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Since the 1940s, the people of the neighbourhoods (kampungs) around Surabaya's derelict Ngagel industrial estate have made a living by repurposing the remains of what was once one of Asia's most modern road, rail and industry networks. The remains—in the form of leftover fuel, labour and factory parts—are used to rebuild and repair improvised transport vehicles like bicycle‐taxis (becak), minibuses (bemo) and motorbike‐taxis (ojek). The repurposing happens at the limits of a capital‐intensive heavy infrastructure of factories, trams and buses. The limits are those points where such infrastructure fails and a household‐funded mosquito‐fleet of light vehicles succeeds. Repurposing gives those who do it a right to infrastructure by providing the city with much‐needed public transport. In Surabaya, public transport begins at its limits through the improvisations of people who live in the productive remains of capital‐intensive heavy infrastructure. These people live in Surabaya's deindustrialized urban core, where life is made in the ruins of infrastructure through the breaking‐down of it, the reworking of it, the right to it, and the leakage of it—the means through which rank‐and‐file people rather than states and corporations forge infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores migrant Black African youths' experiences of looking for and finding work in Newcastle, a deindustrializing Australian city. Data for this paper were drawn from interviews conducted with young people who migrated to Australia as temporary and permanent residents. Drawing on concepts of coloniality, racialization, bodywork, and hidden labor, this paper demonstrates how, when looking for work, participants' names get attached to their racialized bodies—a situation which deems them as suitable or not for specific kinds of work. Their strategies of finding work differ according to their migration status; that is, temporary residents draw on their personal networks, whereas some permanent residents with full citizenship rights rely on social welfare support services to find work. However, irrespective of the different strategies used to find work, they all end up doing jobs that they described as "work which others do not wish to do." I argue that these experiences re‐articulate the coloniality of labor because, as workers in these jobs, they play a crucial role in the economic transformation taking place in the city due to deindustrialization. This is not merely because they form part of the workforce responsible for working in unwanted jobs, but because they are also consumers of Newcastle's emerging welfare support and educational services sectors. The paper contributes to an understanding of how race shapes the labor market experiences of racialized youth in deindustrializing labor markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A key lesson of the Wooster Group's production of Bertolt Brecht's learning play The Mother concerns the meaning of ownership in capitalism. Unlike other businesses that moved into SoHo during the wave of deindustrialization that began in the late 1960s, the group of actors that owns a former metal stamping factory at 33 Wooster Street shows that their relationship towards their means of production is not only economic, but also ethical. This is at the foundation of their distinct theatrical aesthetics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on fieldwork in the majority Latinx (gender-neutral Latinos/as) rust-belt city of Reading and the majority white suburbs and rural towns of Berks County, Pennsylvania, United States, where three social movement groups are forging a left/liberal alignment. A history of uneven economic and social development in Reading/Berks underlies current divisions that confront the social movement organizations. Scholars grapple with bringing capital's non-waged and marginalized "others" into class analysis, and they remap class stuggles to account for capital's many laborers. The article proposes to apprehend how class is formed by combining difference, in the medium of time, and through political struggle. It explores the hidden relations among diverse populations and highlights the political moments that bring those connections to the fore at a specific historical conjuncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of industrial tourism and heritage has both fascinated and frustrated scholars of deindustrialization. Frequently, workers and class conflict are obscured in or expunged from the official narratives of industrial heritage. This article makes an original contribution to research on deindustrialization and industrial heritage through fieldwork in Sudbury, Ontario – a region that has seen a decades-long process of industrial restructuring. The article draws on 26 qualitative interviews with current and retired nickel miners and analyzes workers' reflections on local mining history. It examines how workers understand the foreign takeover of the mines, job loss, and the transformation of Sudbury's regional economy away from blue-collar industrial employment. The article then explores the growth of regional tourism based around the mining sector, looking particularly at Dynamic Earth, an attraction that teaches visitors about the history of nickel mining through guided tours of a closed mine. On the one hand, workers critique what they see as an obfuscation of class conflict in industrial heritage, while on the other hand, they experience these sites as confirmation of the historic contributions nickel miners have made to Sudbury and the surrounding region. La croissance du tourisme industriel et du patrimoine a à la fois fasciné et frustré les spécialistes de la désindustrialisation. Souvent, les travailleurs et les conflits de classe sont obscurcis ou supprimés des récits officiels du patrimoine industriel. Cet article apporte une contribution originale à la recherche sur la désindustrialisation et le patrimoine industriel par le biais d'un travail de terrain à Sudbury, en Ontario, une région qui a connu un processus de restructuration industrielle de plusieurs décennies. L'article s'appuie sur 26 entretiens qualitatifs avec des mineurs de nickel actuels et retraités et analyse les réflexions des travailleurs sur l'histoire minière locale. Il examine comment les travailleurs comprennent la prise de contrôle étrangère des mines, la perte d'emplois et la transformation de l'économie régionale de Sudbury loin de l'emploi industriel des cols bleus. L'article explore ensuite la croissance du tourisme régional autour du secteur minier, en s'intéressant particulièrement à Terre dynamique, une attraction qui enseigne aux visiteurs l'histoire de l'extraction du nickel à travers des visites guidées d'une mine fermée. D'une part, les travailleurs critiquent ce qu'ils considèrent comme un obscurcissement du conflit de classe dans le patrimoine industriel, tandis que d'autre part, ils considèrent ces sites comme une confirmation des contributions historiques que les mineurs de nickel ont apportées à Sudbury et à la région environnante. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses the various articles published within the issue on topics like deindustrialization, working class studies, and capitalism.

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province's impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia's proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization. Les Néo-Écossais comprennent les difficultés économiques tant au niveau personnel que communautaire. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour les résidents du comté de Pictou. Avec l'éclipse du charbon, de l'acier et de la fabrication lourde, les gouvernements successifs se sont tournés vers le tourisme pour augmenter une base économique en érosion et pour commémorer la vie active des Néo-Écossais. Cet article propose une analyse de la décision initiale de construire et d'entretenir le Musée de l'Industrie dans une région de la province soumise à des phases successives de désindustrialisation. L'entreprise, officiellement ouverte à la fréquentation régulière en 1995, est la plus grande installation de l'impressionnant réseau de 28 musées régionaux de la province. La création du musée, cependant, était semée d'incertitudes et a évité de justesse l'effondrement financier et les plans de dispersion de la collection d'artefacts. Le projet a ensuite été laissé à cheval sur un fossé difficile entre la célébration du patrimoine industriel et la modération des controverses sur le développement économique et environnemental. Malgré le fier héritage de la Nouvelle-Écosse en matière de résistance des travailleurs et d'activisme syndical, les visiteurs peuvent quitter le musée avec le message ambigu que même si les vies professionnelles sont souvent dures et déchirées par l'incertitude, l'optimisme pour l'avenir doit prévaloir. L'implication est que la réponse appropriée est des formes anodines sélectives de nostalgie, voire de résignation, mais pas le ressentiment des coûts humains et environnementaux de la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tracing the history of gendered working-class responses to deindustrialization in the Montréal neighbourhood of Saint-Henri reveals that many of the local political initiatives of the 1960s and 1970s were connected to longer-term working-class efforts to navigate shifting patterns of capital accumulation extending back to the 1940s. The gendered tradition of territory-based organizing in this community encouraged women workers' shop-floor militancy and was foundational for new forms of local political advocacy around issues like health care and housing. In deindustrialization's moment, the concerns of a precariously employed, feminized working-class population spurred a crossover of industrial struggle with survival-focused reproductive labour issues, centred around a grassroots organization called the popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information, et de regroupement). This pattern of gendered working-class militancy and solidarity persisted throughout the 1980s and shaped resistance to Saint-Henri's subsequent gentrification at the turn of the new millennium. Retracer l'histoire des ripostes de la classe ouvrière à la désindustrialisation dans le quartier montréalais de Saint-Henri dans une perspective genrée permet d'établir des liens entre les initiatives politiques locales des années 1960 et 1970 aux tentatives d'adaptation de la classe ouvrière au contexte changeant d'accumulation du capital qui remontent à la décennie 1940. La tradition genrée de l'organisation locale au sein de cette communauté a encouragé le militantisme des travailleuses sur le plancher des usines et est au fondement de nouvelles formes d'organisations locales de défense des droits autour d'enjeux comme l'accès aux soins de santé et au logement. Dans un moment de désindustrialisation, les préoccupations d'une population ouvrière précaire et majoritairement féminisée ont donné l'élan au croisement entre les luttes industrielles et les enjeux de survie liés au travail reproductif, concentré au sein d'une organisation de base nommé le popir (Projet d'organisation populaire, d'information et de regroupement). Ce schéma de militantisme et de solidarité mené par une classe ouvrière genrée a persisté jusque dans les années 1980 et a servi de modèle à la résistance contre l'embourgeoisement de Saint-Henri au tournant du millénaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 15 August 1983, 9,500 workers from the Montréal locals of the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union went on strike for the first time in 43 years. The strike became known as "la grève de la fierté" and made clear that the women working in the city's garment factories were taking a stand against the layoffs and closures prompted by industrial restructuring and deindustrialization. However, the strike's success was limited, revealing the extent to which the structural inequities in the garment industry had calcified along gendered, classed, and ethnic lines. The union executive had grown increasingly distant from its rank-and-file, and it was immigrant women workers who were left to organize against the flurry of closures and the corresponding decline in their working conditions. The campaign leading up to the 1983 strike, organized by the Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, articulated a series of demands for the improvement of workplace health and safety conditions, better benefits, and more representative union leadership. With original archival research and oral history interviews, I argue that the 1983 "grève de la fierté" illustrates how the historically entrenched gendered structure of labour relations shaped the pathways of deindustrialization in Montréal's garment industry. Le 15 août 1983, 9 500 travailleuses des sections locales montréalaises de l'Union internationale des ouvrières du vêtement pour dames se sont mis en grève pour la première fois en 43 ans. Cette grève, connue sous le nom de « grève de la fierté », montre que les femmes travaillant dans les usines de confection de la ville prennent position contre les licenciements et les fermetures provoqués par la restructuration industrielle et la désindustrialisation. Cependant, le succès de la grève a été limité, révélant à quel point les inégalités structurelles dans l'industrie de la confection s'étaient calcifiées selon les critères de genre, de classe et d'ethnie. La direction du syndicat s'était éloignée de plus en plus de sa base, et ce sont les travailleuses immigrées qui ont dû s'organiser pour lutter contre les fermetures et la dégradation correspondante de leurs conditions de travail. La campagne qui a mené à la grève de 1983, organisée par le Comité d'action des travailleurs du vêtement, a formulé une série de demandes pour l'amélioration des conditions de santé et de sécurité au travail, de meilleurs avantages sociaux et une direction syndicale plus représentative. À l'aide d'une recherche archivistique originale et d'entrevues d'histoire orale, je soutiens que la « grève de la fierté » de 1983 illustre comment la structure genrée des relations de travail a façonné les voies de la désindustrialisation dans l'industrie du vêtement de Montréal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although mine closures are an inherent feature of extractive industry, they tend to receive less attention in the literature on deindustrialization than the closures of manufacturing and other heavy industries. Until recently, the settler-colonial context of hinterland mineral development and its impact on northern Indigenous lands and communities in Canada have also remained largely unexplored within this literature. Mineral development is historically associated with the introduction of a colonial-capitalist industrial modernity across Canada's northern regions. Yet the boom-and-bust nature and ultimate ephemerality of mineral development has meant that resource-extractive regions have also been subject to intensive "cyclonic" periods of closure and deindustrialization. This article examines the experience of deindustrialization on the part of the Inuit community of Arctic Bay, who were largely "left behind" by the closure of Nanisivik, Canada's first High Arctic mine. Through documentary sources and oral history interviews we illustrate how, for Arctic Bay Inuit who were engaged in the cyclonic economies of Nanisivik's development and closure, there were myriad dimensions of social loss, displacement, and resentment associated with the failure of this industrial enterprise to deliver promised benefits to Inuit, beyond more commonly understood socioeconomic impacts such as job loss. Bien que les fermetures de mines soient une caractéristique inhérente de l'industrie extractive, elles ont tendance à recevoir moins d'attention dans la documentation sur la désindustrialisation que les fermetures d'industries manufacturières et d'autres industries lourdes. Jusqu'à récemment, le contexte colonial de l'exploitation minière de l'arrièrepays et son impact sur les terres et les communautés autochtones du nord du Canada sont également restés largement inexplorés dans cette documentation. Le développement minier est historiquement associé à l'introduction d'une modernité industrielle capitaliste coloniale dans les régions du nord du Canada. Pourtant, la nature en dents de scie et l'éphémère ultime du développement minier ont fait que les régions d'extraction de ressources ont également été soumises à des périodes « cycloniques » intensives de fermeture et de désindustrialisation. Cet article examine l'expérience de désindustrialisation de la communauté inuite d'Arctic Bay, largement « laissée pour compte » par la fermeture de Nanisivik, la première mine canadienne dans l'Extrême-Arctique. Grâce à des sources documentaires et à des entrevues d'histoire orale, nous illustrons comment, pour les Inuits d'Arctic Bay qui étaient engagés dans les économies cycloniques du développement et de la fermeture de Nanisivik, il y avait une myriade de dimensions de perte sociale, de déplacement et de ressentiment associés à l'échec de cette entreprise industrielle à livrer les avantages promis aux Inuits, au-delà des répercussions socioéconomiques mieux comprises comme la perte d'emploi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iron Ore Company of Canada announced the closure of its mine in Schefferville, Quebec, on 2 November 1982, throwing the town's future in doubt. Its slow agony made headlines across Canada for weeks, months, and even years. This article considers how the politics of deindustrialization got bound up in the national project of the settler-colonial state and the political ambitions of politicians, given that the company was led by Brian Mulroney, who became Canada's prime minister soon thereafter. Due to its perceived symbolic importance, a Quebec parliamentary commission of inquiry was named to inquire into the fate of the town, offering us the opportunity to consider the ways in which race and settler colonialism structured the process and how white residents and politicians as well as Indigenous leaders understood the significance of what was going on. The mine's closure had devastating economic consequences for the Innu and Naskapi communities, as well as the white residents, but it also marked a recentring for Indigenous people displaced from the socio-economic and political periphery to the centre of what remained behind in deindustrialization's aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michigan was an industrial powerhouse until the onset of deindustrialization in 1970. This paper compares socio‐economic and demographic changes at the neighbourhood level between 1970 and 2019 in two medium‐sized cities/counties in Michigan (Flint/Genesee County and Grand Rapids/Kent County) that underwent deindustrialization. Only 35% of neighbourhoods in the two counties were of the same class in 2019 as in 1970. Middle‐class neighbourhoods declined while poor and upper‐middle class neighbourhoods increased. The contemporary spatial structure of neighbourhoods in these two counties is a mixture of classic concentric ring/sectoral models interspersed with socio‐economic downgrading inner‐ring suburbs identified within other US cities since the 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization is a major burden on workers' health in many countries, calling for theoretically informed sociological analysis. Here, we present a novel neoclassical sociological synthesis of the lived experience of deindustrialization. We conceptualize industry as a social institution whose disintegration has widespread implications for the social fabric. Combining Durkheimian and Marxian categories, we show that deindustrialization generates ruptures in economic production, which entail job and income loss, increased exploitation, social inequality, and the disruption of services. These ruptures spill over to the field of social reproduction, generating material deprivation, job strain, fatalism, increased domestic workload, anomie, community disintegration, and alienation. These ruptures in social reproduction are sources of psychosocial stress, through which deindustrialization gets embodied as ill health and dysfunctional health behavior. We substantiate this framework through the extensive qualitative thematic analysis of 82 life history interviews in Hungary's rust belt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work interrogates the long-held assumption that captive Africans exited slavery exhibiting psychological damage that blocked their progress as free men, women and families. As a counter narrative to the deficit perspective on Black life, the literature on extreme poverty and fluctuating unemployment patterns are summarized to show how the importance of social class has too often been underestimated, and the assumed negative, psychological effects of slavery, overestimated. Post WWII economic trends of the 1940s and 1950s are highlighted. The contemporary political economy of Black people is shown to reveal a diunital, paradoxical pattern, with many educated Blacks having access to life among the elite or top 10%, while less educated Blacks are forced to live in extreme poverty that approximates a modern caste system. The Black experience with poverty, tracked from Emancipation up to the present, is best explained by economic rather than psychological causes and dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes an economic assessment of Jair Bolsonaro's presidency. It analyzes the triangle of incompatibilities: high income inequality-reprimarization of the economy-high economic growth; and if one adds the environment, one could say the impossible squaring of the circle. The result of this impossibility is economic stagnation, persistent high inequality, deterioration of the standard of living, especially of the poorest, and serious damage to the environment through deforestation. The pandemic and the war in Ukraine have shaken an already "sick" economy and reveal the structural crisis in Brazil, as well as the turning points in the functioning of the labor market. The present ruptures suggest the political exhaustion of the current presidency and that the country is at a crossroads. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This photographic essay explores how obsolete smokestacks were recast as postindustrial monuments in the urban design-led "reconstruction" of Barcelona since the 1970s. Within the context of the "long goodbye" of deindustrialization, the accompanying text traces how industrial chimneys were re-signified and monumentalized. The images, result of a photographic survey of all remaining smokestacks in the city, frame these industrial obelisks within the transformation of their surrounding landscapes. They constitute a key element of an ongoing investigation melding creative practice and qualitative research, in which I argue that serial photography and participatory curatorial practice can elucidate the ambivalent experiences of deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an organic part of urban functions, industrial land is of great significance to the urban healthy and sustainable development. Although consensus has been reached on the evolutionary characteristics and spatial effects of industrial land, the influence mechanism of the evolution of industrial land on urban space still needs further exploration. Therefore, the evolution of industrial land in Xi'an from 2003 to 2019 is analyzed by the land use change matrixes, mixed degrees index, and sprawl index according to the multisource data. The results show that the scale change of industrial land is characterized by an inverted U-shaped curve and development zone-oriented spatial aggregation. Suburbanization, the conversion of agricultural land to industrial land in the suburbs, has intensified urban sprawl, resulting in more serious work-living imbalance and traffic congestion. Deindustrialization, the conversion of industrial land to residential, commercial, and business facilities land in the city center, has promoted urban sprawl, generated a large amount of construction waste, and caused a waste of resources. Based on the complex factors such as urban planning, land finance, and development zones, this study contributes to the research of the improvement of the rationality of urban land layout by revealing the influence mechanism of the evolution of industrial land on urban space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I investigate the ways that anti-Blackness has shaped coalfield Appalachia's human geographies. I draw on Black Studies and Black geographies literature to inform my theorization of anti-Blackness. Beginning with the question of why Black people left Appalachia in greater numbers than their white neighbors, I find that Black people left the mountains largely due to the unequal effects of deindustrialization. Black communities faced a racialized hierarchy of labor in the coal mines, racialized exposure to hazards and environmental risk, and the pull of other places with friends, family, and better jobs. I argue that the experiences of Black communities in the coalfields illustrate the supposition in Black geographies literature that anti-Blackness shapes human geographies by reproducing assumptions that Black people are aspatial, as in "not producing and making space." I conclude with a brief analysis of the narratives that white people tell about Appalachian whiteness and identity, and I argue that Black people continue to be deemed out of place in dominant narratives about the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through qualitative interviews and overt non‐participant observation with 15 former steelworkers and their sons, changes in perceptions of masculinity are explored across a generation in a deindustrialized community in Sheffield, UK. Despite some policing of their behavior by the fathers, heterogeneity in both options and choices regarding employment and life outside of work resulted in the sons conceptualizing masculinity in different and often complex ways. The younger men are found to orientate to, modify, or reject tenets of traditional masculinity depending upon what best aligns with their personal circumstance, which naturally changes over time. The evidence does not point to a crisis of masculinity, more plausibly a crisis in masculinity as what constitutes acceptable masculine behavior—in a community characterized as having relatively homogenous views—changes, but the gender binary, importance of masculinity to young men's identity, and the patriarchal dividend remain intact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A socially patterned epidemic of deaths of despair is a signal feature of American society in the twenty-first century, involving rising mortality from substance use disorders and self-harm at the bottom of the class structure. In the present review, we compare this population health crisis to that which ravaged Eastern Europe at the tail end of the previous century. We chart their common upstream causes: violent social dislocations wrought by rapid economic change and attendant public policies. By reviewing the extant social scientific and epidemiological literature, we probe a collection of dominant yet competing explanatory frameworks and spotlight avenues for future sociological contributions to this growing but underdeveloped domain of research. Deaths of despair are deeply rooted in socioeconomic dislocations that shape health behavior and other proximate causes of health inequality; therefore, sociology has great untapped potential in analyzing the social causes of deaths of despair. Comparative sociological research could significantly extend the extant public health and economics scholarship on deaths of despair by exploring the variegated lived experience of socioeconomic change in different institutional contexts, relying on sociological concepts such as fundamental causes, social reproduction, social disintegration, alienation, or anomie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China–Malaysia economic engagement has deepened since the 1990s. The scale and scope of this relationship has also expanded significantly following the 2013 announcement of the Belt and Road Initiative. Offering a context-rich, historically-nuanced perspective, this paper analyses how Malaysian policymakers have engaged with economic opportunities opened up by the burgeoning Chinese market. In particular, it examines how Chinese foreign direct investment has contributed to industrial upgrading trajectories in Malaysia. The paper makes two inter-related arguments. First, it uncovers a correlation between closer Chinese–Malaysian economic integration and services liberalization, which results in Malaysia’s lower emphasis on manufacturing and ‘proper’ industrialization. In other words, structural transformation has occurred, but it is geared towards the services sector. Relatedly, Chinese investment entering Malaysia, notwithstanding its relatively recent status, is composed primarily of service industries. The services-heavy nature of Chinese investment results in a relatively modest economic multiplier effect, potentially exacerbating some societal tensions and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the scale, causes and timing of significant episodes of industrialization and deindustrialization in Sub-Saharan Africa. Recent studies have argued that the turning point of manufacturing output and employment shares tends to occur "prematurely" in this region (Rodrik, 2016). We perform our analysis using panel data methods for fractional responses and data from a variety of sources for a panel of 45 African countries. Our results overwhelmingly do not support the common finding that Sub-Saharan Africa countries have begun to deindustrialize prematurely. Moreover, we document meaningful heterogeneity across subregions of Sub-Saharan Africa with the Southern region being the only subregion that witnessed limited deindustrialization. However, this deindustrialization of the southern subregion does not appear to be occurring prematurely. The study also explores the potential role of Dutch disease and resource-curse hypotheses in understanding Sub-Saharan Africa's manufacturing experience in resource rich countries. We conclude that manufacturing remains a viable and reliable path towards structural transformation in Sub-Saharan Africa. • The scale, causes and timing of industrialization and deindustrialization in Sub-Saharan Africa are investigated with a panel of 45 countries. • The share of manufacturing in economy-wide employment is rising, while the manufacturing value added share seems to be more or less stagnating. • Using manufacturing value added share as a measure of industrialization, we find no evidence of deindustrialization in sub-Saharan Africa. • Industrialization through manufacturing remains a leading and reliable path towards structural transformation in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the political history of the failed struggle to require companies to justify their plant closing decisions in Canada's industrial heartland of Ontario. Demands for the public review of plant closing decisions began, locally, in the auto town of Windsor in the 1950s and 1960s and reached Toronto with the closure of Dunlop Tire in 1970. Another wave of closures struck in 1980, this time reaching deep into rural and small-town Ontario as well as larger industrial towns and cities, generalizing concern. The resulting Select Committee on Plant Shutdowns and Employee Adjustment, created by the Ontario legislature, took it upon itself to conduct the kind of public review of recent closures that was long demanded. Due to the strength of the political opposition to any interference with management rights, it was essential that proponents could point to precedents in Western Europe. Trade unionists also grounded their argument in favour of government regulation in the moral economy idea that long-service workers accrued a proprietary right to their jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. One dimension of the industrialization trend is regional deindustrialization in a country. • Analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the U.S. by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). • Determines the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization in the U.S. and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization. • Conducts both time-series and panel data methodology. • Results show that the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization, which is historically observed in developing countries at a very lower GDP per capita income levels than developed countries, might exist at the regional level even in a developed country. The phenomenon of deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. Besides deindustrialization is observable in different regions of a country. This study analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the United States (the U.S.) from 1977 to 2017 by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). Instead of specifying the factors, we determine the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization by applying both time-series and panel data methodology. The results suggest that the deindustrialization hypothesis is valid in 38 out of 50 states, DC, and the U.S. at the country level. Furthermore, our results show that deindustrialization curves in lower-income states reach a turning point at lower per capita income levels and at an earlier time-span compared to higher-income state groups. Our findings indicate that premature/early deindustrialization, which is commonly stated for developing countries in the literature is also valid for different regions in a developed country, the U.S. in our case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The pandemic-crisis effects on Brazilian manufacturing industries are investigated. • An input-output model is employed to address its sectorial composition and linkages. • The pandemic-crisis has further harmful effects on knowledge-intensive industries. • EIHC promotes high-tech industries, while it showed higher degree of import dependence. • COVID-19 may be crucial to rethink industrial policy space within societal purposes. The COVID-19 crisis represents a turning point to rethink industrial policy spaces and countries' productive autonomy, especially for developing economies, such as Brazil, that call for new ways of thinking about manufacturing within societal purposes. Using an input-output model, the paper explores the pandemic-crisis-effects in the case of the Brazilian manufacturing sector. We find that the pandemic-crisis has harmful effects on the Brazilian productive structure, revealing the dependence on imports of the Brazilian Health System. Reductions in manufacturing gross output and value-added are mainly seen in knowledge-intensive subsectors, followed by job losses and tax revenue reduction. We suggest that the pandemic points to some roads to reindustrialization and resilience, given the reorganization of international production networks and the growing dependence on imports in key manufacturing sectors. Thus, the potential role of the manufacturing sector to achieve inclusive and sustainable growth reveals the importance of building productive capacity beyond the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although coalmining and Scotland (and indeed the Scottish coal industry) have long been core case studies utilized by historians of deindustrialization, Ewan Gibbs' I Coal Country: The meaning and memory of deindustrialization in postwar Scotland i pushes our understanding of deindustrialization in a bold new direction making it both an exciting and ambitious contribution to this growing literature. In his exploration of the nature of Scottish nationalism as it developed in the Scottish coalfields over the long-term, Gibbs cautious against interpretating the politics of deindustrialization as exclusively - or necessarily - a '"Rust Belt" rebellion' (p. 226) that takes a right-wing populist form; the Scottish coalfields show that a more progressive manifestation of the politics of deindustrialization is possible. Overall, I Coal Country i persuasively makes the case for deindustrialization as a long-term process that should have important ramifications beyond the confines of its own case study. [Extracted from the article]

This postscript to the Special Feature describes the explicit and implicit temporalities of gentrification in gentrification theory. It asks whether the papers in this collection affirm or disrupt the accepted understanding of gentrification as a phenomenon that emerged in the postwar years in the context of urban deindustrialization. It argues that a robust definition of gentrification, which identifies the historicity of the phenomenon and its temporal boundaries, is required in order to avoid the co-optation of gentrification definitions and theories and the 'naturalization' of gentrification. And, lastly, it suggests that critical history writing and historiography can contribute to gentrification studies' project of denaturalizing the process by grounding it in long-term processes with a historical dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper presents the history of the city of Reşiţa between 3 July 1771, when the first furnace became operational, and the year 2021, when Reşiţa University became part of Babeş-Bolyai University of Cluj-Napoca, highlighting the major moments in the industrial and political history of the Banat Highlands: the Revolution of 1848–1849, the purchase of the local mills by the StEG, which integrated them in the larger European family of the heavy industry, the period of economic liberalism after 1918, the communist period and, finally, the post-communist period. The drastic reduction in industrial activity after 1990 was one of the greatest blows suffered by the region. The last decade of the communist period also saw the massive emigration of local Germans, followed into exile by many Romanians. However, the most important feature of this industrial city was the cohabitation by several ethnic groups, which shaped a lifestyle and a civil society with a vivid cultural life, carried out in the framework of book clubs, musical and canto associations, chamber orchestras, and also within the sports and leisure movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent historiographical trends have ensured the continued relevance of the strike at the Mansfield Mills' hosiery factory in Loughborough in 1972. How this dispute, one of three in the East Midlands in two years dubbed 'race strikes' by the press, gained notoriety and were interpreted as an exemplar of British working-class racism requires re-evaluation. The article uses sources underutilized in previous studies, including the archive of the National Union of Hosiery and Knitwear Workers (NUHKW), to better understand the industry, the traditions of the hosiery craft, and how its processes of training and promotion differed from other industries that experienced 'race strikes'. This article relocates the dispute within the processes of deindustrialization, demographic and social change, workplace culture, and the importance of press reportage in shaping interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on data collected from a multimethod ethnographic study to contribute to debates on the production of territorial stigmatisation through the analysis of Shirebrook, UK: a small post-industrial mining town in Derbyshire, which now houses the distribution centre and warehouse of Sports Direct, recently the subject of high-profile scrutiny in the UK over working conditions. Combining semi-structured interviews, participant observation and the analysis of documentary sources, I argue that the territorial stigmatisation of Shirebrook does not emanate from a single source. Rather, multiple institutions and agents converge in the co-production of stigma. The analysis draws attention to local antagonisms and hierarchies in the production of stigma, demonstrating how relatively powerful actors 'below' do not simply resist or deflect stigma onto less powerful others, but influence the way that territorial stigma operates, problematising Wacquant's top-down conceptualisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorizes a link between contemporary masculinity in post‐industrial spaces and 'hardcore' gym culture. Over the last three decades the health and fitness industry has grown exponentially, with bodily modification and the proliferation of gymnasia, health supplements and wearable fitness trackers now a dominant means by which many construct their identities. Simultaneously, the onset of wholesale neoliberalism, which has caused large‐scale de‐industrialization and the global outsourcing of labor, has resulted in a macro‐economic shift from production to consumption in the West. Set against this backdrop, this article draws upon two ethnographic studies in 'hardcore' gyms to examine the significance of bodywork in the lives of men in two working‐class, post‐industrial locales in England. First, gym work is conceptualized as a form of both graft and craft within our samples, and the role of the male body as a post‐industrial project is considered. Following this, the gym is presented as a site of fraternity which, following the loss of collectivizing industry in both areas, allows men to bond over a shared endeavor and build genuine kinship. Ultimately, we conclude that the gym is a space of production within consumption, furnishing our sample with a means of performing their embodied masculinity and repurposing formative notions of graft, craft, and fraternity in a new adaptive space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of deindustrialization and the rise of the service economy, small artisan businesses have been promoted as a liberatory alternative to large-scale enterprise and mass production in the wake of the 2007 global financial crisis. We analyze advice manuals for aspiring artisan entrepreneurs by adapting Boltanski and Chiapello's (2005) framework and analysis of management textbooks to investigate books for would-be artisan business owners. These texts are "manuals of moral instruction" (58) that offer the reader the promise of a more fulfilling and ethical life through self-employment. We reveal that the artisan economy promoted by these advice manuals represents a further evolution in capitalism's co-optation of the artistic critique via the oppositional strata of punk and indie youth subcultures—and their style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze the manufacturing industry of the northern border of Mexico to identify its development trends in the period of 1999 to 2019. It is hypothesized that its performance has been of high specialization, which makes the presence of deindustrialization as a pattern of structural change difficult. To reach the objective and test the hypothesis, a structural change index, a specialization coefficient and a model with panel data was calculated to analyze the determinants of the specialization coefficient. The results suggest that there is no process of deindustrialization on the northern border, due to the high specialization in manufacturing that is explained by variables that favor manufacturing such as the gdp of the United States, the real exchange rate, investment and the employed population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of deindustrialization that started in Western Europe several decades earlier has continued in Eastern Europe in the past decades. The difference lies in the perspectives of this process. Suppose in the West, and the respective industries were transferred, by the big companies, to the east until the Far East (maintaining and amplifying their profits), with conversion programs frequently taking place at the original locations in Eastern Europe. In that case, the respective industries are ultimately shut down, the possible refurbishments being long delayed or problematic as goals, projects or practical solutions. In this article, I will try to evoke how the demolition and/or reconversion of some of Arad's big or small industries took place. Some industries still exist physically, but most are demolished or ruined. Through demolition, they have become either longabandoned large wastelands or vacant land on which unsustainable real estate development has occurred, mixing diverse dwellings with office buildings, services and Mall-type commerce. Suppose the Neumann Brothers' Wagon Company and Yeast Factory continue to exist. In that case, almost entirely, "awaiting strategic" decisions for economic integration or rehabilitation of preserved buildings (the premises being classified mainly as "historical monuments"), greenhouses, textile industries, sugar, furniture, watches industries etc. etc., were completely demolished or ruined, becoming land for new investments. Moreover, there are already abandonments of some supermarkets (Praktiker, Galleria) or "tired" functioning of others who lose or have lost their customers (even before the pandemic). For them, however, the major danger comes from "online" commerce, which tends to replace, on a global scale, in a reasonably short time, the "supermarket" or "mall", which have largely replaced "retail" in the central areas of the city. As a result, a chain of urban failures is unfolding; the city will lose (if the process continues) both the historical centres and the new supermarkets and malls, which will become huge wastelands very well equipped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's rapid transition from a closed to an open economy occurred at the beginning of the post-Soviet period and within the Soviet framework of production. This resulted in the deindustrialization of the Russian economy, which has had many negative effects, including capital flight, the loss of manufacturing, and an increase in the import of manufactured products. This article considers the primary challenges to the reindustrialization of the Russian economy, and argues that this process must involve government subsidies, especially for the creation of vertically integrated interindustry corporations (VIICs). VIICs have long production-technology chains that begin with the extractive industries and end with process manufacturing enterprises. The creation of VIICs and the introduction of new technology will make Russian manufactured products more competitive both domestically and internationally. The problems facing Russian manufacturing and the ways in which VIICs can help address these problems are analyzed on the basis of five groups of producers: 1) the key producers of investment mechanical engineering; 2) the industry producers of investment mechanical engineering; 3) producers of manufactured products intended for industrial consumption; 4) producers of consumer goods; and 5) the producers of high-tech durable goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article sought to show what the neoliberal policies present in the Washington Consensus consisted of and what were some of the consequences of their implementation by the main Latin American economies, especially in the 1990s. In addition, it is emphasized that the implementation of such policies led some countries to deindustrialization. Regarding this process, it was shown that, although deindustrialization has been presented in a general way in all Latin American nations, three different types could be identified in Brazil, Mexico and Chile. Each of these nations presented different degrees of severity with respect to the impacts suffered in their respective manufacturing industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, industrial metropolises in China have experienced a surge in proactive planning initiatives aimed at developing high-rise industrial structures, commonly known as “Industry’s Going Upstairs (IGU).” This study argues that the IGU represents a distinct form of urban verticality that is neither motivated by capitalist speculation nor sustainability prompts but rather by local states’ intervention to ensure economic resilience and enhance innovation capabilities. This study presents the case of Shenzhen to demonstrate how the adoption of the IGU initiative is catalyzed by concerns over manufacturing sectors’ out-migration and the effects of volatile US-China relations on the city’s competitiveness. In light of these circumstances, Shenzhen has embraced the ambitious IGU initiative as a practical approach to reverse the trend of deindustrialization while sidestepping the lengthy process of industrial land redevelopment. The paper concludes by emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of political-economic factors that drive urban vertical expansion and their potential consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city is a frequent setting in various novels written in the last century and an important entity, almost a character in its own right, in many of them. This paper investigates the modes and techniques of narration in the representation of the city in selected novels of David Lodge and compares them with those of James Joyce in order to investigate the similarities and differences of the representation of the city at the beginning and the end of the 20th century, as well as to establish the ways in which the image of the city and its suburbs affects the representation of the novels' characters and their narratives in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the intergenerational effects of deindustrialisation on the processes and experiences of education at 'Lillydown Primary', a state primary school in a former mining community in the north of England. Complicating Avery Gordon's notion of 'haunting', and drawing on conceptualisations of affect and community 'being-ness', it highlights how contemporary experiences of education continue to be affected by historical and cultural relations and rhythms of everyday life, even though most of Britain's traditional industrial base is now gone. The paper draws on data from ethnographic research carried out at the School and explores the complex ways in which historical, class-based relations and modes of 'being' continue to haunt across time and space. Its findings suggest that by coming to know the fullness of a social haunting – the loss, injury and the 'goodness' of the past – schools may have the potential to engage working-class children in educational processes and experiences from which they might otherwise feel excluded, alienated or detached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines trade union decline in light of concurrent changes in the demographic and sectoral composition of labor markets. Drawing on classical sociology and contemporary scholarship on work and employment, the author theorizes that the emergence of post-industrial work settings coupled with more socially diverse workforces make labor organizing more difficult than prior research recognizes. Operating through various mechanisms, these factors are thought to hinder the development of solidarity among workers and direct employment growth toward previously unorganized parts of the economy. Using panel data on 18 countries from 1960 to 2015, these ideas are tested with regression models that capture labor market changes indicative of post-industrial capitalism—measured by changes in deindustrialization, foreign-born population, and female share of employment. The results support the theoretical argument, with counterfactual estimates suggesting that labor market changes occurring between 1960 and 2015 reduced union density by 9 to 13 points for the whole sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deindustrialization wrought socio-economic and cultural change throughout the UK, Western Europe and the USA. Within some deindustrialized zones, multiple indices of deprivation rise significantly which presents complex and interrelated social problems including poverty, unemployment, poor quality private rented housing, complex physical and mental health problems, and crime. The austerity agenda further exacerbates these problems, cuts local support services, and further entrenches the myriad issues embedded in post-industrial communities. This paper draws on a funded research project in a deindustrialized town in the North East of England designed to measure the impact of migration on the settled community. The project found advantages to inward migration alongside increased community tension where poor neighbourhoods yet to recover from long-term deindustrialization saw a rapid increase of international migrants. These tensions represent competition for scarce resources amongst the fragmented multi-ethnic working class trying to get by in areas of "permanent recession". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• In Von Thünen (1826) , manufacturing decentralization is refining raw products into final products. • In List (1841) , decentralization can only happen if: savings in transport cost covers the increase in fixed of a second plant. • We update this approach to recent trends of manufacture relocation, labeled as "deindustrialization". In the model of agricultural land use and rent of Von Thunen (1826), manufacturing decentralization is viewed as the refining (or "distilling") of an agricultural commodity near the cultivation site, which substitutes for its transport to an industrial mill located in the Town. As Friedrich List (1841) added, this substitution is economically feasible only if the savings in transport cost following from in site refining cover the increase in fixed costs associated with a second industrial plant. We update this approach aiming to rationalize some stylized trends of manufacture relocation nowadays, which are jointly labeled as "deindustrialization". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• This paper examines the dynamics of deindustrialization in developed countries during the 1970–2015 period, investigating the patterns and factors underlying manufacturing employment growth in 12 developed economies. • The paper shows that deindustrialization is a persistent pattern that experienced a significant structural change in the post-1990 period, in which the acceleration of globalization with the rise of North-South trade appeared to have a significant effect. • Industries with higher relative labour productivity are significantly more resistant to deindustrialization, particularly in the post-1990 period, and this effect is stronger for low-tech industries. • Deindustrialization tends to be more severe in countries with larger populations and a deficit-prone trade balance, and these links have become more pronounced in the post-1990 period. This paper examines the dynamics of deindustrialization in developed countries during the 1970–2015 period, investigating the patterns and factors underlying manufacturing employment growth in 12 developed economies. The study discloses seven key findings with valuable policy insights. In particular, the paper shows that deindustrialization is a persistent pattern that experienced a significant structural change in the post-1990 period, in which the acceleration of globalization with the rise of North-South trade appeared to have a significant effect. Furthermore, industries with higher relative labour productivity are significantly more resistant to deindustrialization, particularly in the post-1990 period, and this effect is stronger for low-tech industries. In addition, deindustrialization tends to be more severe in countries with larger populations and a deficit-prone trade balance, and these links have become more pronounced in the post-1990 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Users of Brazilian National Accounts often use the overestimated sectoral share due to the financial dummy not being eliminated from sectoral GDP. This affects the level, peak, and shape of the deindustrialization series. Changes in the National Accounts system have also caused structural breaks in time series, making it difficult to assess the effect of trade opening on deindustrialization. This study created series of sectoral shares in GDP from 1947 to 2019 to circumvent the financial dummy and discontinuities in the longterm series. The new series is more adherent to economic cycles, captures the effect of trade opening, and contests the over-industrialization thesis, allowing a better understanding of the deindustrialization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]