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The article discusses the path of an important reform of the Greek Citizenship Code, starting from the initial introduction of the Citizenship Law in 2010, the public debate and reactions that followed leading to its partial annulation as unconstitutional in 2012, and finally, the developments until its restoration with a new law in 2016. This initiative introducing radical reforms for the Greek context took place in the midst of the public debt crisis, and thus has not been discussed accordingly. Until then, the issue of Greek nationality represented anon-issuein the political agenda of the country, since the issue of citizenship was considered ‘nationally sensitive’. The paper examines how such a reform is pushed forward during extremely difficult conditions, an unprecedented economic and political crisis, coupled by the largest refugee wave in the recent history of the country, having still an uncertain future/outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of post-socialism evolved into an "area study" while its "era" content became mostly excluded from the discourse. This paper discusses the necessity of integrative approach in postsocialist studies to understand the phenomenon in depth. It offers a comparative study of the post-socialist period through the EU trajectories of the three neighboring states: Bulgaria (2007), Greece (1981) and Turkey (candidate since 1999). Comparative studies mostly dealt with intra-post-socialist states. State-socialist regime's differences from their capitalist neighbors are mentioned, but usually not included in comparative studies. I argue that by compartmentalization under the label of postsocialism, we miss the similarities that transcend state systems of capitalism and socialism. I argue that one of the fundamental similarities between former state social list countries and their "capitalist" neighbors is migration and citizenship regimes driven by nationalism and their politics of "unwanted" vs. "desired" populations. While the influx of refugees is currently at primary agenda of the EU politics, migration and refugees were also among the concerns of the post-socialist era in the 1990s. Postsocialist migrations had various motives, such as refugees from civil wars as in the case of former Yugoslavia, asylum seekers from destabilized post-socialist regions and economically motivated emigrants. Through examples from Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey, this paper analyzes the three countrie's socio-political trajectories as well as migration and citizenship policies. I evaluate migration of the "co-ethnics" and citizenship policies in the three countries and show how similar their motives are, how they are interrelated with each other and finally with the dissolution of state-socialist regimes and the growth of the EU, how they produce similar effects. I argue that the EU could neither change nor even challenge the politics and discourse of "unwanted" vs. "desired" populations in the three states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores causes of statelessness on children born to Syrian refugees outside of Syria. Topics discussed include discriminatory nationality laws in countries such as Syria; state citizenship policies driven by Immigration and national security; and ways in which citizenship laws in countries surrounding Syria have affected Syrian refugees.

In September 2012, residents of Chino Hills, California--a wealthy suburb of Los Angeles--exposed a maternity hotel in their city. Subsequently, controversy erupted as protesting residents argued that Chinese birth tourism is an immigration loophole, where foreigners took advantage of jus soli birthright citizenship guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. This paper uses this controversy as a springboard to explore how temporalities--both the past and the future--come to shape politics in the present. Considering reproductive futurism in the contexts of citizenship and migrations, this paper argues that the figure of the fetal citizen emerges as the defining site of struggle between preserving, or exposing, the fantasy of a national future. Reports of panic over Chinese birth tourism, then, show how ''backwards'' racialized citizenship is continually brought to this present struggle, especially vis-a-vis discourses of the ''worthy immigrant'' and ''anchor babies'', to determine who may give birth to citizens in the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term ‘sexual citizenship’ was largely developed in the Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies of the UK, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The concept is thus inflected by broader understandings of politics in these places. In this article, the author first considers the specificities of ‘sexuality’ and ‘citizenship’ in these Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies. She argues that we need to provincialize these local understandings, for configurations of sexuality and citizenship in the UK, North America, New Zealand or Australia are just as contingent and locally specific as they are in the Asia-Pacific region. She then considers whether the term ‘sexual citizenship’ can be transplanted into places in the Asia-Pacific region with different political and economic systems, welfare systems and social structures, distinctive cultural understandings of sexuality and citizenship and different taxonomies of sexes, genders and sexualities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses citizenship and belonging with reference to processes of post-war state formation, namely: the MPLA’s political hegemony and the centralisation of power in the presidency. It argues this political arrangement imposes upon individuals an oscillation between different ‘levels’ or hierarchies of citizenship with a tendency towards marginalisation, formally allowing them to access both but under the specific circumstances dictated by the MPLA party state. Without a strong political opposition with a plausible alternative citizenship doctrine and with little incentives to improve the terms of citizenship it provides to the population, the Angolan government constructed a system of interests whereby the MPLA functions as a gatekeeper. Both in control of the state and of the distribution of citizenship, the regime regulates the flow of resources to the bottom through strategies of poverty and dependency, which increase the distance between the state and the population and sponsors the marginalisation of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Citizenship is increasingly investigated not just in terms of rights and duties, but as contentious, evolving and continuously forged anew. This article analyzes an Israeli High Court ruling from 2007 to show how a liberal, human rights-based discourse enabled effective citizenship within neocorporatist frameworks for those outside the formal political community. The ruling, which extended Israeli labor law to Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, marks the breakdown of neocorporatism’s fundamental premise of congruence between labor force participation and participation in the political sphere, which engenders new opportunities for rejecting subjecthood and demanding inclusion. This marks a new development in the balance between the conflicting imperatives of economic inclusion and political exclusion in Israel’s relations with the Palestinians, and legitimizes practices of citizenship where formal political space is denied. It is not yet the ‘de-nationalizing’ of the state, but may be a step in decoupling effective citizenship from national belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To further advance the literature which contests the shift from national to post-national citizenship, the aim of this paper is to compare the experiences of two groups of migrants to reveal how national immigration policies remain influential and determine the employment and living conditions of migrants. Reporting evidence from Italy on the different experiences of non-European Union (Tunisian) and European Union (Romanian) migrants employed as seasonal workers in the agricultural sector in Sicily, the finding is that the degree of exploitation they witness in their working conditions is shaped by their citizenship entitlements. The outcome is that it is revealed that (European Union) citizenship status, rather than formal employment, provides greater belonging and security to economic migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyzes engagement with Russia’s Compatriot policy, as an example ofethnizenship-type of quasi-citizenship, in Crimea, as the most likely case of Compatriot engagement. The article focuses on unpacking the lived experience of Compatriot identification and engagement and the rationale for this engagement. The article finds a narrow and niche engagement with the Compatriot policy in Crimea where only the most politicized and discriminated individuals, alongside beneficiaries of the Compatriot policy, identify as Compatriots. However, the article also finds dissatisfaction with the Compatriot policy because it fails to offer the kind of status, and rights and benefits, of ‘full’ citizenship. Thus, while citizenship might be becoming fractured, via quasi-citizenship policies, citizenship remains the key point of entry to the kin-state. Focusing on the lived experience of quasi-citizenship, and examining quasi-citizenship as a category of practice, is crucial for developing understanding of the social and political impacts of quasi-citizenship policies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Wracked by crime and violence, Bogotá, Colombia adopted a unique urban security policy in 1998 called Mission Bogotá (MB). MB identifies the poor as ‘at risk’ of being violent. The program seeks to decrease crime by employing the poor and educating them on entrepreneurial urban citizenship, fomenting their sense of belonging to the city, a good work ethic, conflict resolution skills, and cosmopolitanism. Participants are then employed as citizen ‘guides,’ modeling their citizenship skills in public in order to instill exemplary citizenship in others by example. There is no evidence that MB reduces either crime or poverty. Nevertheless, the program establishes norms for ideal citizenship and structures the relationship between state and society. Based on one year of ethnographic research, I argue that MB uses pedagogy as a technology of governance to transfer responsibility for security provision from the state to society by making citizens responsible for their own security provision. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Immigration and citizenship laws that discriminate by race, ethnicity, and national origins are increasingly illegitimate in contemporary democracies, yet laws that grant privileged access and membership to immigrants who share natives' ethnicity persist. This enduring positive selection rests upon the assumption that co-ethnicity fosters integration. Countering this logic, this article centers on co-ethnics' insertion into local labour markets. It draws from a case study of Aguaviva, Spain, a depopulating village in which both co-ethnic Argentines and Romanian immigrants reside. The analysis qualifies the trend of deracialization in immigration and citizenship policy and shows that positive preferences do not uniformly foster integration. In dual labour market systems, co-ethnics struggle because they are not different enough for secondary sector jobs reserved for immigrant 'others,' yet in the primary sector they enter into direct competition with natives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article produces a reflection on the '100in1Day Cuiabá' event, especially the communication dynamics of urban interventions and social interactions developed in the realization of the festival focused on citizenship. It is argued that the communicational issue, in its urban micropolitical dimension, allows citizen participation that potentiates life to subvert urban planning in the capitalist interest. In this sense, the actions proposed by volunteers allow us to think about the relationship between folkcommunication, political activism and culture, at the same time as collective work is instituted in the memory of individuals as a living force of molecular revolutions to transform the problematic Brazilian cities. By placing the city in a worldwide network of debates on citizenship, the '100em1DiaCuiabá' demands to consider the dynamics of communication in the context of cultural practices in contemporary life in its direct relationship with political practices and the search for a more subjective life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Continuity has been the hallmark of immigration policy in Japan since the country regained its sovereignty following the official end of the Occupation by the United States some sixty-five years ago in April 1952. This continuity is puzzling, given the fact that the both the economy and society of Japan and the country's geopolitical circumstances today are unrecognizable compared to what existed even thirty years ago. The extraordinary upheavals of the 1980s and 1990s--the rapid growth and then the bursting of Japan's asset-inflated bubble economy, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the emergence of China as an economic superpower, and growing anxiety about Japan's long-term demographics--did not significantly alter an immigration policy that remains fundamentally rooted in security-based fears dating back to the early Cold War era. Drawing upon interviews conducted in the summer of 2016 with Japanese citizens currently or previously employed in politics, academia, the bureaucracy and NGOs, this article addresses some theories that might explain the durability of Japan's seemingly anachronistic, Occupation-inspired immigration regime. In particular, I seek to show how the Ministry of Justice was able to retain its key role as the guarantor of internal security even after the Cold War ended. As this article is intended to form part of a larger book project, I also briefly mention comparisons with Germany to show how Japan evolved differently on immigration-related policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the British Mandate's legal framework for regulating citizenship and nationality in Palestine following the post-World War I fragmentation of the Ottoman Empire. It argues that the 1925 Palestinian Citizenship Order-in-Council prioritized the settlement and naturalization of Jews in Palestine, while simultaneously disenfranchising Palestinians who had migrated abroad. Ultimately, the citizenship legislation reflected British imperial interests as it fulfilled the promises made in the Balfour Declaration to establish in Palestine a homeland for the Jewish people, while it attempted to ensure the economic viability of a modern Palestine as a British mandated territory. Excluded from Palestinian citizenship by the arbitrary application of the Order-in-Council, the majority of Palestinian migrants during the 1920s and 30s never secured a legal means to return to Palestine, thus marking the beginning of the Palestinian diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a large, public Southeastern University, a co-curricular experiential learning initiative was implemented with the aim of cultivating global citizenship by using guided visits to various organizations in Washington, DC and reflecting about those experiences using journaling techniques. In this study, the researchers first examine 21st century learning and literature concerned with developing global citizenship, specifically mindfulness, via experiential educative cityscapes. Next, a discussion of this particular experiential learning adventure and the participants is offered, with an overview of data collection and analysis techniques. The researchers conclude by discussing how students in this particular learning-bydoing opportunity connected to the idea of mindfulness within the city context, mindfulness of their felt experience, and their development as global citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the nature of terrorism changes, so does the government's response to the issue. This Note discusses one of the most significant changes undertaken by allied nations to address the terrorist threat. Western States have slowly adopted some form of citizenship revocation to address the threat of homegrown terrorism. Through the lens of the Anwar al-Aulaqi case, this Note argues that the Office of Legal Counsel should view a particular class of individuals as having forfeited the right to their U.S. citizenship as a result of their involvement in terrorist activities. In order to fall within the proposed framework, an individual must be a dual citizen. Further, he or she must engage in an overt terrorist act that contains a nexus to the United States. Finally, the actor must have manifested clear intent when engaging in the terrorist activity. This framework would reconcile the tension in current doctrine, which maintains that senior terrorist operatives, such as al-Aulaqi, should be subject to the Matthews v. Eldridge balancing test. This approach would also follow the course taken by other allied nations like the United Kingdom, Canada, and France, who have adopted this kind of policy in some form or another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the larger trend towards "securitization" of citizenship, citizenship deprivation in Canada is becoming increasingly normalized, resulting in some cases in statelessness. In this article, I pursue a sociology of statelessness by examining its localized production and connections to a broader network of social and material relations. I do this through a case study of Canadian-born Deepan Budlakoti, who at age 22 was informed that he was in fact not Canadian, and lacking any other citizenship, was rendered stateless. Actor-Network Theory is employed to trace how it is that legal documental and heterogeneous networks of humans and things (e.g., a "legal technicality") have been enrolled to produce a legal decision declaring that Budlakoti, despite his Canadian birth certificate and passports, was never a Canadian citizen. Yet because he has not exhausted all avenues to acquisition of some citizenship (e.g., in India or Canada), he also has failed to secure recognition of his statelessness. A particular innovation in this analysis is the exploration of the exemption in the Canadian Citizenship Act from jus soli citizenship for children born to foreign diplomatic staff. Networks of immigration tribunal and court judgements, and documents treated as evidence have connected and translated into establishing Budlakoti's fit with this exemption, despite countervailing evidence and a lifetime of documented and state-assisted reproduction of his Canadianness. While robbed of his legal and social identity, and suffering the egregious consequences of statelessness, Budlakoti continues to campaign for restoration of his right to have rights within his country of birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Denationalisation – withdrawing citizenship from a person – is a practice with a long historic pedigree that continues to affect the lives of many people today. Are there conditions under which denationalisation is morally justified? If so, what are they? And can legal and political norms that authorise states to engage in citizenship withdrawal be justified? This article provides answers to these questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intra-Eu mobility has become increasingly contested. Despite empirical evidence showing that migrants are not a burden for the receiving countries, a growing number of voters think that nationals should have priority in terms of jobs and welfare. In a realist perspective, this 'nativist' turn cannot be ignored, as it might undermine the very idea of EU citizenship. While nondiscrimination, as enshrined in the Treaties, should certainly remain the first order principle to defend free movement from a legal and normative point of view, in the present predicament it might be reasonable to complement it with the less demanding principle of 'hospitality'. Practically, this would mean to give back to Member States a modicum of autonomy in filtering the access to social benefits for inactive or non-resident persons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Those very few of us who were critical of the rise of legal expert systems in the early 1980s probably wonder, in idle moments, whether there is a possibility of rejuvenation of an approach which was once multi-various and is now obscure and esoteric. Is it possible that after rising and falling, that legal expert system research programme could rise again? What were the conditions which gave impetus to the field and could they be repeated? In this article I want to return, with a personal viewpoint, on the rise of expert systems and why - despite their failure - the appeal of commoditising legal expertise continues to allure the unwary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Oikos: Lithuanian Migration & Diaspora Studies is the property of Lithuanian Emigration Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a twenty-first century post-war, emigrant-sending country, Liberia reflects global citizenship norms while simultaneously departing from them, and this unique positioning offers new opportunities to theorise citizenship across spatial and temporal landscapes. In this article, I examine ‘Liberian citizenship’ construction through a historical prism, arguing that as Liberia transformed from a country of immigration to one of emigration, so too did conceptualisations of citizenship – moving from passive, identity-based citizenship emphasising rights and entitlements to more active, practice-based citizenship privileging duties and responsibilities. Given the dynamic trends in citizenship configuration across the globe and particularly in Africa, this article fills gaps in the growing body of literature on citizenship and participation in emigrant-sending countries by contributing to wider debates about how identities, practices and relations between people transform in the aftermath of violent conflict. Empirical evidence presented is based on multi-sited fieldwork conducted in 2012 and 2013 with 202 Liberians in urban centres in West Africa, North America and Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is the top issue of public concern - and Labour must win back confidence if it is to form the next government. The UK immigration system is flawed, but has significant strengths - most of which were introduced by Labour governments. Labour must build on this heritage to develop a socialist immigration policy. To do so, we must discuss immigration and citizenship together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the moral right of a state to restrict and exclude immigrants and newcomers based on their right of self-determination which have become a prominent subject of debates. The exclusive regulation of state membership that are based on freedom of association, freedom from imposed obligations and property rights denies the access of resident citizen's offspring. The domestic and international freedom of movement are also mentioned.

Spain is one of the few countries in the EU where Islam has had a historical role in the social and cultural construction of its identity. However, its modern history is marked by acts of repudiation of non-Christian cultures. Opinion polls indicate that certain groups of immigrants from North Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe, but mainly Muslims, are considered to be incompatible with the popular conception of Spanish identity. The reason for this perception is related to the social construction of the immigrant as the ‘other to govern’ by political, academic and media discourses. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate that immigration law also plays a fundamental role in this strategy of ‘orientalisation’, namely the attribution of certain qualities to immigrant groups (illegal, antisocial, criminal, inassimilable, terrorist), the aim of which is to legitimise the selective control of immigration. The Spanish immigration and citizenship regime contributes to the construction of otherness, and therefore to the political and legal (re)definition of what ‘being Spanish’ means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thanks to the features of the Scandinavian welfare system, Denmark may offer a special case in Europe as far as the relationship between austerity and citizenship is concerned. Yet, two interlinked tendencies in the new millennium may explain an experience of austerity in Denmark. One is related to changes in economic governance and welfare distribution while the other is related to perceived threats to Danish culture and security. In the article, we first briefly outline the development of the Danish welfare model and its recent transformations in relation to changes in legislation on youth unemployment, youth education and the cash benefits system. Second, we turn to the issue of Danish citizenship policy focusing on citizenship education, anti-radicalization measures and 'terror packages'. We argue that while these political initiatives can only in part be explained as austerity measures, they are linked to general effects of transnational processes and accompanying changes in Danish welfare policies and Danish national identity images - with important (educative) citizenship implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While several analyses sustain that the declining support for democracy is related to 'the very fact that external actors were imposing policies from outside', this article comparing policy, civil society and education in France and the Netherlands emphasizes the role of national tradition in the ways this outside pressure is translated in the national context, and the ways the political effects are expressed. Before trying to assess the effects of the economic crisis on the policies and practices of active citizenship and showing differences between France and the Netherlands, the article sketches more precisely the main features and recent events of Dutch and French political life to understand the context and meaning of active citizenship and citizenship education in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how economic resources and legal status (vis-à-vis the U.S.) shape national attachments and citizenship practices in the context of the U.S.–Mexico border. Through the comparison of middle- and working-class Mexicans, this article highlights how middle-class Mexicans with tourist visas to travel to the U.S. develop what I calltransborder citizenship,while deported working-class migrants – legally banned from returning to the U.S. – engage in what I calltransnational citizenship. For middle-class Mexicans,transborder citizenshipis exhibited through their frequent cross-border experiences and cross-border citizenship practices; however, they remain rooted locally in Mexico. In contrast, for working-class return migrants,transnational citizenshipis defined by their restricted mobility even while they retain personal, social, and economic ties with the U.S. Ultimately, return migrants feel dislocated and uprooted in Mexico. The article uses data from observations and in-depth interviews with Mexican nationals living in the border town of Mexicali, Mexico, conducted from June 2009 to August 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on decrease in number of Canadian citizenship of the persons who have permanent residents in Canada, and mentions efforts of former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper along with the chiefs of Assembly of First Nations to improve the citizenship policies.

desenvolvimento territorial; indicadores FIRJAN; políticas públicas e sociais. Abstract: Public policy Citizenship Territories seeks to reduce poverty and social inequality through sustainable territorial development. This study assessed the socioeconomic indicators of the citizenship territories of the Mato Grosso state as a data source with the Municipal Development Index Firjan. The results indicate an improvement of indicators in almost all areas, however, most municipalities still fi nd yourself with results below the cut of 0,650 set as appropriate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing Colonial Rule. The Conquest of German East Africa and Citizenship Policy. In the colonial context, the legal institution of citizenship often assumed a bio-political meaning; in this way ethnic and racial differences became legal categories. A look at the citizenship policy in German East Africa confirms this and offers a new perspective on the relationships between the colonized and the colonizers. This article concentrates on the occupation and establishment of German rule in East Africa at the turn of the 20th century, a period marked by a crisis caused by the new regime's impact on the local population. On the one hand, colonial rule quickly sought to fragment the local society and assign its different parts a broad multiplicity of juridical statuses, seeking to divide the colonizers from the colonized on a racial basis; on the other hand, this operation also created margins of negotiation for sectors of colonial society that hoped to position themselves in this new political context. The article highlights the necessity of placing the issue of colonial citizenship in a broad postcolonial interpretative framework that takes into consideration the local actors and does so by joining together issues of (internal) colonial and international policy and those of economic interests and cultural dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, immigrants’ propensity to naturalize is attributed to individual characteristics and the origin country. Recently scholars increasingly recognise that naturalisation decisions do not take place in a vacuum: they are conditioned both by the individual life course of immigrants, such as the age at migration and family situation, as well as the opportunity structure set by citizenship policies of the destination country. Yet it is less clear what impact specific policy changes have, and to whom these changes matter most. In this paper we address these questions by analysing citizenship acquisition among first generation immigrants in the Netherlands in light of a restriction in citizenship policy in 2003. We employ unique micro-level longitudinal data from Dutch municipal population registers between 1995 until 2012, which allow us to track naturalisation among different immigration cohorts. We find evidence that indeed naturalisation is part of a larger life course trajectory: immigrants who arrive at a younger age in the Netherlands naturalise more often and so do immigrants with a native partner, or a foreign-born partner who also naturalises. Policy also matters: migrants naturalise later and less often under more restrictive institutional conditions, especially migrants from less developed and politically unstable countries of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we trace the expansion of interior immigration enforcement measures since the 1990s, focusing on the period after the creation of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in 2003. We consider the rationale for the escalation of enforcement during this period, as well as the expansion of enforcement to include local and state law enforcement agencies. Detailing in particular the role of local jails, private corrections corporations, and the communities that are financially dependent on the prison industry, the article also examines who benefits economically and politically from these changes. Throughout, we consider how the expansion of immigration enforcement has affected U.S. citizen children and spouses of unauthorized immigrants. We question whether U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is fulfilling its mandate to deemphasize enforcement against parents, guardians, and children given that the number of detentions and removals in these categories continues to increase. We discuss how this is imposing unnecessary costs and burdens on ICE's citizen stakeholders while benefiting private corrections corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Without having a universally accepted definition, the concept of citizenship has acquired through time a multitude of definitions putting, in general, the question of belonging to a particular community, which requires with priority political rights but also obligations, the citizen being the one that has rights and duties in a democratic society. The notion of European citizenship is based on rights and corresponding obligations, implying the fact that the citizens of the European Union benefit, in this quality, of the same rights that are traditionally awarded to own citizens in the internal legal order. By applying the "unity in diversity" principle which the united Europe is built upon, the European citizenship represents equality before the adopted laws and the problems and dissatisfactions of citizens can be the same regardless of nationality or ethnicity and common solutions need to be built for these. By the inclusion of rights, obligations, as well as by participating in the political life, the European citizenship has the purpose of consolidating the image and identity of the European Union and the more profound involvement of the citizen in the European integration process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1955, one important trend regarding dual nationality was observable in East Germany and the People’s Republic of China (PRC): the official rejection of dual nationality itself. While East Germany’s effort in preventing dual nationality was motivated by the socialist nationality principles of its Eastern European allies, the PRC’s effort was aimed at ending its diplomatic isolation in the Southeast Asian region. In both states, bilateral treaties were preferred over national legislation in overcoming dual nationality. This article compares the implementation of a single nationality principle through bilateral treaties and suggests that the PRC’s effort was unsuccessful because it was confronted with unfavourable international circumstances compared to East Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the provisions of Australian Citizenship Amendment Act 2015 assented to on December 11, 2015 concerning the revocation by conduct of Australian citizenship in certain circumstances.

The article explores the aspects of U.S. citizenship in midcentury California, on poetric works of Native American novelist John Rollin Ridge. Topics discussed include the concept of personal narratives during the Mexican War between 1846-1848, the political debate on national welfare for the Native American people and the social issues of national identity of California Indians. Particular focus is also given into the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo.

Copyright of Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the need of skilled technical work force for national security. Topics discussed include importance of STEM (science, technology, engineering and math) education; careers in national security and intelligence; and the government's responsibility to protect our forces and our citizens.

This article seeks to promote an integrated approach to the study of citizenship policies, which pays due attention to their potential impact on migrants whose self-recognition are formally delimited by legal definitions. Through a novel approach that makes use of naturalisation processes as an empirical entry point into the narratives of citizenship embraced by Turkish migrants, this article investigates the role of dual citizenship policies in three European countries: Spain, the Netherlands and the UK. The evidence from the sample group displays a process of ‘self-bargaining’ prior to the naturalisation decision, which calls into question the link established between legal and emotional bonds of citizenship. The Dutch example demonstrates how Turkish migrants cope with the ban on dual citizenship by downplaying the identity-conferring role of citizenship status. This leads to a decoupling of legal and emotional aspects of citizenship and thereby to the adoption of a thin sense of citizenship. While Spain represents an in-between case that has a tolerant implementation despite ade jureban, the British example shows how the process of ‘self-bargaining’ can result in the widening of emotional landscape, when dual citizenship is allowed. A thick sense of citizenship is therefore not only preserved but it can also be extended to the citizenship of the country of residence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article follows a bottom-up approach to language policy (Ramanathan, 2005; Wodak, 2006) in an analysis of citizenship in policy and practice. It compares representations of citizenship in and around a regional branch of the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), with a focus on citizenship swearing-in ceremonies for adults and children, discourse of a USCIS field officer, and the linguistic landscape and social semiotics inside and surrounding the USCIS building. These local meanings of citizenship are contrasted with top-down, national meanings of citizenship that are enforced through Immigration and Naturalization Act policy, the naturalization test, and official discourse. Findings indicate that while thede jurecitizenship policy of the local field office is to provide informational assistance to its community, itsde factopractices suggest that help is prioritized for certain members of the population, in systematic and visible ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers education abroad (EA) and its relationship to global citizenship and colonialism by describing and analyzing the agitated interactions of one EA course through a post-colonial lens. Rather than claim the EA experience as emancipatory or colonialist, the paper illustrates the ways that colonialist tendencies can manifest in particular moments and through specific dynamics of an EA course. This paper illustrates the ways that colonialist tendencies related to a reifying of consumerist ideologies, a westernizing of the EA experience, and an ongoing employment of an objectifying tourist gaze became manifest in an education abroad context. The paper concludes with a discussion of the findings that includes some ideas for how education abroad programs can address its colonialist tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper introduces the often neglected concept of ‘claimed co-ethnics’ in the analysis of citizenship policies. It argues that this is an interstitial category that further complicates the triadic nexus between national minorities, nationalising states and kin-states. The ‘claimed co-ethnics’ are defined as people who are recognised by the citizenship (or ethnizenship) conferring state as belonging to its main ethnic group, although they themselves do not embrace that definition. In addition to bringing the issue of claimed co-ethnics into focus, the paper elucidates how citizenship policies can affect groups that challenge the exact fit between ethnicity and nation, showing how national governments through particular citizenship policies and categorisation practices engage in the construction of these groups. The paper shows that the triadic nexus framework, which has had a strong influence on citizenship and minorities scholarship, needs to be revised to include unidirectional relations between the elements of the triadic nexus. The paper is based on the comparison between the cases of ethnic Vlachs (in the context of Albania and Greece) and Bunjevci (in the context of Serbia and Croatia). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the integration experiences of Serb refugees who left Croatia during the 1990s and sought protection in Serbia. It focuses on access to citizenship and alternative legal statuses as determinants of specific integration outcomes. It acknowledges arguments from the forced migration literature that, on the one hand, accentuate refugee agency in the construction of a sense of integration, while on the other, they highlight the importance of legal aspects of the integration process. Nevertheless, this paper argues that integration represents a more complex process than the one consisting solely in an adjustment to cultural, economic, legal, political and social conditions in the host country. The context within which refugees exercise their agency during the process of integration is not determined solely by the environment of the host state, but is constructed by legal remedies that are at the disposition of the refugees in their state of origin, possibilities to restore the networks they left behind and feelings of personal identity that are associated with the previous home. In this process, citizenship policies play a complex role. They define the areas of social life in which refugees can legally act, define the nature and the scope of access to material remedies necessary for the restoration of economic livelihood in the new environment, and play an important role in the process of identity self-construction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Greece has experienced significant economic immigration during the last 20 years without having been prepared for it. Greek migration management and migrant integration policies have been slow to develop and, despite rapid demographic change, native Greeks have largely retained a predominantly mono-ethnic and mono-religious view of the nation. Indeed, until recently, Greece had one of the most restrictive citizenship regimes in Europe. The situation changed in March 2010 when the socialist government passed a new citizenship law that has facilitated the access to citizenship of both first and second generation migrants. The same law also introduced local voting rights for third-country nationals that reside in Greece legally for 5 years or more. This paper discusses this new law and in particular, the issue of local voting rights in the Greek social and political context. It analyses who spearheaded the drive for change, who opposed the law and the concession of local voting rights and on what grounds. The paper reviews parliamentary debates, policy documents, data from the last local elections and the recent decision of the Greek State Council which annulled the law by deeming it unconstitutional. The analysis places developments in Greece in the context of relevant theoretical debates in the field of citizenship studies reviewing briefly the overall trends on the issue of local political participation of noncitizens in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]