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Introduction and Method This paper presents a corpus of sentence level eye movement parameters for unbalanced bilingual first language (L1) and second-language (L2) reading and monolingual reading of a complete novel (56 000 words). We present important sentence-level basic eye movement parameters of both bilingual and monolingual natural reading extracted from this large data corpus. Results and Conclusion Bilingual L2 reading patterns show longer sentence reading times (20%), more fixations (21%), shorter saccades (12%) and less word skipping (4.6%), than L1 reading patterns. Regression rates are the same for L1 and L2 reading. These results could indicate, analogous to a previous simulation with the E-Z reader model in the literature, that it is primarily the speeding up of lexical access that drives both L1 and L2 reading development. Bilingual L1 reading does not differ in any major way from monolingual reading. This contrasts with predictions made by the weaker links account, which predicts a bilingual disadvantage in language processing caused by divided exposure between languages.

The authors examined word skipping in reading in 2 experiments. In Experiment 1, skipping rates were higher for a preview of a predictable word than for a visually similar nonword, indicating there is full recognition in parafoveal vision. In Experiment 2, foveal load was manipulated by varying the frequency of the word preceding either a 3-letter target word or a misspelled preview. There was again a higher skipping rate for a correct preview and a lower skipping rate when there was a high foveal load, but there was no interaction, and the pattern of effects in fixation times was the same as in the skipping data. Experiment 2 also showed significant skipping of nonwords similar to the target word, indicating skipping based on partial information.

Abstract. Using a masked phonological priming paradigm, Brysbaert, Van Dyck, and Van de Poel (1999) showed that Dutch-French bilinguals perform better at identifying tachistoscopically presented L2 words (e.g., oui [yes]) when those words are primed by L1 words or nonwords that are homophonic to the L2 target word according to the L1 grapheme-phoneme conversion rules (e.g., wie [who]). They noted that this priming effect was smaller for balanced bilinguals than for less proficient bilinguals, although the interaction failed to reach significance. Findings of Gollan, Forster, and Frost (1997 ) suggest that this could be attributed to a greater reliance on phonology in L2 reading, caused by a smaller proficiency in this language. However, in this study we show that the Dutch-French cross-lingual phonological priming effect is equally large for perfectly balanced and less proficient bilinguals. Our findings are in line with more recent work of Van Wijnendaele and Brysbaert (2002 ).

In contrast to earlier research, evidence for semantic preview benefit in reading has been reported by Hohenstein and Kliegl (Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 40, 166–190, 2013) in an alphabetic writing system; they also implied that prior demonstrations of lack of a semantic preview benefit needed to be reexamined. In the present article, we report a rather direct replication of an experiment reported by Rayner, Balota, and Pollatsek (Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986). Using the gaze-contingent boundary paradigm, subjects read sentences that contained a target word (razor), but different preview words were initially presented in the sentence. The preview was identical to the target word (i.e., razor), semantically related to the target word (i.e., blade), semantically unrelated to the target word (i.e., sweet), or a visually similar nonword (i.e., razar). When the reader’s eyes crossed an invisible boundary location just to the left of the target word location, the preview changed to the target word. Like Rayner et al. (Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986), we found that fixations on the target word were significantly shorter in the identical condition than in the unrelated condition, which did not differ from the semantically related condition; when an orthographically similar preview had been initially present in the sentence, fixations were shorter than when a semantically unrelated preview had been present. Thus, the present experiment replicates the earlier data reported by Rayner et al. (Canadian Journal of Psychology, 40, 473–483, 1986), indicating evidence for an orthographic preview benefit but a lack of semantic preview benefit in reading English.

There is an ongoing debate about whether fixation durations during reading are only influenced by the processing difficulty of the words being fixated (i.e., the serial-attention hypothesis) or whether they are also influenced by the processing difficulty of the previous and/or upcoming words (i.e., the attention- gradient hypothesis). This article reports the results of 3 simulations that examine how systematic and random errors in the measurement of fixation locations can generate 2 phenomena that support the attention-gradient hypothesis: parafoveal-on-foveal effects and large spillover effects. These simulations demonstrate how measurement error can produce these effects within the context of a computational model of eye-movement control during reading (E-Z Reader; Reichle, 2011) that instantiates strictly serial allocation of attention, thus demonstrating that these effects do not necessarily provide strong evidence against the serial-attention hypothesis.

In an eye movement experiment during reading, we compared parafoveal preview benefit during the reading of Chinese sentences either in the familiar, unspaced format or with spaces inserted between the words. Single-character words or the first of a two-character word were either presented normally or were replaced by a pseudocharacter in the preview. Results indicate that word spacing increased the parafoveal preview benefit but only for the one-character target words. We hypothesized that the incorrect preview of the first character of the two-character word prevented parafoveal processing of the ensuing character(s), effectively nullifying any benefits from the spacing. Our results suggest that word boundary demarcation allows for more precise focusing of attention.

In an eye tracking experiment during reading we examined whether preview benefit could be observed from 2 words to the right of the currently fixated word if that word was the 2nd constituent of a spaced compound. The boundary paradigm (Rayner, 1975) was used to orthogonally manipulate whether participants saw an identity or nonword preview of the 1st (e.g., teddy) and 2nd constituent (e.g., bear) of a spaced compound located immediately beyond the boundary, respectively, words n + 1 and n + 2. Linear mixed-effects models revealed that participants gained an n + 2 preview benefit, such that they spent less time fixated on word n + 1 when given an identity preview of word n + 2. However, this effect was only observed if there was also an identity preview of word n + 1. Our findings suggest that the 2 constituent words of spaced compounds are processed as part of a larger lexical unit during natural reading. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)

Previous studies examining binocular coordination during reading have reported conflicting results in terms of the nature of disparity (e.g. Kliegl, Nuthmann, & Engbert (Journal of Experimental Psychology General 135:12-35, 2006); Liversedge, White, Findlay, & Rayner (Vision Research 46:2363-2374, 2006). One potential cause of this inconsistency is differences in acquisition devices and associated analysis technologies. We tested this by directly comparing binocular eye movement recordings made using SR Research EyeLink 1000 and the Fourward Technologies Inc. DPI binocular eye-tracking systems. Participants read sentences or scanned horizontal rows of dot strings; for each participant, half the data were recorded with the EyeLink, and the other half with the DPIs. The viewing conditions in both testing laboratories were set to be very similar. Monocular calibrations were used. The majority of fixations recorded using either system were aligned, although data from the EyeLink system showed greater disparity magnitudes. Critically, for unaligned fixations, the data from both systems showed a majority of uncrossed fixations. These results suggest that variability in previous reports of binocular fixation alignment is attributable to the specific viewing conditions associated with a particular experiment (variables such as luminance and viewing distance), rather than acquisition and analysis software and hardware.

Compared to skilled adult readers, children typically make more fixations that are longer in duration, shorter saccades, and more regressions, thus reading more slowly (Blythe and Joseph, 2011). Recent attempts to understand the reasons for these differences have discovered some similarities (e.g., children and adults target their saccades similarly; Joseph, Liversedge, Blythe, White, and Rayner, 2009) and some differences (e.g., children's fixation durations are more affected by lexical variables; Blythe, Liversedge, Joseph, White, and Rayner, 2009) that have yet to be explained. In this article, the E-Z Reader model of eye-movement control in reading (Reichle, 2011; Reichle, Pollatsek, Fisher, and Rayner, 1998) is used to simulate various eye-movement phenomena in adults vs. children in order to evaluate hypotheses about the concurrent development of reading skill and eye-movement behavior. These simulations suggest that the primary difference between children and adults is their rate of lexical processing, and that different rates of (post-lexical) language processing may also contribute to some phenomena (e.g., children's slower detection of semantic anomalies; Joseph et al., 2008). The theoretical implications of this hypothesis are discussed, including possible alternative accounts of these developmental changes, how reading skill and eye movements change across the entire lifespan (e.g., college-aged vs. older readers), and individual differences in reading ability. © 2013 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

We increasingly spend a vast amount of time on the Web and much of that time is spent reading. One of the main differences between reading non-Web based text and reading on the Web is the presence of hyperlinks within the text, linking various related Web content and Web pages together. Some researchers and commentators have claimed that hyperlinks hinder reading because they are a distraction that may have a negative effect on the reader’s ability to process the text. However, very few controlled experiments have been conducted to verify these claims.In the experiments documented here we utilise eye tracking as a new methodology for examining how we read hyperlinked text. An eye tracker was used to observe participant’s behaviour while reading. The results showed that hyperlinked text did not generally have a negative impact upon reading behaviour. However, participants did show a tendency to re-read sentences that contained hyperlinked uncommon (low frequency) words. This suggests that hyperlinks highlight important information to the reader and the hyperlinks add additional content which for more difficult concepts, invites rereading of the preceding text.

We assessed fixation planning in visual search in two experiments by tracking participants' eye movements while they each searched for a simple target (a T shape) among a set of distractors (L shapes). On some trials, the search display was briefly interrupted with a blank screen and, following a randomly determined period of elapsed time, the search display was reinstated. In Experiment 1, we found that search continued during the interruption but fixation durations were increased and the accuracy of saccadic targeting was impaired. A MLM demonstrated that acuity played a role in determining whether fixated missing objects were processed during the interruption and that fixation planning was uninfluenced by the length of time available prior to the interruption. In Experiment 2, to check that fixations in the interruption periods were not random, half the distractors were blue (the target was blue as well) and half were yellow. All of the findings from Experiment 1 were replicated and the majority of fixations in the interruption period landed upon blue distractors. Results are discussed in relation to the capacity, time course, and format of fixation plans in visual search.

We report a boundary paradigm eye movement experiment to investigate whether the linguistic category of a two-character Chinese string affects how the second character of that string is processed in the parafovea during reading. We obtained clear preview effects in all conditions but, more importantly, found parafoveal-on-foveal effects whereby a nonsense preview of the second character influenced fixations on the first character. This effect occurred for monomorphemic words, but not for compound words or phrases. Also, in a word boundary demarcation experiment, we demonstrate that Chinese readers are not always consistent in their judgements of which characters in a sentence constitute words. We conclude that information regarding the combinatorial properties of characters in Chinese is used online to moderate the extent to which parafoveal characters are processed.

In this commentary we concur with Frost's view of the centrality of universal principles in models of word identification. However, we argue that other processes in sentence comprehension also fundamentally constrain the nature of written word identification. Furthermore, these processes appear to be universal. We, therefore, argue that universality in word identification should not be considered in isolation, but instead in the context of other linguistic processes that occur during normal reading.

Children with developmental dyslexia show reading impairment compared to their peers, despite being matched on IQ, socio-economic background, and educational opportunities. The neurological and cognitive basis of dyslexia remains a highly debated topic. Proponents of the magnocellular theory, which postulates abnormalities in the M-stream of the visual pathway cause developmental dyslexia, claim that children with dyslexia have deficient binocular coordination, and this is the underlying cause of developmental dyslexia. We measured binocular coordination during reading and a non-linguistic scanning task in three participant groups: adults, typically developing children, and children with dyslexia. A significant increase in fixation disparity was observed for dyslexic children solely when reading. Our study casts serious doubts on the claims of the magnocellular theory. The exclusivity of increased fixation disparity in dyslexics during reading might be a result of the allocation of inadequate attentional and/or cognitive resources to the reading process, or suboptimal linguistic processing per se. © 2011 Kirkby et al.

Parafoveal-on-foveal effects refer to the possibility that processing of the parafoveal word can influence the fixation durations on the foveal word during reading. In this Chapter, I will review the literature of studies examining this issue. Effects observed in reading-like tasks have been questioned on methodological grounds with regards to the generalisibility to normal reading. The clearest evidence for the existence of parafoveal-on-foveal effects comes from experiments allowing tight control over the stimuli but restricting the observations to fixation locations very close to the parafoveal word, and from corpus studies showing reliable but numerically small effects. I will make the claim that with regards to taking reported parafoveal-on-foveal effects as evidence for parallel lexical processing, the jury is still out. The argument is that as long as parafoveal-on-foveal effects are numerically small and difficult to replicate in a controlled experiment, they can be explained on the basis of mislocated fixations, machine error and binocular disparity. These latter three influences can create apparent parafoveal-on-foveal effects without being linked to parallel lexical processing.

The present study investigates how semantic constraint of a sentence context modulates language-non-selective activation in bilingual visual word recognition. We recorded Dutch–English bilinguals’ eye movements while they read cognates and controls in low and high semantically constraining sentences in their second language. Early and late eye-movement measures yielded cognate facilitation, both for low- and high-constraint sentences. Facilitation increased gradually as a function of cross-lingual overlap between translation equivalents. A control experiment showed that the same stimuli did not yield cognate effects in English monolingual controls, ensuring that these effects were not due to any uncontrolled stimulus characteristics. The present study supports models of bilingual word recognition with a limited role for top-down influences of semantic constraints on lexical access in both early and later stages of bilingual word recognition.

Much recent research using word recognition paradigms such as lexical decision and speeded pronunciation has investigated how a range of variables affect the location and shape of response time distributions, using both parametric and non-parametric techniques. In the present article, we explore the distributional effects of a word frequency manipulation on fixation durations in normal reading, making use of data from two recent eye movement experiments (Drieghe, Rayner, & Pollatsek, 2008; White, 2008). The ex-Gaussian distribution provided a good fit to the shape of individual subjects’ distributions in both experiments. The frequency manipulation was found to affect both the shift and skew of the distributions, in both experiments, and this conclusion was supported by the non-parametric vincentizing technique. Finally, a new experiment demonstrated that White’s (2008) frequency manipulation also affects both shift and skew in RT distributions in the lexical decision task. These results argue against models of eye movement control in reading that propose that word frequency influences only a subset of fixations, and are taken to support models in which there is a tight connection between eye movement control and the progress of lexical processing.

A boundary change manipulation was implemented within a monomorphemic word (e.g., fountaom as a preview for fountain), where parallel processing should occur given adequate visual acuity, and within an unspaced compound (bathroan as a preview for bathroom), where some serial processing of the constituents is likely. Consistent with that hypothesis, there was no effect of the preview manipulation on fixation time on the 1st constituent of the compound, whereas there was on the corresponding letters of the monomorphemic word. There was also a larger preview disruption on gaze duration on the whole monomorphemic word than on the compound, suggesting more parallel processing within monomorphemic words.

According to the Split Fovea Theory (SFT) recognition of foveally presented words involves interhemispherictransfer. This is because letters to the left of the fixation location are initially sent to the righthemisphere, whereas letters to the right of the fixation position are projected to the left hemisphere.Both sources of information must be integrated for words to be recognized. Evidence for the SFT comesfrom the Optimal Viewing Position (OVP) paradigm, in which foveal word recognition is examined asa function of the letter fixated. OVP curves are different for left and right language dominant participants,indicating a time cost when information is presented in the half-field ipsilateral to the dominanthemisphere (Hunter, Brysbaert, & Knecht, 2007). The methodology of the SFT research has recently beenquestioned, because not enough efforts were made to ensure adequate fixation. The aim of the presentstudy is to test the validity of this argument. Experiment 1 replicated the OVP effect in a naming taskby presenting words at different fixation positions, with the experimental settings applied in previousOVP research. Experiment 2 monitored and controlled eye fixations of the participants and presentedthe stimuli within the boundaries of the fovea. Exactly the same OVP curve was obtained. In Experiment3, the eyes were also tracked and monocular viewing was used. Results again revealed the same OVPeffect, although latencies were remarkably higher than in the previous experiments. From these resultswe can conclude that although noise is present in classical SFT studies without eye-tracking, this doesnot change the OVP effect observed with left dominant individuals.

This paper reports on the ways in which new entities are introduced into discourse. First, we present the evidence in support of a model of indefinite reference processing based on three principles: the listener’s ability to make predictive inferences in order to decrease the unexpectedness of upcoming words, the availability to the speaker of grammatical constructions that customize predictive inferences, and the use of ‘‘expectancy monitors” to signal and facilitate the introduction of highly unpredictable entities. We provide evidence that one of these expectancy monitors in Dutch is the post-verbal variant of existential er (the equivalent of the unstressed existential ‘‘there” in English). In an eye-tracking experiment we demonstrate that the presence of er decreases the processing difficulties caused by low subject expectancy. A corpus-based regression analysis subsequently confirms that the production of er is determined almost exclusively by seven parameters of low subject expectancy. Together, the comprehension and production data suggest that while existential er functions as an expectancy monitor in much the same way as speech disfluencies (hesitations, pauses and filled pauses), er is a higher-level expectancy monitor because it is available in spoken and written discourse and because it is produced more systematically than any disfluency.

The distribution of landing positions and durations of first fixations in a region containing a noun preceded by either an article (e.g. the soldiers) or a high-frequency three-letter word (e.g. all soldiers) were compared. Although there were fewer first fixations on the blank space between the high-frequency three-letter word and the noun than on the surrounding letters (and the fixations on the blank space were shorter), this pattern did not occur when the noun was preceded by an article. Radach (1996) inferred from a similar experiment that did not manipulate the type of short word that two words could be processed as a perceptual unit during reading when the first word is a short word. As this different pattern of fixations is restricted to article- noun pairs, it indicates that word grouping does not occur purely on the basis of word length during reading; moreover, as we demonstrate, one can explain the observed patterns in both conditions more parsimoniously, without adopting a word grouping mechanism in eye movement control during reading.

An eyetracking experiment is reported examining the assumption that a word is skipped during sentence reading because parafoveal processing during preceding fixations has reached an advanced level in recognizing that word. Word n was presented with reduced contrast, with case alternation, or normally. Reingold and Rayner (2006) reported that, in comparison to the normal condition, reduced contrast increased viewing times on word n but not on word n+ 1, whereas case alternation increased viewing times on both words. These patterns were reflected in the fixation times of the present experiment, but a striking dissociation was observed in the skipping of word n+ 1: The reduced contrast of word n decreased skipping of word n+ 1, whereas case alternation did not. Apart from the amount of parafoveal processing, the decision to skip word n+ 1 is also influenced by the ease of processing word n: Difficulties in processing word n lead to a more conservative strategy in the decision to skip word n+ 1.

Recent research on bilingualism has shown that lexical access in visual word recognition by bilinguals is not selective with respect to language. In the present study, the authors investigated language-independent lexical access in bilinguals reading sentences, which constitutes a strong unilingual linguistic context. In the first experiment, Dutch-English bilinguals performing a 2nd language (L2) lexical decision task were faster to recognize identical and nonidentical cognate words (e.g., banaan-banana) presented in isolation than control words. A second experiment replicated this effect when the same set of cognates was presented as the final words of low-constraint sentences. In a third experiment that used eyetracking, the authors showed that early target reading time measures also yield cognate facilitation but only for identical cognates. These results suggest that a sentence context may influence, but does not nullify, cross-lingual lexical interactions during early visual word recognition by bilinguals.

The probability of skipping a word is influenced by its processing ease. For instance, a word that is predictable from the preceding context is skipped more often than an unpredictable word. A meta-analysis of studies examining this predictability effect reported effect sizes ranging from 0% to 13%, with an average of 8% (Brysbaert, Drieghe, & Vitu, 2005). One study does not fit within this picture: Vonk (1984) reported 23% more skipping of Dutch pronouns in sentences where the pronoun had no disambiguating value (e.g. "Mary was envious of Helen because she never looked so good") than in sentences where it did have a disambiguating value (e.g. "Mary was envious of Albert because she never looked so good"). We re-examined this ambiguity in Dutch using a task that more closely resembles normal reading and observed only 9% difference in skipping of the pronoun, bringing this linguistic effect in line with other findings.

Collective nouns such as committee, family, or team are conceptually (and in English also syntactically) complex in the sense that they are both singular ("one") and plural ("more than one"): they refer to a multiplicity that is conceptualized as a unity. In this article, which focuses on Dutch collective nouns, it is argued that some collective nouns are rather "one", whereas others are rather "more than one". Collective nouns are shown to be different from one another in member level accessibility. Whereas all collective nouns have both a conceptual collection level ("one") and a conceptual member level ("more than one"), the latter is not always conceptually profiled (i.e., focused on) to the same extent. A gradient is sketched in which collective nouns such as bemanning ('crew') (member level highly accessible) and vereniging ('association') (member level scarcely accessible) form the extremes. Arguments in favor of the conceptual phenomenon of variable member level accessibility derive from an analysis of property distribution, from corpus research on verbal and pronominal singular-plural variation, and from a psycholinguistic eye-tracking experiment. © Walter de Gruyter 2007. ispartof: Linguistics vol:45 issue:1 pages:85-132 status: published

Desmet, Brysbaert, and De Baecke (2002a) showed that the production of relative clauses following two potential attachment hosts (e.g., `Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony') was influenced by the animacy of the first host. These results were important because they refuted evidence from Dutch against experience-based accounts of syntactic ambiguity resolution, such as the tuning hypothesis. However, Desmet et al. did not provide direct evidence in favour of tuning, because their study focused on production and did not include reading experiments. In the present paper this line of research was extended. A corpus analysis and an eye-tracking experiment revealed that when taking into account lexical properties of the NP host sites (i.e., animacy and concreteness) the frequency pattern and the on-line comprehension of the relative clause attachment ambiguity do correspond. The implications for exposure-based accounts of sentence processing are discussed.

Several studies have shown that anti-saccades, more than pro-saccades, are executed under executive control. It is argued that executive control subsumes a variety of controlled processes. The present study tested whether some of these underlying processes are involved in the execution of anti-saccades. An experiment is reported in which two such processes were parametrically varied, namely input monitoring and response selection. This resulted in four selective interference conditions obtained by factorially combining the degree of input monitoring and the presence of response selection in the interference task. The four tasks were combined with a primary task which required the participants to perform either pro-saccades or anti-saccades. By comparison of performance in these dual-task conditions and performance in single-task conditions, it was shown that anti-saccades, but not pro-saccades, were delayed when the secondary task required input monitoring or response selection. The results are discussed with respect to theoretical attempts to deconstruct the concept of executive control.

When proficient readers are reading English texts, about one third of the words are skipped. In this chapter, we review the different explanations that have been proposed. we also have an in-depth look at the variables that influence word skipping. These are: errors in the programming and execution of a saccade, the length of the upcoming word n+1 in parafoveal vision, the distance from word n+1 within the sentence. we provide evidence that the effects of word length and distance cannot be explained by assuming that word n+1 is skipped only when it has been identified in parafoveal vision. rather, readers often seem to make an educated guess about where to send the next forward saccade on the basis of incomplete information. If this guess turns out to be incorrect (and a difficult word has been skipped inappropriately), an immediate correction follows. This is either a regression to the skipped word or a longer fixation duration. In that way, eye movements remain closely coupled to the ongoing language processing.

Schiepers [Schiepers (1980). Response latency and accuracy in visual word recognition. Perception & Psychophysics, 27, 71–81] proposed that in text reading, the currently fixated word and the next word are processed in parallel but with a time delay of 90ms per degree of eccentricity. In his model, the benefit of seeing the upcoming word is due to the fact that the parafoveal information from fixation n is combined with the foveal information from fixation n+1 to boost word recognition, at least when the fixation on word n is of an optimal duration (between 210 and 270ms). We tested this assumption by adding an extra blank space between the foveal and the parafoveal word. According to the model, this should result in a 30ms longer processing time for the foveal word. However, reading time was shorter for a word followed by a double space than for a word followed by a single space. An effect of parafoveal word length was also observed with a longer word in the parafovea leading to shorter fixation times on the foveal word. Implications of these low-level parafoveal-on-foveal effects are discussed.

Lukatela and Turvey (1994) showed that at prime presentation duration of 57 ms naming of a visually presented target word (frog) is primed not only by an associate word (toad), but also by a homophone of the associate (towed) and a pseudohomophone of the associate (tode). At prime presentation of 250 ms, priming with the homophone was no longer observed. Lukatela and Turvey's interpreted these findings as evidence for a strong phonological activation-verification model of visual word recognition, which entails that lexical representations are activated on the basis of a phonological code and subsequently disambiguated by a lexically mediated spelling check if more than one spelling corresponds to the phonological code. Four experiments are reported that further addressed the issue of phonologically mediated associative priming in visual word recognition. In Experiment 1, we replicated Lukatela and Turvey's findings in the Dutch language. Next, we demonstrate that the effect is not confined to the naming task but is also obtained in a lexical decision task with non-homophonic non-words (Experiments 2 and 3). Finally (Experiment 4), we show that when the lexical decision involves a word/pseudohomophone decision, phonologically mediated associated priming is still observed at 57 ms when the prime is a pseudohomophone of the associate (tode-frog) but not when the prime is a homophone of the associate (towed- frog). The results are interpreted within Lukatela and Turvey's activation verification model and we present evidence why we believe that a prime presentation duration of 57 ms yields a better estimate of the time course of the spelling check than prime presentation duration of 250 ms previously reported.

Reichle et al. claim to successfully simulate a frequency effect of 60% on skipping rate in human data, whereas the original article reports an effect of only 4%. We suspect that the deviation is attributable to the length of the words in the different conditions, which implies that E-Z Reader is wrong in its conception of eye guidance between words.