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(1) Background: The rise of fascism in American and, indeed, throughout the world, prompts a question: why does fascism remain persistent in human existence? The question is one that Karl Jaspers might have asked regarding the origin and goal of history. The political description of fascism is not adequate to describe the lived experience of those drawn to it, and to assume such people to be irrational does not suffice. Rather, culture provides semiotic structure, which is phenomenologically embodied by people in a Mitwelt. (2) Results: Perhaps what is needed is not a political description of fascism but a communicological analysis that proceeds as a semiotic phenomenology of fascism as it is culturally embodied. Jaspers' concept of evil frames fascism as colonialism turned against itself, disguised banally in such phenomena as Schadenfreude, as described by Lanigan. (3) I approach this question using a semiotic phenomenological method. (4) Conclusions: The fading colonial dominance in the form of cultural hegemony creates Laingian ontological insecurity and a desire for one's inner fascist to identify itself in others. Addressing fascism requires new politics of experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1936 to 1939, the Cuban magazine Mediodía brought together Communists, socialists, and other progressives in a common battle against fascism, imperialism, and racism. Published in Havana, Mediodía was centrally concerned with Cuban domestic politics, in particular with struggles for democratic representation and for racial and gender equality. But for the magazine's editors, these battles could not be disconnected from the broader turbulence afflicting the world in the 1930s, from the Spanish Civil War to the Japanese occupation of China and the Nazi threat in Europe. As a case study in imaginative radical publishing, Mediodía would be worthy enough of scholarly attention. But it also provides a compelling window onto Cuba's Popular Front politics of the 1930s. Not only were the antifascist, antiracist convergences reflected in Mediodía's pages formative for a generation of Cubans; they also anticipated the ideological alliances that shaped the island's trajectory after the 1959 revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern history of Mount Lebanon has witnessed several civil conflicts during which many lives were lost, and women and children were often not targeted. However, this reality began to change during the context of the major civil war from 1975 to 1990. This article will address the transformations in the political landscape of the civil war, particularly the political function of massacres, including the rape of women. The study illustrates how the Sabra and Shatila massacre (September 1982) had multiple uses and outcomes, whether through the rape of women and children or mass killings of civilians, either as acts of revenge or as an intense representation of racist ideology of Lebanese Forces, all under the pretext of protecting Lebanon by “purifying” Lebanese society of “foreign elements” and restoring racial superiority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on extensive archival documentation, newspapers, and periodicals, examines the impact upon the Soviet film industry of shifts in top‐level policy relating to representation of the war. It contends that Leonid Brezhnev's May 8, 1965, speech on the eve of Victory Day propounded an inclusive vision of the war (later sections of the speech comprise an exhaustive inventory of different representatives of military and civilian society who had been responsible for victory). Yet, in lending encouragement to participants of all kinds to consider their experience valid, the speech opened up a discursive space in which validity might be contested. Further, the emphasis in the film industry upon innovation and the need to avoid predictability ran directly against the requirement that commemoration of the war should fit highly ritualized and easily recognizable patterns. The article traces the results of these overall contradictions in the arguments about overall policy on the war film between representatives of the High Command, film managers at Goskino, cinema's central bureaucracy, and filmmakers themselves, and the controversies around individual films, including Iurii Ozerov's Liberation (1968–72), Andrei Smirnov's The Belorussian Station (1970), Aleksei German's Operation "New Year" (1971, released as Checkpoint, 1985), and Larisa Shepit'ko's Ascent (1977). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper forwards critical inquiry as a tool for hope against authoritarian movements in American public higher education. We utilize a speculative case study approach to interrogate the present moment, with its rising tide of authoritarian fascism in the United States and its manifestations in higher education. Rather than viewing this case (and its analogue) as solvable, we orient to it as a predicament. After introducing the problem of authoritarianism in higher education and presenting a speculative case rendering of it, we shift to explore three critical theories: queer theory, futures studies, and speculative feminisms. We use each of these theories to reorient the predicament the case study presents. To read the case with these theories enacts critical anticipatory practices, offering new questions by which to teach and inquire with critical theory in our present fascistic moment. Such enactments spark hope for imagining participatory democratic futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Becoming-animal in Franz Kafka has functioned as a conceptual inkblot test, read in practically opposite ways by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari on the one hand and animal studies on the other. The concept is introduced in Kafka: Towards a Minor Literature , a text with no particular interest in displacing anthropocentrism. On the contrary, Deleuze and Guattari saw Kafka as an affirmatively anthropocentric writer who needed to have done with animals in order complete his anti-fascist accelerationist project. Yet ecocritical readers of Deleuze and Guattari have nevertheless found in becoming-animal a weapon against anthropocentrism. While Deleuze and Guattari attempt to purify Kafka of animality, animal studies for its part purifies both Kafka and Kafka of anti-fascism. The roots of this strange conceptual chiasmus lie in the manner in which the opposition nature-techne is thought and a certain shared Heidegerrian inheritance. A reading of Kafka's The Castle focusing on a horse-drawn sleigh provides resources for a concept of animal machine that would ruin the opposition between becoming-animal and machinic assemblage (nature-techne) that governs Kafka and blocks access to crucial resources for countering fascism and anthropocentrism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay provides an analysis of texts and images (memes) that have been widely distributed and discussed within the contemporary fascist/national socialist spectrum, and that articulate a pointed antagonism toward modernity. The meaning of the term 'modernity' is seldom clearly defined, but it can be generally understood, in this context, as referring to liberal or progressive stances on current hot-button topics concerning race, gender or sexuality as well as broader post-Enlightenment conceptions of democracy, equality or human rights. It is often contrasted with a mythologized past and an idealized future. Fascists thus style themselves as an elite-yet-beleaguered minority with the courage to contradict modern consensus values, despite all social or material costs. In particular, this essay takes a closer look at the online genre known as 'fashwave'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

De Luca's A Dissenting Word (2015) – his essay-length self-defense against charges brought by the Italian state in response to his statements made in support of the No TAV movement in Italy's Val di Susa – was in part the inspiration for the present collection of essays. The interview that follows focuses on the definition and application of De Luca's concept of 'contrarian speech' in light of subsequent events, particularly the rise of a militant Right in Italy and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This scholarly inquiry delves into Wyndham Lewis's The Jews Are They Human? (1939), a pro-Semitic book through the lens of Nathan Waddell's ideologies, which focuses on the intersection of literature, politics, and cultural criticism during the rise of fascism. Waddell's scholarship highlights how Lewis's work navigates the complex terrain of fascist literary discourse, engaging critically with the ways in which literary criticism was employed as a tool of propaganda and ideological control. Drawing on Waddell's insights, this analysis explores how Lewis's satirical critique targets the absurdities of anti-Semitic rhetoric and the broader manipulations of fascist cultural criticism. In a broader sense, this paper argues that, as articulated by Waddell, Lewis's approach is not just a rejection of fascist ideology but a deeper engagement with the mechanisms of literary criticism that fascism sought to exploit. Lewis's work uses irony, parody, and counter-narratives to expose the pseudo-scientific racism and myth-making central to fascist criticism, revealing the ethical failings of intellectual complicity. By scrutinizing how Lewis subverts the language and tactics of fascist critics, this analysis illuminates his broader project of reclaiming literary criticism as a space for resistance against oppressive ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bernardo Bertolucci's The Conformist (1970), an adaptation of the 1951 novel by Alberto Moravia, has long been recognized for its sophisticated use of both mise-en-scène and editing to explore the historical and psychological effects of Fascism. Bertolucci made significant use of locations in Rome to characterize the Fascist aesthetic, and to visualize the subjective memory of the protagonist Marcello. Concurrent with his evocative use of Fascist imagery is Bertolucci's complex layering of ancient references, primarily in the form of monuments, to complicate and elaborate the viewer's understanding of both Marcello's memory and the historical context, yet this palimpsest of reference has never been comprehensively excavated. This article analyses the classical and classicizing references within The Conformist in their role as memory complexes functioning both narratively and in the cognitive experience of the audience. This exploration seeks both to contextualize Bertolucci's specific modes of reception within contemporary Italian culture and to deepen the analysis of ancient monuments as cinematic locations more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that scholarship on Polanyi’s double movement thesis has been disembedded from the arguments laid out by Polanyi in The Great Transformation. Much scholarship claims ideologically left- or right-wing movements to be examples of Polanyi’s countermovement. This article will demonstrate this is a misreading through a detailed examination of Polanyi’s magnus opus. It will demonstrate that Polanyi not only does not regard ideological movements as part of the countermovement concept but he ridicules this understanding as the ‘myth of the antiliberal collectivist conspiracy’. After dissecting the double movement dynamic this article will use the findings to intervene in the Goodwin-Sandbrook debate arguing for a non-ideological reading of the countermovement, in which the countermovement is ultimately destructive to the self-regulating market and the double movement itself. This break-down gives space to the transcendental ideological movements, fascism and socialism, to actualize their ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberal capitalism, characterized by freer movement of goods and services and capital, including finance, across country borders, keeps down real wages everywhere even as labor productivity increases. This raises income inequalities, creating an ex ante tendency toward overproduction, which underlies the current stagnation and growing unemployment in the world economy. This crisis cannot be overcome within neoliberalism, since globalized finance opposes larger state expenditure financed through heavier taxation of the rich or a larger fiscal deficit. This underlies the current pervasive tendency toward neofascism. Overcoming neofascism requires transcending neoliberalism by mobilizing working people around a rights-based welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is there a link between authoritarian politics and free market economics? How important has economic theory been historically to the rise of authoritarian systems and ideologies? Are fascism and populism determined by economic priorities or economic interests? In this article, I argue that economics was not that important, and certainly not as important as politics was, for fascists and populists. I then address how this is changing in the present cases of wannabe fascist populists such as Donald Trump in the United States and Javier Milei in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the South Tyrolean Option of 1939 and the motives of the German-speaking population in the decision "to leave or to stay". It discusses the instrumentalization and different uses of the term. The article also provides an overview of the historical events from 1918 to 1938, the division of Tyrol and the annexation of South Tyrol by Italy. Under the fascist regime, the South Tyroleans were confronted with repression. The Italianization of South Tyrol took place in two phases: first, the political and cultural assimilation through decrees and laws, followed by the majorization, the expansion of industry, and the state-sponsored immigration of Italians. The Option of 1939 allowed the South Tyroleans to choose between German and Italian citizenship and led to their resettlement in the German Reich. [Extracted from the article]

Although a few historians have discussed the influence of Peronism in Chile, research has been guided mostly by diplomatic studies and political history, which, though important, are less convincing for historians interested in logics of media representation, particularly from the satirical press. This article explores visual representations of Argentina’s president Juan Perón (1946–1955) in the Chilean magazine Topaze. By discussing and contextualizing a series of images produced by Chilean cartoonists, this study provides new insights into the important role played by the press in shaping anti-Peronist sensibilities and discrediting Perón within Chilean domestic politics. Studying the impact of Peronism in the region—particularly in neighboring countries such as Chile—is useful for thinking about Peronism as a transnational phenomenon with multiple meanings outside Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This autoethnographic article unpacks a highly publicized, Zionist, and right-wing smear campaign. Rather than individualize this process, the article discusses this smear campaign to outline the mechanics of what are referred to as "settler colonial outposts" that extend the sovereignty of the Israeli settler state. The article maps out how settler colonial outposts are ideological formations and thus also spaces of convergence for fascists and liberal Zionists. Finally, it attends to the psychic and affective features of settler colonial outposts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do the changing roles of diverse publics affect possibilities for the practice of public sociology? Having set this question in the context of Burawoy's 2004 launch of public sociology, this analysis goes on to look at some distinguished illustrative examples of public sociology, beginning with Du Bois. The goal is to explore how the evolution of surrounding 'archipelagos of publics' creates challenges and opportunities for public sociology. In addition to Du Bois, the work of Edward Webster and his colleagues in South Africa, the unorthodox career of Marshall Ganz and the ethnographic public sociology of Arlie Hochschild are considered. A synoptic sketch of the evolution of publics in Brazil since the 1964 military coup and an example of contemporary Brazilian public sociology—the 'Emancipation Network'—follow. I conclude with a 'neo-Polanyian pessimist' vision of what the contemporary combination of neoliberalism and reactionary authoritarianism might mean for public sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a new perspective on the intersection of technology, biology, and politics in modern Germany by examining the history of biotechnics, a nonanthropocentric concept of technology that was developed in German-speaking Europe from the 1870s to the 1930s. Biotechnics challenged the traditional view of technology as exclusively a human creation, arguing that nature itself could also be a source of technical innovations. Our study focuses on the contributions of Ernst Kapp, Raoul Heinrich Francé, and Alf Giessler, highlighting the gradual shift in political perspectives that influenced the merging of nature and technology in their respective visions of biotechnics. From Kapp's liberal radicalism to Francé's social organicism and ultimately to Giessler's totalitarian fascism, their writings increasingly vitalized technology by portraying it as a natural force independent from human influence. The history of biotechnics sheds light on previously unexplored aspects of debates surrounding the sciences and philosophy of technology in Germany, while also foreshadowing contemporary discussions on technocultural hybridity. As a genealogy of the idea of nonhuman technology, the article raises perturbing questions about the political implications of conflating nature and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Societal Impact Statement: The Green Revolution is commonly understood as the dramatic increase in food production in Mexico and India between the 1940s and 1970s due to the spread of new agricultural technologies, especially high‐yielding seed varieties. Beyond this conventional understanding, however, historians are now revealing the occurrence of—and connections between—various Green Revolutions across space and time. This article identifies a "fascist Green Revolution" through the history of agrarian development and scientific wheat breeding in fascist Italy (1922–1943). Through this case study, the article provides new insights into key themes of discussion around the Green Revolution such as the relationship between plant breeding, the environment, food security, and food self‐sufficiency. Summary: In 1925, the fascist regime launched the "Battle of Wheat," a plan of agrarian development aimed at achieving self‐sufficiency in wheat, Italy's main food crop. Key to this project was the replacement of traditional landraces with "elite" semi‐dwarf and early‐maturing wheat cultivars released by Italy's star plant breeder Nazareno Strampelli. Through the historical analysis of Strampelli's breeding program and of the implementation of the fascist "seed replacement" strategy, this article makes the case for viewing the Battle of Wheat as a "fascist Green Revolution."The article draws on new methods and perspectives developed by the historiography of the Green Revolution. It is grounded on the historical analysis of fascist‐era publications and archival documents produced by Italian crop scientists and agricultural research institutions.While "elite" cultivars spread rapidly in fertile and wealthy northern Italy, they struggled to take hold in the dry and poor Italian South. The article delineates the environmental, social, and economic reasons underpinning this divergence. Focusing in particular on agrarian scientists' approaches to crop improvement in the Italian South, the article shows how this "marginal" region became a key site for the development of scientific counter‐narratives and concrete alternatives to the official fascist strategy of "seed replacement."The article reveals the co‐existence of multiple approaches over space and time within fascist‐era agrarian science. Through this case study, it provides new elements to analyze key themes in science and agriculture historiography such as the tension between hyper‐modernization and agroecological concerns, centralized and decentralized research, imported technologies and local resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In this article the way in which current neo-fascism is penetrating education is analysed. For this purpose, a case study sample of three prominent figures was chosen linked to the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), an organisation that has woven global networks and managed to have an important political presence worldwide: Steve Bannon (USA), Javier Milei (Argentina) and Santiago Abascal (Spain). The research methodology used was Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), examining the texts and documents produced by these figures regarding the debates on education. The results show a basic similarity, albeit centred on different specific focuses: a) the warning of a leftist threat in education, sometimes characterised as an effect of 'cultural Marxism'; b) a generalised rejection of educational proposals that seek to address cultural differences within schools and particularly with regard to sex education policies and the critical analysis of ethnic and cultural relations; c) a commitment to the 'freedom' of choice of individuals and families with regard to education, which consists of a project of educational privatisation. The conclusions of this research reflect the solid constitution of an international network of educational neo-fascism with a common agenda, with different implementation depending on the geographical and political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dalla parte di lei by Alba de Céspedes explores the life of the protagonist, Alessandra, in Rome, from her childhood to the early years of her marriage, a period that spans the Fascist years through the Second World War and the Resistance, and ends shortly after the liberation. The narrative illustrates the painful effects of Mussolini's policy of autarky and food rationing and their burden on women. Food and food preparation constitute gendered signs that highlight the contrast between Alessandra's values and those of both Fascist and immediate post-Fascist society. Alessandra's resistance to gendered food labour carries political resonance. Food scarcity frames Alessandra's rejection of both male precedence and matriarchal authority, her critique of gender and class injustices, and her participation in the Italian Resistance. The food motif sheds light on Alessandra's gender performance and queer desires. This article focuses on three aspects of Alessandra's resistance: her resistance to traditional gender roles, her political awakening during the Second World War food shortages, and her sexual and emotional hungers and queer desire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorises the contemporary convergence of neoliberal and fascist principles by examining the thought of political actors in the 1930s and 1940s who were active in both neoliberal and fascist organisations. I suggest that a sympathy for fascism formed a minor but significant strand of early neoliberal thought, and that unpacking the logics that led particular thinkers and political actors to believe that fascism was compatible with neoliberalism can shed light on the contemporary political moment. Based on my reading of early 'neoliberal fascists', I theorise three points of convergence. The first was a belief that socialism had to be opposed by all possible means, including violence and the repression of popular democracy. The second was a racialized understanding of the underpinnings of the market economy, leading to an acceptance of the necessity of racial exclusion. Thirdly, both fascist and neoliberal thinkers believed that patriarchy was a necessary feature for the reproduction of capitalism, and hence that traditional gender roles had to be preserved against pressures for social change. In theorising this convergence, I also gesture to how the overlap of neoliberalism and fascism can be witnessed in the contemporary milieu, with a focus on the libertarian Mises Institute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Studies is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nuova Rivista Storica is the property of Societa Editrice Dante Alighieri s.r.l. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In her influential monographs and essays, Katherine Verdery transformed understandings of state socialism and the command economy at its heart. I reflect here on how scholars might similarly reframe understandings of Italian fascism through renewed attention to the infrastructural project so central to fascist governance in both the metropole and overseas possessions. The piece operates in the spirit of Verdery's critical questioning of Western accounts that overestimated the centralization of power within socialist states. By contrast, the prevailing scholarship on fascist political economy, as well as empire, has stressed its irrationality. A prominent view thus depicts fascist projects of public works and autarchy largely as future-oriented projections (delusions, even) of the Duce or as monuments to failure. By employing an ethnographic sensibility that takes seriously the logics of infrastructure and fascist infrastructural power, the analysis derives inspiration from Verdery's method of challenging orthodoxies about power in particular state formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The work is aimed at revealing the dialectical relationship between the sense of conscience and historical memory, the conditionality of both by the dominant ideals of culture. Theoretical analysis. Using a psychoanalytic approach and the method of critical philosophical reflection, the author focuses on the conditionality of the cognition of history, and at the same time historical memory, by the restrictive framework of conscience, set by the specific orientation of an individual to the ideals of culture. Empirical analysis. The consequences of the predominant emphasis in the media and educational environment on the negative aspects of the Soviet stage of history, which was one of the main reasons for the moral and spiritual disorientation of the inhabitants of the post-Soviet space, are analyzed. This disorientation, right up to moral degradation to Nazi ideals, with the corresponding framework of shame and conscience, manifested itself most clearly in modern Ukraine. Conclusion. The selectivity of this knowledge of history, and, consequently, this memory of the past, depends on the characteristics of the manifestations of a sense of conscience, coupled with the requirements of moral ideals that guide a person in his actions and thoughts. For the successful development of Russia, it is necessary to enrich the historical memory with positive, significant events of the past, building a line of continuity of ideals that orient towards social justice, past and present.

Giovanni Berta, who died in Florence, in February 1921, was almost immediately declared a Fascist martyr and his memory was preserved and embellished through a variety of cultural means. This article will specifically consider how artistic representations of Berta's death contributed to reinforcing the legend of his murder and with what aims. Legitimizing and rationalizing Florentine Fascism's campaign of violence against its socialist and communist enemies, his memory also played an important and emotive role in the national party's mass mobilization campaign. Keywords: Fascism; Florence; Giovanni Berta; martyrs; cultural memory, Giovanni Berta died on the evening of February 28, 1921, after falling, jumping or being thrown from the Ponte Sospeso in Florence. One of a number of violent and shocking [...]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article asks how we should reconceptualize decolonization when it is hijacked by authoritarian/fascist forces. It focuses on the notorious Bhima Koregaon case in India in which 16 intellectuals/human rights defenders from across the country were imprisoned without trial as alleged terrorists. It shows how, on the one hand, decolonization is hijacked by the Hindu authoritarian regime and, on the other hand, colonial artifacts are resymbolized by the colonized to oppose oppression by native elites. It urges attention to the questions of who is mobilizing the language of decolonization and why. It argues that the most important anticolonial intellectuals may not use the language of decolonization and may not be in universities, but on the streets, with social movements, and in prison. It proposes that contemporary decolonization debates center processes of domination and oppression created by the state and global capital nexus, processes that are cultural, psychological, political, and economic. These processes are shown to entrench casteist/racist hierarchies, work through Indigenous elites, and create internal differentiation within marginalized communities, eschewing a unitary concept of indigenous ontology/cosmopolitics/worldviews. Calls for an emancipatory politics, such as that of decolonizing anthropology or the university, would be well placed to center these global processes and local nuances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to briefly reconstruct Robert Michels's account of the issue of political leadership as it developed in the last phase of his work, between the mid-1920s and the mid-1930s. By focusing on a series of more-or-less neglected writings (from Sozialismus und Fascismus to Studi sulla democrazia e sull'autorità, passing through the Corso di sociologia politica and Italien von heute), I will show how his "new theory of the élite" develops and how it is connected to the so-called "charismatic direction of public affairs" that is Michels's late reflection on the role and the nature of the political leader. In doing this, I will highlight the triple root of his conception of charismatic leadership (in short: the Weberian theoretical framework; the psychological aspect of hero-worship; fascist ideology) as well as the essential combination of history and theory that characterises his thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes one of the Lithuanian experiments in constructing some form of pro-fascist political system during 1930s, specifically focusing on the events leading to the establishment of the Lithuanian section of the Italian-led Action Committees for the Universality of Rome (CAUR). One of its initial goals and functions was facilitation of the processes of fascistization of the country. However, even though officially the Lithuanian CAUR section functioned from 1934 and until 1939, yet, thanks to the unwillingness of the Lithuanian political elites to proceed down the path of fascism, this led to the section's gradual demise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamists have been variously seen as close to the radical Left or the radical Right. We outline the basic features of socialism, fascism, and Islamism as social blueprints and then subject them to some economic models of political change. Since socialism bifurcated into a radical and a moderate branch (communism and social democracy) whereas fascism never did, we ask if any such bifurcation can be expected of Islamism. We find that socialism could, while fascism and Islamism could not, harness the self-interest of an already existing reform sector that would drive the political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers an overview of the threats posed to our democratic and educational institutions by neoliberalism and neofascism and articulates a pedagogy of "educated hope" based on the work of Ernst Bloch, Paulo Freire, and James Baldwin to restore a sense of civic and democratic agency in the classroom and other public settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Carnation Revolution was Portuguese and European. The issues that drove it were common to post-war European societies: decolonization, political democracy (fight against authoritarianism and dictatorships), intensification of class clashes. In Portugal, these problems were concentrated and exploded in a short space of time, thanks to a major crisis in the Armed Forces. Its political actors, from the MFA to the extreme left, were forced to improvise political responses to events that often overtook them. In Europe and around the world, it was seen as a continuation of the wave that began in 1968, both in the East and in the West. Its outcome involved all international political forces, including the USA and international left currents. The article seeks to give a synthetic account of the complex panorama that marked a process that, together with the end of the “dictatorship of the colonels” in Greece and Spanish democratization, conditioned two of the great milestones of the last quarter of the 20th century: the emergence of the European Union and the neoliberal wave.

Recent years have witnessed, also in the Italian context, the flourishing of numerous studies aimed at investigating so-called colonial art and, in parallel, the major exhibitions that were dedicated to it especially during the Fascist ventennio. These studies have brought to light the names of numerous authors involved in this artistic field, many of whom are little or not at all known. Among them appear several female figures, who arrived overseas - in most cases - following their families or husbands. Some of them were amateur authors, while others were artists with a fair amount of training, received through private lessons and attendance at the academy. Alongside more famous artists, such as Mimì Buzzacchi Quilici, there are the names of lesser-known authors such as Luigia Daviso Viola, Gina Chiozza Lorenzi and Elisa Bottèro Taffiorelli, to name but a few. The essay proposed here would therefore like to provide an initial, partial overview of the Italian women artists who stayed in overseas territories from the period between the two world wars, focusing in particular on the Libyan context and on some of the cases considered most interesting and illustrative of the different types of women artists, divided between amateur and professional authors.

The 1928 International Exhibition for the Fight against Tuberculosis, held in Rome in the Palazzo delle Esposizioni on Via Nazionale, and the 1937 Exhibition of Summer Camps and Childcare, also in Rome but in the Circus Maximus area, constitute two important chronological milestones of a research that connects architects and engineers on the theme of architecture for holiday camps for children. They are two stages of a ten-year journey that from an original purely sanitary-assistance purpose acquired that of nationalistic-ideological formation in which the Fascist regime transformed the buildings intended for tuberculosis treatment into actual gyms for the physical and spiritual training of young Italians, which can be considered as formidable propaganda machines. During the 1928 exhibition the role of the holiday camps for both the recovery and prevention of children from tuberculosis began to emerge and the commitment of the Roman engineer-architect Cesare Valle, who had been tackling the problem of the hospitalization of TBC patients in Rome since the 1920s, was underlined by the exhibition's wide resonance in newspapers and journals. Less than a decade later, in the exhibition dedicated to holiday camps, the technical-sanitary solutions had already taken on a supporting role, and in the designs of the citadel and the pavilions of the institutions for the care and education of children by various protagonists of the Italian architectural scene, it was above all architecture and propaganda that found an effective combination.

In the French Haute-Savoie there is still today a building that is deeply linked to the history of the Italian Republic, which not only testifies to its roots and values, but also represents a paradigm of childhood tragedies in the twentieth century. It is a holiday camp in Saint-Cergues Les Voirons (now converted into private apartments) which was built by the Italian “fuorusciti” for the children of the emigrated compatriots. The creation of this holiday camp was considered one of the most successful undertakings of international anti-fascism. After its opening in 1933, the holiday home was used for a few years by Italian emigrants’ children as well as a refuge for well-known anti-fascists; then it was adapted to the new needs of assistance to the most fragile and difficult children imposed by international circumstances. Five years after its opening, the building was in fact used as a holiday camp for Spanish refugee children from the civil war and, after the outbreak of the Second World War, it became a place to welcome children of any nationality, victims of the conflict and finally a home-refuge for young Jews fleeing deportation. This building, built in a typical alpine style, was most dissimilar from the fascist monumental architectural models. Built just a few kilometres from Geneva, it was much more than just a building: it was a real challenge against an autarchic regime that was increasingly turned in on itself, even in its educational models.

In the fall of 1945, the former mountain holiday camp of the Milan-based Fascist Sciesa Group in Selvino (Bergamo) was transformed into a sanctuary for young Jewish refugees who had escaped persecution, ghettos, and extermination. The immediate perception that this served as a form of reparation was destined to fade over the following decades as this function was succeeded by others. The architectural and social history of Sciesopoli is marked by a long, unbroken concatenation of uses – some antithetical, others in continuity – unfolding from the early 1930s until the late 1980s. As the model of large buildings for mass vacations and therapies faced a crisis, Sciesopoli shared the fate of similar structures: abandonment due to the difficult, perhaps impossible, reutilization in the present. Today, the current needs no longer align with the dimensions and forms of this historical structure. For over fifty years, Sciesopoli has provided thousands of children and young people with the benefits of mountain air, outdoor activities, a heated swimming pool, anti-tuberculosis therapies, and refugee shelter. Presently, only the latter function may continue to exist as a social necessity. However, a refugee shelter is hardly an object of investment in the restoration of a deteriorated structure in need of adjustments, which have indeed occurred during Sciesopoli's seven lives.

The 20s-30s of the 20th century have gone down in history as "the time of fascism", which is quite true for European countries. A unique phenomenon for the countries of the "South" was the emergence of a mass fascist movement in Brazil - Integralism, which proposed a new model of state-hood and economic system based on nationalism, authoritari-anism, and corporatism common to all fascist movements. Meanwhile, this movement had a number of striking differ-ences from its European counterparts: multiculturalism, non-ethnic and non-racial nationalism, and anti-imperialism. Inte-gralism was Brazil's first truly mass nationwide political movement in its history, whose main difference was the re-gionalization of politics and the disunity of the elites of the different provinces of the country, thus presenting a model of integration and nationwide modernization of the country. This article analyzes the ideological, political and programmatic foundations of Integralism, its political aspirations and practices.

The paper focuses on the Risorgimento roots of Piero Calamandrei’s thought, on his firm and open opposition to Fascism from the very beginning, and on his relationship with the Resistance. Through the pages of his Diary, the atmosphere of heavy oppression endured by many anti-fascist intellectuals is reconstructed. For Calamandrei, the liberation struggle became a historical moment of reconciliation not only with the ‘homeland’ vilified by Fascism, but also with the generation of which his son Franco was part, who had made a fundamental contribution to the Resistance.

The article explores the state of Canadian theatre in 2022, focusing on how recent works reflect the ongoing societal challenges post-COVID-19 lockdown. It highlights several plays, such as Forget Me Not by Ronnie Burkett, Reasonable Doubt by Joel Bernbaum, Lancelot Knight, and Yvette Nolan, and other productions that address themes of connection, grief, climate anxiety, fascism, and the ongoing tensions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities.

Nicolò Palazzetti's book, "Béla Bartók in Italy: The Politics of Myth-Making," explores the composer's relationship with Italy and the formation of his myth in the context of Italian politics. The book challenges the perception of Bartók as an anti-fascist, arguing that his reputation as such is a myth of our age. Palazzetti examines Bartók's visits to Italy, his reception by Italian composers, and the influence of his music in the country. The book provides a comprehensive analysis of Bartók's impact on Italian music and culture, shedding light on the complex relationship between art and politics. [Extracted from the article]

This introductory essay argues that trans rhetorics are a crucial method for grappling with the speed, scope, and ascendance of contemporary fascism. Yet, rhetorical studies have yet to robustly engage with trans methodologies and epistemologies, a refusal with dire consequences for academic labor in this climate and the future of the field. Pushing against the scarcity logics that render "trans issues" as "niche" or a "cultural war," this essay develops a way of reading fascist energizing. Through the concept affective metabolism, I argue trans people are imagined as resources to exhaust, alongside others captured by grievance politics. Consequently, fascist energizing is a way of metabolizing fear into authoritarian control, with consequences for trans people alongside laborers in communities for reproductive justice, climate, and disability justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central debate over the Blueshirt movement has centred on whether the movement can be classified as fascist. The two most significant accounts of Blueshirtism, by Maurice Manning (1971) and Mike Cronin (1997) have largely avoided explicit comparisons between the Blueshirts and other European fascist movements. While John Newsinger (2001) has argued that the Blueshirts may be usefully compared to the British Blackshirts, and Fearghal McGarry (2005) has highlighted aspects of Eoin O'Duffy's engagement with Italian Fascist ideas and practices, there is still more work to be done in exploring transnational links and possible comparisons between the Blueshirts and continental European fascist movements. This article argues that by interrogating the political culture of Blueshirtism, we can better understand its place within the spectrum of European fascisms. This article considers both the "high" and "low" aspects of Blueshirt culture. It examines the links between the Blueshirts and European fascist movements by analysing both political thought and political uniforms. By applying a transnational lens, we can thus gain a more holistic understanding of one of the most controversial political movements in modern Irish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polish physician and sociologist of science Ludwik Fleck was a prisoner in Buchenwald on April 11, 1945, the day my father, a US army physician, arrived there with the liberating troops. My father was exposed to Nazi brutality as a young Jew living in Vienna in the 1920s. Fleck was from Lvov, an epicenter of Nazi persecution. For both, a paramount question was what kind of medicine could be practiced in a world of deliberate extermination. Did they meet? My father's late-life memoir notes that "the inmates who were physicians immediately proceeded to make use of their skills to help their fellow inmates." That piqued my interest in how Fleck's socioscientific insights, described in Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact , emerged from his prewar experience of Nazi terror, when his scientific work, sociological-philosophical background, and observations of the prevailing fascism coalesced. This shaped his awareness of how collective thinking—by a nation, race, party, or class—produces facts and how politics and prejudice get entangled in scientific work. This essay explores Fleck's legacy and how both physicians offered resistance and reprisal to fascism, compelling concerns in view of today's increasing tolerance for fascism, racism, antisemitism, and "alternative" truths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging the thinking of Georges Bataille, this article examines the international politics of poison as a category of death-dealing that defies distinctions between war/not war and weapon/not weapon. Refraining from splitting poison into pesticides and chemical weapons, the article analyses political ecologies and affective economies of poison both historically and today, to illuminate which desires and strategies poison, as a technology of death, lends itself to. Taking its departure in Bataille's writing on fascism and ending with his main theory of a general economy, the article weaves through nerve agent assassinations, fumigation, and ideas about gardening, to arrive at the conclusion that poison is not so much an excessive response as it is a response to excess. Following Bataille in viewing ecology as economies of consumption and competition, the article develops a rubric of martial economies of poison to encapsulate how poison, as mode of martial expenditure, makes spaces vacant by death, and room for organisms deemed worthy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]