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With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2020. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-100). In March 2016, the European Union (EU) and Turkey agreed on a deal which envisaged to put an end to the irregular crossings of Syrian refugees from Turkey to Europe. This thesis aims to explain two important puzzles regarding the deal. While almost all countries governed by right-wing populist political parties around the world adopt antiimmigrant policies, Turkey emerged as an anomaly in terms of being a top refugee hosting country and striking a deal which keeps the refugees within the country. At the same time, despite its obvious benefits for the EU, the EU did not hold up its own side of the deal and cooperation between two sides deteriorated in ensuing years. This study argues that Turkey aimed to use Syrian refugees as a leverage vis-a-vis the EU to obtain political, financial and normative concessions. Although the AKP government got the EU to accept its demands on paper, the EU could not keep its side of bargain as a result of simultaneous interaction within and between its multiple levels. In order to explain inability of the EU in delivering its promises, this study extends Putnam’s two-level game analysis to three-levels, and analyzes how the interplay of these levels affected the outcome of the deal. by İrem Aybala Gülen M.A.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2020. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 111-163). This thesis analyzes how the discovery of hydrocarbon resources in the maritime territories affect interstate conflict based on a paired comparison of: the Eastern Mediterranean Sea and the South China Sea conflicts. According to the United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, littoral states have to define their exclusive economic zones to use their sovereign rights of exploring and exploiting seabed, subsoil, and natural resources out of their territorial waters. In the existence of an exclusive economic zone, maritime boundary delimitations states’ cannot exercise these rights before solving their ongoing disputes. Despite their structural differences in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea and the South China Sea maritime boundary delimitations, the existence of abundance hydrocarbon resources intensified the existing conflict. The thesis concludes that states’ relative gain calculations determine their actions. A direct ratio exists between the severity of the conflict and the abundance of resources. The findings of the thesis indicate that hydrocarbon sources affect the states' perception of relative gains when the coastal states' believe that their expected earnings will increase; it is observed that they become more demanding in their territorial claims. by Yüksel Yasemin Altıntaş M.A.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (Ph.D.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2020. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-272). This dissertation explores Turkey as a non-Western and emerging humanitarian actor with respect to its humanitarian policies, goals, actors, and practices. In the literature of International Relations (IR), although there are various scholarly works that analyse Turkey’s humanitarianism, they have not been competent enough to explain how and in what terms Turkey is a different humanitarian actor compared to other humanitarian donors. This dissertation includes a comprehensive research on actors, practices and strategic goals of emerging donors to assess Turkey’s operationalisation of its humanitarianism. While the majority of existing scholarly contributions on today’s ‘emerging donors’ investigate China, Brazil and India, this research focuses on Turkey that has engaged with the international development field through using insights from IR, development studies particularly humanitarianism and development aid, and Turkish foreign policy. Existing scholarly works remain limited to explore Turkey’s humanitarianism in detail from a different angle to develop new conceptual understandings. The dissertation analyses Somalia as the single case study to understand Turkey’s growing activism in the country. To this end, this dissertation asks three major research questions: 1) How does Turkey operationalise its humanitarianism and what does it seek to achieve? 2) How has Turkey become an important humanitarian actor in the world despite its middle-income country status? 3) Why and in what terms does Turkey emerge as a significant actor amongst emerging donors in humanitarianism? In doing so, this dissertation unravels operationalisation of Turkey’s humanitarianism with regard to activities, humanitarian emotions, civilizational geopolitics, Turkey’s geopolitical aid, and its liminal identity. by Efser Rana Coşkun Türkmen Ph.D.

On 31 March 2019 Turkish voters ended the Islamist local governance in the country’s largest cities after 25 years and handed the ruling AKP its most serious electoral defeat since its rise to power in 2002. The article explores the electoral strategies of major parties in the local election, offers a comparative analysis of the results, and discusses post-election developments, including the rerun in Istanbul. The election and its aftermath reaffirmed the competitive authoritarian nature of the regime, as the governing bloc enjoyed an uneven playing field, while the opposition had to meet a higher electoral bar than the incumbents to win. The economic crisis, growing discontent with the government’s policies, and effective coordination of opposition parties facilitated this outcome.

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2019. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 146-167). This research analyzes Turkey‟s national asylum policies to determine if they result in the fractioning of the refugee label – as theorized by Roger Zetter. Fractioning of the refugee label occurs when states utilize legal and bureaucratic measures that are based on arbitrary or discriminatory requisites to restrict and exclude selected individuals from claiming unconditional refugee status within their territory. Refugees who suffer the consequences of disjunctive labels are unable to obtain legal status in the host country, unable to permanently settle or integrate in host society, and cannot avail the full gamut of rights accorded to them by the 1951 Refugee Convention – as in the case of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The question then arises as to why Turkey continues to host the largest refugee population in the world since 2013, even when it does not legally recognize Syrians as refugees and has no obligation towards them under the 1951 Refugee Convention. One finding is that Turkey‟s approach towards the Syrian refugee crisis has been somewhat myopic since the beginning. This is evident from Turkish government‟s changing stances on Syrian „guests‟ and the impromptu laws that have been adopted since 2011. A second finding is that Turkey continues to host Syrian refugees for opportunistic foreign policy reasons. This is evident from Turkey‟s recent bout of „refugee rentierism‟ – as theorized by Gerasimos Tsourapas – where Turkey is using its geo-strategic location and its large refugee population as a resource to extract strategic rent from the European Union through blackmail. by Tazeen Qureshi M.A.

Bu tez, son zamanlarda küresel ve akademik bir fenomen olan Ulusal Varlık Fonları içerisinde aykırı bir örnek teşkil eden Türkiye Varlık Fonu'nun kuruluş nedenini açıklamayı amaçlamaktadır. Türkiye, bir varlık fonu oluşturmak ve finanse etmek için asgari kriter olarak kabul edilen ticaret veya bütçe fazlasına sahip olmamasına rağmen, 2016 yılında varlık fonunu kurmuştur. Böyle bir fona duyulan ihtiyacın sebebini Türk iç siyasetinde arayan bu araştırma, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin, devlet-iş ilişkilerini sürdürmek için sistematik hale getirdiği seçici kaynak dağıtımında kullanılacak yeni bir araç olarak Türkiye Varlık Fonu'nun kurulduğunu savunmaktadır. Fon, kendisine verilen hukuki ve ekonomik ayrıcalıklar sayesinde, ekonomide, daha fazla takdir yetkisi sağladığı için kaynak dağıtımının meşrulaştırılması ve gizlenmesinin bir yolu olarak kullanılması amaçlanmaktadır. This thesis aims to explain the reason for the establishment of the Turkey Wealth Fund. It represents an outlier case within the recent global phenomenon of sovereign wealth funds due to being established even though Turkey does not have trade or budget surplus which are considered as the minimum criteria for establishing and financing a sovereign wealth fund. Searching the answer in Turkish domestic politics, the paper argues that Turkey Wealth Fund is established as a new instrument to be used in the selective resource distribution which the government systematized to sustain the state-business relations within the political transformation of Turkey to competitive authoritarianism under the Justice and Development Party. It is one of the tools in economy that employed as a way of legitimization and concealment of the distribution of resources since it provides further discretion. 148

Scholars tend to assume that consolidated democracies are free from the global retreat of democracy due to their strong institutions and economic development. Yet, populist forces that challenge the liberal democratic model have started to increase their support even in Western countries. However, in no country has democratic backsliding taken scholars by more surprise than in the United States. This article addresses the question of how a populist figure like Donald Trump managed to win the presidential election and subsequently undermined the democratic institutions in one of the world’s oldest democracies. We contend that the upsurge of populist leaders in contemporary Western democracies resulted from the political establishment’s failure to juggle responsiveness and responsibility simultaneously. In addition to our discussion of American politics, we draw parallels with the Turkish case to demonstrate our causal argument and offer suggestions on how to reverse democratic backsliding in the United States.

Bu çalışma benzerlik ve farklılıkların ortaya çıkarılması adına, Türkiye'nin üç farklı kitlesel göç hareketine yönelik göç politikalarını analiz etmektedir. Bu süreçte, Türkiye devlet politikalarının motiflerini açıklayabilen ve mevcut akademik bir çalışma üzerine inşa edilmiş analitik bir çerçeve tasarlamaktadır. Çalışma ayrıca, seçilen vakaların süreç takibini yaparak mültecilerin Türk dış politikasında araç olarak kullanılıp kullanılmadığını göstermeye çalışmaktadır. This thesis analyzes the Turkish migratory responses towards three different mass migration movements, namely Turks of Bulgaria, Northern Iraqis and Syrians, to reveal similarities and differences. While doing so, it will design an analytical framework built on an existing study, explaining motives of the Turkish state responses. The thesis, by tracing the history of the given cases, will also try to demonstrate whether refuges are used as tools of Turkish Foreign Policy or not. 140

Bu çalışma, 2011 yılında Suriye'de başlayan ve devam eden iç savaşın, Türkiye'de 2009 yılında başlatılan çözüm sürecinin başarısızlığa uğramasındaki olumsuz etkisini, Sirayet Süreci Yaklaşımı (Contagion Process Approach) bağlamında incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmanın temel sorusu, ifade edilen Çözüm Süreci'nin başarısızlığa uğramasında Suriye'de cereyan etmekte olan iç savaşın rolü nedir şeklinde formüle edilebilir. Bu soruyu çözmek amacıyla bu çalışmada, Süreç Takibi (process tracing) ve Elit Mülakatlar (elite interview) yöntemi kullanılarak, bir ülkedeki (Suriye) çatışmanın bir başka ülkeye (Türkiye) sıçrama süreci ortaya konulmuş ve böylece literatürde hakkında çalışmalar yürütülen Sirayet Süreci Yaklaşımı doğrulanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın literatüre ilk katkısı, literatürdeki diğer çalışmaların çoğunlukla etkilenen ülkedeki (Türkiye) yerel faktörlere odaklanarak etkilenme sürecinde uluslararası ve ulus ötesi faktörleri yeterince göz önünde bulundurmamış olmalarının aksine, söz konusu eksikliği incelemeye dâhil etmesidir. İkinci katkı, diğer çalışmaların, Türkiye'de yürütülen Çözüm Süreci'nde, süreçte yer alan aktörleri interaktif bir yöntemle incelemeye dâhil etmemelerine rağmen, bu çalışmanın söz konusu aktörleri, birebir elit mülakat yapmak suretiyle inceleme sürecine dâhil etmesidir. Son katkı, diğer literatür çalışmalarının çözüm sürecindeki başarısızlığı sadece betimsel bir incelemeye tabi tutmalarının ötesine geçerek, çözüm sürecindeki başarısızlığı teorik bir çerçeveyi esas alarak incelemiş olmasıdır. Bu tez çalışmasından elde edilen sonuç, veya çalışmanın doğrulanan ana argümanı, Suriye'de sürdürülen iç savaşın yayılma etkileri ile beraber çözüm sürecinin temel tarafları olan Türk Hükümeti ve PKK'nın süreç içindeki fayda-maliyet analizlerini yeniden değerlendirmeye tabi tutmasına sebep olduğu ve değerlendirme sonucunda sürecin Türk Hükümeti aleyhine işlemesi ve PKK'nın süreçten beklentilerinin artması nedeniyle çözüm sürecinin baltalandığı ve çatışma ortamına yeniden dönüldüğüdür. This study investigates the impact of the Syrian Civil War on the failure of the Kurdish Resolution Process in Turkey within the context of Contagion Process Approach. The main question of the thesis can be formulated as such: what is the role of the civil war taking place in Syria on the failure of the mentioned Resolution Process? In order to handle this question, by using Process Tracing and Elite Interview methods, the process whereby conflict in one country (Syria) spreads to another country (Turkey) has been presented. The first contribution of this study to the literature is, contrary to most studies in the literature focusing primarily on the domestic factors in Turkey and thus neglecting international and transnational factors, that it incorporates the mentioned absence into the study. The second contribution is that this study has included numerous individuals engaged in the process both directly or indirectly in the examination process through elite interviews. The final contribution is that this study has ruled out other studies in the literature that handle the failure of the Resolution Process in a descriptive way and examined the failure based on a theoretical framework. The result obtained from this study is that the Resolution Process was barred and clash environment was re-established because the Syrian Civil War with its spillover effects started working against the Turkish government and the expectations of the PKK increased when the Turkish government and the PKK, the main actors in the Resolution Process, re-evaluated the cost-benefit analysis. 154

Cataloged from PDF version of article. Thesis (M.S.): Bilkent University, Department of International Relations, İhsan Doğramacı Bilkent University, 2018. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 114-134). U.S. military bases are distributed across over forty countries with approximately eight hundreds installations. Yet, base politics has received rather limited attention from IR scholars to date. South Korea and Turkey have hosted American troops for more than six decades. After the end of the Cold War, the issue of U.S. military presence in both countries became questioned and contentious ever now. With a comparative approach, this thesis aims to examine how host nations’ domestic politics influences in base politics. Focusing on base politics during the post-Cold War era, this thesis demonstrates that while high severity of threats to host nations stabilizes the U.S. military presence in host nations, high anti-American sentiment restricts U.S. military operations from bases in host nations. In particular, this research examines base politics under each leadership of the two countries in an effort to analyze influence of two independent variables – severity of threats and anti-Americanism – on base politics which is a dependent variable. When the national security of South Korea and Turkey is threatened, both countries are likely to count on the protection from a more powerful military ally which is the United States. Nonetheless, high anti-Americanism which was increasingly observed after 2002 in both countries has strained alliance relationships in regard to U.S. military bases. by Hyewon Kwon. M.A.

Turkey has switched to a presidential system via a referendum held in April 2017 that will take full effect after the 2019 presidential elections. Turkish presidentialism increases the prominence of the executive at the expense of the legislative branch and concentrates power in the office of the president. Executive aggrandizement will deepen ideological polarization and electoral mobilization by significantly raising the stakes of the game for both the incumbent and the opposition. As such, we posit that the new presidential system will institutionalize the de facto personalism and majoritarian rule that the AKP has hitherto established in recent years. This trend is likely to trigger a transition from a competitive authoritarian to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism in case of Tayyip Erdoğan's election, thus placing Turkey on par with the strongest executive systems around the globe such as Russia and Venezuela.

Amerika'ya ait askeri üsler yaklaşık olarak sekiz bin tesis ile kırktan fazla ülkede varlığını sürdürmektedir. Fakat üs politikaları üzerine Uluslararası İlişkiler alanında çok fazla çalışmanın olmadığını, bu konuya çok fazla dikkat edilmediğini söyleyebiliriz. Güney Kore ve Türkiye, Amerika'nın askeri birliklerini altmış yıldan fazla bir zaman diliminde ağırlamıştır. Soğuk Savaş'tan sonra Amerika'nın askeri varlığı iki ülkede de sorgulanırken günümüzde bu konuya dair tartışmalar daha artmıştır. Bu tezin amacı karşılaştırmalı olarak, konuk ülkenin yerli politikalarının askeri üs'e olan etkisinin ne şekilde olduğunun ölçülmesine/sorgulamasına dairdir. Bu tez, Soğuk Savaş sonrası üs politikalarına odaklanarak, yüksek tehdit zamanlarında ev sahibi ülkelerin Amerikan askeri varlığını dengede tutmayı çalıştığını ve yüksek Amerikan karşıtlığının/anti-Amerikan duyarlılığının olduğu zamanlarda da ev sahibi ülkelerde Amerika'nın askeri operasyonlarını sınırladığını gösterir. Özellikle bu çalışma iki ülkenin liderlerinin belirlediği politikalar çerçevesinde iki farklı bağımsız değişkenin yani tehdidin düzeyi ve Amerikan karşıtlığının, bağımlı değişken olan üs politikalarına etkisini ölçecektir. Bütün bunlarla birlikte dikkate değer bir diğer husus Güney Kore ve Türkiye'nin ulusal güvenliğinin tehdit altında olduğu zamanlarda iki ülke de askeri olarak daha güçlü olan müttefik ülke Amerika'dan destek almayı gözünde bulundurmaya eğilimlidir. Fakat, iki ülkede de 2002'den beri Amerikan askeri üste ilişkin giderek arttığı gözlemlenen Amerikan karşıtlığının, ikili birlik ilişkilerini gerginleştirdiği de elde edilen veriler arasındadır. U.S. military bases are distributed across over forty countries with approximately eight hundreds installations. Yet, base politics has received rather limited attention from IR scholars to date. South Korea and Turkey have hosted American troops for more than six decades. After the end of the Cold War, the issue of U.S. military presence in both countries became questioned and contentious ever now. With a comparative approach, this thesis aims to examine how host nations' domestic politics influences in base politics. Focusing on base politics during the post-Cold War era, this thesis demonstrates that while high severity of threats to host nations stabilizes the U.S. military presence in host nations, high anti-American sentiment restricts U.S. military operations from bases in host nations. In particular, this research examines base politics under each leadership of the two countries in an effort to analyze influence of two independent variables – severity of threats and anti-Americanism – on base politics which is a dependent variable. When the national security of South Korea and Turkey is threatened, both countries are likely to count on the protection from a more powerful military ally which is the United States. Nonetheless, high anti-Americanism which was increasingly observed after 2002 in both countries has strained alliance relationships in regard to U.S. military bases. 148

Bu çalışmada, 2001 ekonomik krizi sonrası Arjantin ve Türkiye' de uygulanan sanayi politikaları karşılaştırmalı açıdan incelenmiştir. Bu çalışma, iki ülkenin sanayi politikalarını popülist (halkçı) ekonomik ajanda açısından tartışmaktadır. Hususi olarak iki ülkenin dış ticaret politikaları, yatırım teşvikleri, sektörsel politikaları ve özelleştirme girişimleri ele alınmıştır. Bu nicel bir çalışma olsa da, betimsel istatistik, makro ekonomik ölçütler ve değişen sanayi politikalarına yön veren tercihler kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, Arjantin, devlet öncülüğünde seçici sanayi politikaları uygularken, Türkiye serbest piyasa ekonomisinden yana olan yatay sanayi politikaları uygulamıştır. İki ülke bu politikaları takip ederken, Arjantin çok sınıflı popülist koalisyon, Türkiye tek sınıflı bir popülist koalisyon kurmuştur denebilir. In this study, the industrial policies of Argentina and Turkey in the post2001 crisis are analyzed from a comparative perspective. The study discusses both countries' industrial policies through the prism of populist economic agendas. In particular, the study investigates foreign trade policies, investment incentives, sectoral policies and privatization attempts in Argentina and Turkey. Within the scope of this research, comparative method was used. Although it was a qualitative study, descriptive statistics, macroeconomic parameters and shifts on industrial policy preferences were addressed. As a consequence, this study found that Argentina followed selective industrial policy by state led development while Turkey pursued horizontal industrial policy in accordance with a liberal agenda. When both pursued those policies, it might be said that Argentina had a multi class populist alliance, as Turkey mostly followed one or single class populist cooperation. 143

Bu tez, 3. Köprü, 3. Havaalanı ve Kanal İstanbul gibi mega projeler için Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) meşrulaştırma söylemlerini yurtiçi ve yurtdışı boyutlarında artan muhalefet doğrultusunda nasıl değiştirdiği sorusunu ele alıyor. Tez, Tarihi Marksist Coğrafyanın görüşlerini, neoliberal kent uygulamaları hakkında meşrulaştırılacak sınıf ilişkilerinin güçlendirilmesi, kentsel yönetimindeki rant arayışı ve çoğunluğun karar alma usullerinden çıkarılması gibi konuları göstermek için kullanıyor. Marksist coğrafyacılar seçkinlerin meşruiyet söylemlerini ekonomik kalkınma, çevresel sürdürülebilirlik ve kentsel güvenlik vaatlerine dayanarak ifade ettiklerini belirtirlerken, sosyo-politik bağlamı görmezden gelme eğilimindedirler. Bu tez, AKP elitlerinin tabiileştirme söylemlerini nasıl kurguladıklarını analiz etmek için dikkatleri sosyo-politik atmosfere yönlendiriyor. AKP'nin iç politika üzerine hegemonya inşasının tarihi süreci, 2013'ten beri güçlü bir muhalefetin ortaya çıkmasına yol açtı. Partinin muhalefeti nasıl anlamlandırdığı ve buna karşı uyguladığı ötekileştirme faaliyetleri, AKP'nin bu gelişmeleri nasıl neo-liberal mega projelerin yasallaştırma söylemlerine entegre ettiğini göstermek için analiz edilecektir. Meşruiyet söylemindeki değişiklikleri anlamak için, Eleştirel Söylem Analizi, yaygın muhalefet olmayan 2010-2013 yılları arasında ve güçlü bir muhalefetle karşılaşmaya başladığı ve sözde düşmanlara karşı daha çok ötekileştirme politikası uyguladığı 2013 ve sonrası dönemlerdeki, AKP seçkinleri tarafından verilen konuşmalara uygulanacaktır. This thesis elaborates on the question of how Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) articulation of legitimization discourses for mega projects such as 3rd Bridge, 3rd Airport and Canal Istanbul changes in line with the rising opposition at both domestic and international levels. The thesis utilizes Historical Marxist Geography's insights to indicate the issues to be legitimized about the neoliberal urban practices; such as gentrification of cities, strengthening of class-relations, rent seeking motives behind urban management and exclusion of majority from the decision-making procedures. While Marxist geographers argue that the elites articulate legitimization discourses based on economic development, environmental sustainability and urban security promises; they tend to ignore the socio-political context. This thesis directs attention to the socio-political atmosphere to analyze how AKP elites articulate their naturalization discourses. The historical process of AKP's construction of hegemony over domestic politics led to the emergence of strong opposition since 2013. The evolution of the Party's articulation of the opposition and further othering practices against it will be analyzed to demonstrate how AKP has articulated these developments for the legitimization discourses of neoliberal mega projects. To understand the changes in legitimization discourses, the Critical Discourse Analysis will be employed on the speeches given by AKP elites between 2010-2013 - in the absence of widespread opposition - and after 2013, when the government had started to face strong opposition in domestic and international arenas and pursued further othering practices against alleged enemies. 128

The most recent global wave of democratic reversal is marked by executive takeovers. Politically motivated interventions in domestic markets aimed at restructuring the underlying power dynamics in society have been part and parcel of these takeovers. This article investigates the new political economy behind the AKP’s competitive authoritarian rule in Turkey as an example of this larger trend. The article argues that the AKP government has built a loyal business class through an elaborate system of rewards and punishment since 2002. With the aim of consolidating its business constituency, the AKP politicized state institutions (debt collection, tax authorities, privatization, public procurement) and eroded the rule of law to distribute rents and resources to its supporters, transfer capital from its opponents to its supporters, and to discipline dissidents in business circles. These mechanisms allowed the party to skew the political playing field in its favour through its access to private resources as well as its disproportionate access to the media—built by pro-AKP businessmen—and thus underpinned the AKP’s competitive authoritarian regime. Special thanks are due to Mesut Kılıç for his valuable research assistance. We would also like to thank Karabekir Akkoyunlu, Nancy Bermeo, Tim Dorlach, Samuel Greene, Nora Fisher Onar, Kerem Öktem, Ziya Öniş, Osman Savaşkan, Feryaz Ocaklı, Kıvanç Özvardar, Andreas Schedler, and participants at the interdisciplinary workshop on the ‘Political Economy of Contemporary Turkey’ (30‒31 July 2015), the inaugural symposium ‘Consortium of European Symposia on Turkey’ (1‒3 October 2015) and the ‘Rise of Competitive Electoral Authoritarian Regimes’ panel at APSA 2015. We are grateful to three anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments and suggestions.

Feminist UI siyasetin toplumsal cinsiyet üzerinden şekillenişi açısından değerli okumalar sunuyor olsa da kesişimsellik toplumsal cinsiyet ve feminizmi algılarını toplumsal cinsiyet, sınıf ve ırk kesişimlerindeki kadınların farklı ve çoğul tecrübelerini kapsayacak şekilde genişletmeyi hedefler. Baskıcı yapıların kesişiminde baskı ve imtiyazı anlarken kullandığı çok-sistemli yaklaşımı ve öznel konumların dönüşümü ve somutlaşmasına yoğunlaşması kesişimsel analizin temel parçalarındandır. Bakıcı yapıların kesişiminde güç dinamiklerini anlamaya çalışan kesişimsellik, Güç – öznel kimlik ilişkisini anlamada kuram ve metot bazlı sorunlarla karşılaşmaktadır. Bu tez kesişimselliği duyguların politikası literatürü ile birleştirerek ötekileştirilmiş öznel kimliklerin oluşumu ve sürdürülmesini incelemektedir. Duygusal olan siyasidir anlayışı ile yola çıkan bu literatür, duyguları mantık ile zıt noktalarda okuyan UI anlayışından öteye gitmek ve duyguların sosyal ve siyasi önemini vurgulamaktadır. 2013 Gezi Park Protestoları kesişim halindeki baskıcı yapıların protestocuların tarafından nasıl algılandığı ve meydan okunduğunun duygusal yönünü incelemek açısından uygun bir siyasi olaydır. Gezi olaylarından siyasinin duygusal ifadelendirilişinin kesişimsel analizini sunan bu araştırma, Gezi'nin alternatif bir sosyo-politik muhalefet kültürü oluşturacak potansiyele sahip olduğunu ancak gerek protestocuların açısından direniş hikayelerinin gerekse dönemin hükümeti tarafından sunulan direniş hikayelerinin duygusal şekillendirmesinin bu potansiyeli gerçekleşemediğini göstermiştir. While Feminist IR provides valuable insights on gendered political analysis, intersectional analysis seeks to expand our understanding of gender and feminism to include diverse and plural experiences of woman at the intersection of gender, class, and race. The multi-systemic approach in understanding oppression and privilege within intersecting structures, as well as understanding how various subjectivities become reified or transformed is an integral part of intersectional analysis. Although intersectional analysis aims to understand how power operates at intersections of various subjective positions, conceptual and methodological challenges in understanding power - subjectivity interrelation persists. This research combines intersectional analysis with politics of emotions to trace how subjectivities marginalised are articulated and sustained. Deriving from the understanding that emotional is political, it is possible to enrich intersectional analysis through the emotional literature of IR that seek to move beyond the understanding of emotions as 'derivations of rationality' and recognise the political and social significance of emotions in global politics. The 2013 Gezi Park Protests will provide useful grounds to seek the role emotions play in understanding how the intersecting oppressive structures are perceived and resisted by the so-called Gezi community. By demonstrating emotional articulations of political through an intersectional analysis of Gezi, this research explicates that although Gezi movement that mobilised people from various subjective positions, the emotional articulation of resistance narratives articulated by the movement itself as well as the government at that time, the protests failed in realising its potential of creating an alternative socio-political culture in Turkey. 97