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A comparative spatial history using GIS, this article examines the similar and differing effects of railway expansion on the growth of postal communications in Great Britain and France from 1830 to the eve of the Great War. It argues that the modern Postal Age in Great Britain and France began in the 1830s. In Britain in 1839, the Parliament obligated private railway companies to convey the Royal Mail throughout the kingdom at reasonable rates. Thereafter, the expansion of postal services and railway networks went hand in hand. Over the years, thousands of new post offices were established and were closer to rail stations than before. As the years wore on the geography of postal communication expanded greatly and by 1914 the majority of rural districts became part of the system of regular, daily mail. In France, a country four or five times larger than England and Wales with a relatively vast rural population, the task of modernizing postal service was a greater challenge. The inauguration of a "rural service" in 1829 employed some 5,000 men as postal carriers to deliver and collect mail throughout the countryside. Thereafter, their numbers grew as new post offices were established to serve villages and small towns with mail deliveries every other day. In the 1880s, under the Third Republic, the state greatly expanded the postal service, deeming it a national mission. It was then that the growing rail network came to shape the national geography of postal service. Hence, at the turn of the century the patterns British and French postal expansions converged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dell discusses the connections of portraiture, practices of looking and the re-making of men. Dell explores how the portraiture functioned in the colonial project. Dell asserts that Gide was ambivalent in his approach to French colonialism and that his work displays the many contradictions he had towards it. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The French Third Republic introduced more guarantees of civil liberties than any previous French regime, yet citizens remained unable to challenge police violence and illegality in court—even though the Penal Code provided a legal basis for prosecuting police misconduct. This article reveals how police managers and the judiciary in Paris collaborated to avoid bringing charges against police personnel. It also highlights the significant role played by French civil liberties activists and organizations, most notably the League of Human Rights, in pushing for more transparency and accountability in policing. While historians of policing have noted the discrepancies between high-minded republican ideals and limitations on citizens' rights and liberties, they see this as stemming from incomplete republicanization and justify police impunity as necessary for the defense of the Republic and its values. This article argues instead that the continued absence of police accountability to the law was rooted in republican values and priorities themselves. Moreover, the failure to prosecute police placed the French Third Republic increasingly at odds with developments in Britain and Prussia. Finally, it provides the basis for further comparative research into how different political regimes, past and present, respond to citizens' complaints about police abuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the balloon's invention in 1783, the French greeted the technology with enthusiasm, speculating extensively about its potential scientific and practical applications. However, the lack of progress in navigating against the winds discredited ballooning, and in the following decades it became the domain of spectacular forms of entertainment and of swindlers trying to defraud public subscriptions. All of this changed after the 1870–1871 Franco-Prussian War, during which balloons were used to breach the siege of Paris. This essay explores how the aeronautical community, led by the recently established Société Française de Navigation Aérienne, mobilized the memory of the war to transform the balloon into a symbol of a heroic republican science. Paramount in that process was the Zénith's 1875 high-altitude ascent that killed two aeronauts—Joseph Crocé-Spinelli and Théodore Sivel. The tragedy reverberated beyond France's scientific community, and through popular acclaim the two aeronauts became the Third Republic's first scientific martyrs, anticipating the eventual apotheoses of figures like Claude Bernard and Louis Pasteur. The ballooning revival in the last third of the century helped strengthen the association between France and aeronautics, thus setting the stage for the country to acquire a central position in the field by the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Thomas Luckmann, a pioneer of the "linguistic turn" in sociology, regarded Émile Durkheim as a source for the sociology of language, he had lifeworldly community–building in mind. However, the French sociologist himself understood language in the context of civil society–building. To Durkheim, language was a "social thing in the highest degree" that enabled general ideas and intermediated them to people. Abstract human ideals like the civil religion since the French Revolution could be shared through (a common) language. Thus, Durkheim took the exclusive use of French in the Third Republic's laic public education for granted, ignoring the patois in the country: This "child of the Enlightenment" considered French to be a universal language of Gesellschaft and, beyond ethno-communal elements, to work as a basis for the organic solidarity of French national civil society where the social division of labor was progressing. Durkheim's theory was predicated on civil-linguistic, not ethnolinguistic, nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Theoretical Studies of Literature & Art / Wenyi Lilun Yanjiu is the property of Editorial Board of Theoretical Studies in Literature & Art and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Massenet's Hérodiade (1881) is today one of the lesser-known variations of the Salomé myth. Although based on Flaubert's Hérodias (1877) and written and premiered at the height of the narrative's popularity, the opera displays some peculiar deviations from both Flaubert's tale and other, especially fin-de-siècle , renderings of the myth. By situating Hérodiade 's departures from Flaubert's short story within both the framework of operatic conventions and the broader context of the opera's genesis, this article highlights Hérodiade 's status as a self-contained rendering, rather than a mere dramatic rewriting of the story—let alone an unfaithful adaptation. In doing so, three main elements that played an essential role in the process of (re)creation are brought to attention: the conventions of grand opera, Massenet's own aesthetics and interpretation of the tale, and the impact of the socio-political context of France's Third Republic on the opera's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the differences between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from succoring the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs, one of the contributions of the present paper. While the welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare organizations in the United States predate the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not as state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale and were recreated as self-managed citizen groups in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the re-appropriation effect, or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three-stage reform process manifesting itself in 1946, 1967 and 1996. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I thank I Ethnicities i and the contributors to this discussion for taking the time to read and comment on I Whiteshift i (Kaufmann, 2018). If I had to characterise the political leaning of my critics, I would describe Johnston as realist/empirical but relatively apolitical, Ford as liberal-left and Holmwood as radical-left. Ford claims that antipathy to African-Americans was inherent in southern white identity prior to the Civil Rights era and that anti-Catholicism pervaded the Scots Protestant identity of the 1930s. Setting this up as a white-versus-minority issue, or conflating white privilege - which is real - with active white domination, is both misleading and counterproductive. [Extracted from the article]

In this article we will review the classic(well-known/traditional) debate faced by Simiand and Seignobos in the first decade of the 20th century. Generally, the epistemological aspect of the dispute is considered the main matter at stake. The debate is usually remembered due to Simiand's critique on the implicit determinisms (political, individual, chronological idol) in the historians's method. Nevertheless, the purpose of this article is to suggest a change of look in understanding this intellectual dispute. Far from exhausting the discussion on normal scientific practices' confrontation, the dispute will be studied within the framework of a broader struggle in which two candidatures (sociology and history) strives for the hegemony of the human sciences of the French university. To that end, it is necessary to analyze which institutional spaces were respectively filled by the historical and by the sociological discipline within the framework of the republican higher education. Finally, we will reflect on the lack of symmetry that characterized the relationship between both disciplines, to conclude that such disparity may be the cause of the semi-failure of the Durkheimian attack against the historians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog Fakulteta u Sarajevu is the property of Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Education is a foundation of society. Thus, politicians and educators of the newly-formed French Third Republic advocated the educational reform and used education as a tool of policy to implement the civilizing mission in metropolitan France. This paper analyzes the socio-political context of the French educational reform in 1870s and 1880s and points out the political goals of the reform. The greatest political implication of this reform was to ensure the legitimacy and stable development of the Third Republic. At the same time, the civilizing mission was also carried out in the French colonies with the expectation of spreading French republican values through and by education. This paper continues to examine the relation between educational reform in France and the implementation of colonial educational policy in Vietnam, mainly in terms of politics, in the period of 1870 to 1914. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The secularization literature increasingly recognizes the role of historical state‐building processes and the manifest agency of sociopolitical actors in shaping public secularity. Based on archival data from the French Third Republic, this article offers three contributions to the historicizing agenda. First, to better capture the contingent and agency‐driven nature of secularization, it reoperationalizes the concepts of separation and regulation as contentious strategies of state‐building used toward religious authority. Second, it identifies and exemplifies four interrelated yet uneven spheres in which secularization is prompted through governmental action: politico‐institutional, socio‐pedagogical, symbolic‐ideological, and property‐distributional. Third, it suggests going beyond viewing secularizing agents as disconnected elites operating independently of grassroots movements. The French case shows that the Republicans' engagement with the pressures of various class forces had a significant impact on their secularizing policies. The analysis advances the study of the mechanisms whereby state‐building engenders and mediates secularization as a nonlinear and heterogeneous process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the representation of French India at the French India pavilion during the 1931 Colonial Exposition in Paris, France. Topics considered include the French empire, collective memory, colonial historiography, colonial administration during the French Third Republic. It discusses the changing fortunes of Pondichéry, India, which began as an 18th century French colonial outpost, but was traded back and forth with the British as a result of ongoing hostilities between the countries. The biography of French commercial broker Ananda Ranga of the Compagnie des Indes (French East India Co.) is considered.

During its first decades the Third Republic's relationship with the Catholic Church soured. While the Republic notoriously recast itself as a secular regime through removing clerics from the classroom, laicization also drove the development of public welfare. By examining the case of ouvroirs, charitable ateliers run by female religious orders to train and employ young women, this article explores the consequences of new ideas about welfare for working-class girlhood. In the context of rising anticlericalism, the Republic mobilized labor law and sent labor inspectors to scrutinize the nuns' treatment of their charges. The Republic's efforts to regulate these spaces represent a transformation in its treatment of girlhood, a recognition that girls' care could not be left to the private sphere. Instead, not only was it the Republic's responsibility to protect these girls, but this protection had a larger, societal imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worldwide, subject-matter teachers are commonplace in post-elementary schools. Teachers' specialisation appears as a key characteristic of secondary schools as opposed to the polyvalence of primary school teachers. Historians have already studied the long process of teachers' specialisation, which started, in France as in Prussia (for example), at the beginning of the nineteenth century and developed alongside secondary school modernisation. Those works have usually focused on professional aspects: the structuration of professional groups thanks to the unification of training and recruiting processes, the organisation of teachers within subject-matter associations etc. However, they have not paid much attention to the resistance opposed by other forms of pedagogical organisation, as if polyvalence were were just a backward anomaly, a backward anomaly, doomed to disappear. This paper seeks to shed new light on this question using a comparison between the different forms of post-elementary schooling that existed at the same time in France between the last third of the nineteenth century and the middle of the twentieth, when the slow growth of post-elementary schooling was mainly due to the success of subaltern institutions. In those institutions, dedicated to technical education, girls' secondary education, or upper-lower classes' education ("primaire supérieur", "secondaire special"), different kinds of polyvalence or bivalence were experienced in the classrooms. At the same time, specialisation was triumphing in classical secondary education. Why, how and to what extent did specialisation eventually impose itself in these different institutions? To address this question, two types of material are used. On the one hand, the question is studied on a national level, analysing both the legislation and the controversies it arouses in pedagogical and professional reviews. On the other hand, these views and theories are confronted with a prosopography of post-elementary school teachers in one department, Eure-et-Loir, which offers several forms of post-elementary institutions. This question is addressed focusing on literary disciplines (philosophy, French, Latin, Greek, modern languages and history and geography). By narrowing the scope, the intellectual and cultural stakes of the various pedagogical organisations that were implemented or advocated may more easily be grasped. The first part of the article examines the most common (though relatively untested) hypothesis: there was just one strategy for those who advocated the promotion of subaltern types of post-elementary schooling as part of a democratisation process, and this strategy was reproducing the model of the elite institution, secondary classical education, including its pedagogical organisation, starting with subject-matter teachers. The chronology of the changes, the content of the debates, as well as a comparative inquiry into teachers' remuneration induces us to discard this hypothesis as insufficient if not irrelevant. For girls' secondary education, a trade-off may be observed between equalisation (of salaries, rights etc.) and pedagogical alignment. For the other institutions, there was no lack of advocates for the specificity of the pedagogy or of the institution; however, specialisation was usually considered a process that could ameliorate the quality of teaching in these institutions without renouncing its specificity. In fact, in the period under study, the louder advocates for less specialised teachers came from secondary classical education itself: the specialisation process as well as the fragmentation of the class schedule had pedagogic inconveniences, abundantly noticed and commented on by subject-matter teachers themselves. In the second part, these critics and the two main alternatives suggested by the teachers are examined. The first is linked with the Progressive Education movement ("Education nouvelle" in French). The École des Roches, a private institution, tested an original organisation that combined the tradition of the humanities with the modern characteristic of "Éducation nouvelle": there was only one teacher for history, geography, French, Latin and Greek. The teacher was thus enabled to practise a pedagogy of interest, as advocated by Ovide Decroly. The second alternative was advocated by some modern language teachers: if modern language teachers could teach French as well as a modern language, this pedagogic organisation could give strong unity to the until then defective "modern" curriculum (without Latin). The third part turns towards the effective organisation of post-elementary schools in Eure-et-Loir. To what extent were these alternative conceptions of pedagogical organisation implemented? The analysis of individual records of teachers suggests several results. First of all, in small institutions – be they classical secondary institutions like "collèges" or modern ones like "écoles primaires supérieures" – specialisation of services was a luxury that most teachers could not afford. Most of the time, they had to teach several subjects, even if they had been trained for just one. However, polyvalence was not used as an opportunity to make connections between the subjects. Class schedules rarely enabled teachers to use polyvalence as a way to teach several subjects to the same pupils. More often, polyvalence was used by the administration as an expedient that some teachers explicitly tried to escape, for example by asking for a move to a bigger institution. This mundane reality of small institutions invites us to pay renewed attention to teacher training and its regulation during the same period. At the end of the nineteenth century, teachers' specialisation had been inextricably linked with the modernisation of universities through the specialisation of the "licence de lettres" in 1880. When this model proved to be partially irrelevant for a significant proportion of post-elementary schools, how did universities react? Were universities fit for something other than training specialised teachers? The answer is yes. The curriculum organisation of the licence opened up several possibilities for training polyvalent teachers. This perspective was still looming at the end of the 1930s. The curricula of the different post-elementary settings analysed in this article shared the same characteristics: they worked as "serial codes" not as "integrated codes", to quote Basil Bernstein. Therefore the specialisation, bivalence or polyvalence of the teachers did not have much influence, in itself, on the degree of integration of the curriculum. From this perspective, specialisation could probably guarantee better teaching of the subject matters. However, polyvalent teachers were better suited to small schools than specialist ones. Considering demographic and geographic constraints, there was a clear trade-off between specialisation of teachers and separation of publics. In small cities, it was necessary either to mix the pupils to specialise the teachers, or to accept some kind of polyvalence to keep different types of students separated; the debate was still open during the 1930s. School massification, coeducation and the baby-boom era rapidly settled the matter for small cities after the Second World War, giving way to an effective specialisation of teachers. But the question remained open, until the end of the 1970s, for rural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the bicentennial of the Battle of Boyacá on August 7, 1819. It recalls Simón Bolívar's strong cultural education, which is attempted from the exegesis of the books in his library found in Guayaquil. Particularly, his proximity to and study of Benjamin Constant's constitutional writings stand out. The results of this assessment are contradictory. Bolívar appears as a great strategist of his era on the battlefield, an example of which is the Battle of Boyacá (but not the only one). Yet, his constitutional models are insufficient and inadequate, especially the Constitution of Bolivia of 1826, for its excessive presidentialism, power centralization, and disproportionate exceptional powers, which provoked criticism from Constant himself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The decade of the 1880s was a turbulent period for the French Third Republic. Corruption scandals that discredited republican parties and a lacklustre economic performance after the Paris Bourse crash of 1882 gave rise to widespread public disenchantment with the republican political elites. The rise of the Boulangist movement was the most representative example of this disillusionment. In 1887, Georges Boulanger, an army general and former minister of war, began orchestrating a populist mass campaign against the ruling republicans and the parliamentary regime. His political agitation, supported by a heterogeneous coalition of socialists, radicals and royalists, reached a climax in January 1889, when, after winning a Paris by-election, he had an opportunity to stage a coup d'état , which did not materialise. To understand whether French investors perceived the Boulangist campaign as a real threat to their interests, I use an original dataset of daily stock prices to analyse the effect of the January 1889 by-election on the value of politically connected firms listed on the Paris Bourse. The results show that firms with links to the republican parties experienced positive cumulative abnormal returns after Boulanger's refusal to stage the coup, while there was no effect on firms connected to the royalist parties or with no political ties. These findings suggest that French investors reacted positively to the prospective subsiding of the Boulangist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1893 and 1901, the Parisian traiteur Potel et Chabot catered a series of gala meals celebrating the recent Franco-Russian alliance, which was heralded in France as ending its diplomatic isolation following the Franco-Prussian War. The firm was well adapted to the particularities of the unlikely alliance between Tsarist Russia and republican France. On the one hand, it represented a tradition of French luxury production, including haute cuisine, that the Third Republic was eager to promote. On the other, echoing the Republic's championing of scientific and technological progress, it relied on innovative transportation and food conservation technologies, which it deployed spectacularly during a 1900 banquet for over twenty-two thousand French mayors, a modern "mega-event." Culinary discourse therefore signaled, and palliated concerns about, the improbable nature of the alliance at the same time as it revealed important changes taking place in the catering profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the issue of elite male opinion in France toward women's suffrage on the eve of World War I. It is based on three poorly known sources from the years 1910-13--two published opinion surveys and the entries in an essay contest sponsored by the Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques--revealing the attitudes of a sample of male social and political elites. Their opinions can be divided into three broad categories: those in favor, those firmly opposed, and those who expressed qualified support. Social conservatism with regard to change in general appeared to be an important element in male resistance. Those opposed or offering only qualified support adopted two major strands of reasoning: the reassertion of hierarchical sexual difference supported by nature, accompanied by the fear of sex warfare; and dissatisfaction with the existing form of "universal" manhood suffrage, leading to a call for electoral reform that would take precedence over any change in women's political status. But a surprising number also appeared uncertain, even ambivalent or ignorant, about the goals of the suffrage movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article underlines the significance of emotions in shaping political culture by analyzing a largely forgotten spectacle, the "Christmas Tree of the Alsatians and Lorrainers." Held annually in Paris from 1872 until 1918, the event aided children whose families had fled Alsace and Lorraine to retain French citizenship following France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. It also provided an afternoon's entertainment for a paying audience. The Christmas tree was strongly associated with Alsace, and the event was a spectacle of patriotism, widely reported in the popular press. Through music, verse, and performance, those present mourned "the Lost Provinces" and celebrated the patrie, mobilizing for the Republic the emotions roused by the loss of Alsace and Lorraine. This event highlights the significance of popular cultural practices in developing the "sympathetic emotional regime" that underpinned the successful implantation of the Third Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several French lawyers specialized in public law did not rally to the general promotion of transplantation or unification of legal systems defended by the promoters of the 1900 Congrès de droit comparé held in Paris. According to them, the practical effect of comparison should not be treated without prudence in public law, because foreign constitutional or administrative experiences are not to be understood without their cultural of political frame and appear as anti-models. A more open and critical comparison developps in public law in the 1920s and 1930s.

The article informs that introduction of supplemental oxygen for high altitude balloon flight, and carried an array of instruments that Glaisher utilised to measure various parameters . Topics discussed include immensity of the air at the mercy of the winds, experiencing a cold which no mortal ever felt in the severest climates; and doubted the accuracy of Blanchard's barometric readings, his account was among the first to outline the dangers of high altitude flight.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses royal heritage and the sale at auction of the crown jewels in France during the early Third Republic. Emphasis is given to topics such as the conservation of historical and artistic objects, the cataloging and bid management for auction items, and the symbolism of the sale in the opposition of art historian Germain Bapst.

This article uses an 1881 revolt by settler students at the normal school of Algiers to explore issues of settler identity formation, anticlericalism, and racism. It argues that in the early Third Republic, settlers began to see the public school as a key site for creating a distinctly "Algerian" identity, one that excluded both Algerian Muslims and even new arrivals from the metropole. In this effort, settlers sought to implement radical versions of French republicanism and anticlericalism that were in reality highly restrictive, as they combined both metropolitan disdain for Catholicism and colonial scorn towards Islam. The investigations precipitated by the revolt reveal a colony and metropole whose fundamental concepts took shape in circuit between France and Algeria. The version of republicanism that emerged in Algeria served as an important precursor for the exclusive republicanism and its prohibitions on the public expression of faith in the ascendency in France today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To explain racial fissures in France today, one must revisit the structural and ideological failings in the origin of key Republican institutions. This article analyzes how the symbolic and material significance of labor structures imposed on black French citizens in the Third Republic produced differentiation in the value of labor to the nation. The production of social patterns and belief systems based on racial inequality were integrated into the structure of the French welfare state. The experience of black political actors, Hégésippe Légitimus, Blaise Diange, Lamine Senghor, and the state illustrates how the welfare state, as an engine of assimilation, defined a differential and racialized status for blacks during the process of crucial institution building. Although the majority of blacks in the French Empire were subjects during the Third Republic, the experience of those who were citizens indicates contradictions related to incorporation and race. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study deals with the problem of creating of the new relationship of post-war Czechoslovak society and its political elites to the Soviet Union and its social, political, economic and culture system. The theoretical frame of this study is based on the theory of cultural hegemony of A. Gramsci. The study aims is to show how the politics and the media interpreted image of the USSR, and how was this image used to explain the key steps that Czechoslovakia's political elites realized in the post-war period in internal and foreign policy. The study is primary based on themes, such as the implications of the Czechoslovakia-Soviet Treaty of 1943, the position of the USSR to the Munich crisis, the recognition of the London Exile government, or Soviet acceptation of the expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia. The analysis of the crisis of refusing the participation of Czechoslovakia in the Marshall Plan is also an important part of this study. We show the inconsistency of fear of post-war Czechoslovak society and politicians of the possibility of renovation of strong Germany and the possible continuation of conflict with them. The study also deals with the question of the revival of the topic of the Slavic mutuality it was relatively connected with the model of people's democracy, imported by the Soviets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]