Subsequently, on a normative level, it argues that this case law cannot be upheld taking into account the international trend towards full trans* depathologisation, and the scope of the margin of appreciation that States (ought to) have in cases concerning gender identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonbinary gender identities have quickly gone from obscurity to prominence in American public life, with growing acceptance of gender-neutral pronouns, such as "they, them, and theirs," and recognition of a third-gender category by U.S. states including California, Colorado, Minnesota, New Jersey, Oregon, and Washington. People with nonbinary gender identities do not exclusively identify as men or women. Feminist legal reformers have long argued that discrimination on the basis of gender nonconformity - in other words, discrimination against men perceived as feminine or women perceived as masculine - is a harmful type of sex discrimination that the law should redress. But the idea of nonbinary gender as an identity itself appears only at the margins of U.S. legal scholarship. Many of the cases recognizing transgender rights involve plaintiffs who identify as men or women, rather than plaintiffs who seek to reject, permute, or transcend those categories. The increased visibility of a nonbinary minority creates challenges for other rights movements, while also opening new avenues for feminist and LGBT advocacy. This Article asks what the law would look like if it took nonbinary gender seriously. It assesses the legal interests in binary gender regulation in areas including law enforcement, employment, education, housing, and health care, and concludes these interests are not reasons to reject nonbinary gender rights. It argues that the law can recognize nonbinary gender identities, or eliminate unnecessary legal sex classifications, using familiar civil rights concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article informs about practice of designating sex on birth certificates, given the particularly harmful effects of such designations on intersex and transgender people by rethinking sex designations on birth certificates. Topics include revisions reflecting social change, public interest, and privacy requirements; and categorization system risks stifling self-expression and self-identification.

This paper examines the current state of law and policy in relation to US transgender youth and their lived experiences. We approach this from different disciplinary backgrounds, identities, and ways of writing terms related to gender identity. We begin with an examination of the current legal climate in the USA and explore how students have pushed back against gender and sexuality norms even in a restrictive climate. Some transformations are already happening in public schools and some backlash, too, is being felt. Laws and policies in some locations are encouraging students, teachers, school leaders and community members to collaborate in making schools more educationally concerned about trans student success and teaching the school community about gender diversity. In shifting among scales and experiences of youth thinking and working on gender, we aim to emphasise youth agency and outline young people’s frustrations at the obstacles related to trans, gender dissidence and sexuality. In conclusion, we point to changes that can be made in schools to help professionals understand how policy and curricular innovation can bolster the openings that trans, gender creative and gender non-binary youth are already creating, whether or not those opportunities are officially recognised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official identity is a powerful thing. More than just feelings, diagnosis, or behaviors, official identity marks the status by which one can gain, or lose, access to certain social rights, responsibilities, and privileges. It can be predicated on biology or on the "determination" of other social identities. And it can serve as the means by which other identities can be determined. The ability to alter one's official identity is a key mechanism whereby one can essentially change who they are, and what they can become, in the eyes of the law. This paper will examine three principal types of global gender recognition identity laws-those that require official approval by "experts," those that provide options for a third gender, and those that allow for self-declaration. Case studies will be examined of laws in the United Kingdom, Nepal, and Argentina respectively to demonstrate the potential benefits and shortcomings of each type of law. The conclusion will consider the potential ramifications of removing gender as an official identity marker entirely, a move now considered by some to be the end result or goal of many of these laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores law and social policy regarding trans* activism amongst trans* and non-binary social movements, and academic research addressing trans* in the UK and Portugal. In considering different possibilities for theorising gender diversity, this article positions a politics of difference and embodied citizenship as fruitful for synergising the issues under discussion. The authors consider recent law and policy shifts around gender recognition in each country and examine the gaps and the connections between policy developments, activism and research around trans*. Though each country has divergence in terms of the history of trans* activism and research, the article identifies significant similarities in the claims of activist groups in the UK and Portugal and the issues and questions under consideration in academic research on trans* and non-binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the scope of the current revision process of the diagnostic manuals Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Other Health Problems (ICD), an international trans depathologisation movement has emerged that demands, among other claims, the removal of a diagnostic classification of gender transition processes as a mental disorder. The call for submissions launched by the American Psychiatric Association (APA) and World Health Organization (WHO) seems to provide the opportunity for a participation of civil society in the DSM and ICD revision processes. These developments open up a number of questions for us that will be discussed in this article. We conducted a meta-narrative review to explore the trans depathologisation movement’s contribution to the DSM and ICD revision process, uncover evidence of a ‘democratised turn’ in the process and review depathologisation proposals implemented in trans healthcare practices, human rights frameworks and legal gender recognition processes. We argue that the trans depathologisation movement has had little impact on medical practices in trans healthcare. However, there is some movement in local health services towards an informed consent model for limited healthcare interventions. Within some European and South/Central American legal frameworks, the depathologisation movement’s demands to free legal gender recognition from medical interventions and examinations have, in different degrees, been incorporated into legal recommendations and enacted in some recent gender recognition laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles in the issue on topics including LGBTIQ+ people struggle, queer history, and queer collective identity.

An editorial is presented in which author discusses on the "Queer Legacies, New Solidarities" conference held at Deakin University in Melbourne, Victoria in 2018. Topics discussed include information on reforms and policy changes in relation to non-binary sexualities in Australia; information on legislation regarding passports that allowed the choice of an X gender on them with the selection of gender; and rising international movement's mobilisations for climate justice.

The article highlights concepts of contemporary gender theory necessary to contextualize the Oregon nonbinary ruling. Topics discussed include history of legal determinations of sex and gender in the U.S.; Oregon and California rulings authenticating nonbinary gender status, as well as pending federal litigation on a similar issue; and need of modernization of gender documentation policies and practices; and decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in the case "Obergefell v. Hodges."

Gender fluidity and a failure to respect biological norms may have potentially horrific implications for children and adolescents who express doubt about their bodies. Are transgender activists driving an agenda that will result in inappropriate interventions that block normal development in children and adolescents from which there can be no return? Can the Law protect children and adolescents from harm committed with the intention of helping them? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]