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The Eurocentric (or rather Western European) outlook on cultural evolution envisioned a sharp demarcation between the phenomena grouped under the title Middle Paleolithic (i.e., archaic) and the phenomena recognized as Upper Paleolithic (i.e., modern). This view became the framework for testing cognitive, social, and economic hypotheses explaining the emergence of modern behavior. After nearly a century of research, it seems that this categorization is not applicable in the Levant despite some broad similarities between the two regions. The Levantine archaeological record provides us with the option to think outside the “European box” with regard to this important phase in human cultural evolution.

We present new faunal data from Kotias Klde rockshelter, Republic of Georgia, where a substantial part of the faunalv assemblage consists of brown bear remains (Ursus arctos) found in clear association with Mesolithic artifacts. Bear remains are unusually well represented in comparison with other faunal assemblages from the Caucasus and Eurasia in general. The diversity of species, dominance of young individuals, full representation of skeletal elements, and skinning butchery marks indicate that bears were actively hunted. Such an endeavor of hunting denotes the complex network of relationships that linked the Mesolithic hunting societies with the animal world surrounding them.

Microlith production in the Levant began with the Upper Paleolithic. Two microlithic production techniques have been observed: straight retouched (Ahmarian) bladelets from a blade bladelet-oriented reduction sequence; and tiny, twisted “Dufour” (Levantine Aurignacian) bladelets, intentional and/or unintentional byproducts of carination. Twisted bladelets appear in varying frequencies throughout the Upper Paleolithic. The straight variety ultimately dominates and characterizes the fully fledged microlithic Epipaleolithic. A major conceptual change occurs in fashioning microliths during the late Upper Paleolithic/Early Epipaleolithic. Earlier assemblages were produced by a predetermined chaine operatoire and blanks closely parallel the microliths in shape and size. During the Early Epipaleolithic tool shapes increasingly resulted from subsequent blank modification, by invasive retouch and, sometimes, use of the microburin technique. By the late Epipaleolithic almost any small, elongated flake was opportunistically fashioned into a microlith. Explanations for the appearance of microliths include developments in economizing behaviors, hafting practices, projectile-point propulsion mechanisms, and functional variability. The described changes could be interpreted as declining knapping abilities, yet such developments probably reflect increasing efficiency and flexibility.

We extend the scope of European palaeogenomics by sequencing the genomes of Late Upper Palaeolithic (13,300 years old, 1.4-fold coverage) and Mesolithic (9,700 years old, 15.4-fold) males from western Georgia in the Caucasus and a Late Upper Palaeolithic (13,700 years old, 9.5-fold) male from Switzerland. While we detect Late Palaeolithic–Mesolithic genomic continuity in both regions, we find that Caucasus hunter-gatherers (CHG) belong to a distinct ancient clade that split from western hunter-gatherers ∼45 kya, shortly after the expansion of anatomically modern humans into Europe and from the ancestors of Neolithic farmers ∼25 kya, around the Last Glacial Maximum. CHG genomes significantly contributed to the Yamnaya steppe herders who migrated into Europe ∼3,000 BC, supporting a formative Caucasus influence on this important Early Bronze age culture. CHG left their imprint on modern populations from the Caucasus and also central and south Asia possibly marking the arrival of Indo-Aryan languages., Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe; 1334

Over the past several decades a variety of models have been proposed to explain perceived behavioral and cognitive differences between Neanderthals and modern humans. A key element in many of these models and one often used as a proxy for behavioral “modernity” is the frequency and nature of hunting among Palaeolithic populations. Here new archaeological data from Ortvale Klde, a late Middle–early Upper Palaeolithic rockshelter in the Georgian Republic, are considered, and zooarchaeological methods are applied to the study of faunal acquisition patterns to test whether they changed significantly from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic. The analyses demonstrate that Neanderthals and modern humans practiced largely identical hunting tactics and that the two populations were equally and independently capable of acquiring and exploiting critical biogeographical information pertaining to resource availability and animal behavior. Like lithic techno-typological traditions, hunting behaviors are poor proxies for major behavioral differences between Neanderthals and modern humans, a conclusion that has important implications for debates surrounding the Middle–Upper Palaeolithic transition and what features constitute “modern” behavior. The proposition is advanced that developments in the social realm of Upper Palaeolithic societies allowed the replacement of Neanderthals in the Caucasus with little temporal or spatial overlap and that this process was widespread beyond traditional topographic and biogeographical barriers to Neanderthal mobility.

The dispersals of early hominins in the late Pliocene or early Pleistocene into Eurasia were essentially sporadic. Little geographic and temporal continuity is observed between the various dated archaeological contexts, and the lithic assemblages do not demonstrate a techno-morphological continuity. The archaeological evidence from 1.8 to 0.7 Ma indicates at least three waves of early migrations. The earliest sortie involved bearers of core-chopper industries sometime around 1.7}1.6 Ma. Early Acheulean producers followed possibly around 1.4 Ma. The third wave occurred sometime around 0.8 Ma, and is represented by Acheulean groups who manufactured numerous #ake cleavers. The geographic scope of each of these waves is not yet well known.The reasons for &why’ early humans dispersed from Africa into Eurasia include the &push’ of environmental change and relative &demographic pressure’, as well as the opening of new niches. Humans may have gained their meat supplies either from carcasses or through active predation. The archaeological and fossil records demonstrate that Homo erectus was a successful species, and like other successful species it enlarged its geographic distribution at all costs. Even if the trigger for the initial dispersal of Homo erectus remains unknown or controversial, the success of the hominid occupation of the Eurasian habitats was not primarily facilitated by the availability of food, or the human #exibility in food procuring techniques, but by the absence of the zoonotic diseases that plagued and constrained hominins in their African &cradle of evolution’. Once humans succeeded in crossing the disease-plagued belts of Africa the chances for survival of many more members of their groups rose steeply. It was only thereafter that humans could exploit their latent capacities and came to enjoy their global colonization. ( 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Cet article propose une discussion concernant des objets en os natoufiens retrouves lors de fouilles anciennes a Kebara et El-Wad, en Palestine. Ces objets sont, pour la plupart, des outils et des pendants. Les AA presentent une breve analyse fondee sur une typologie morphologique et proposent une description plus detaillee dans l'appendice a la fin de l'article puis etablissent la fonction de ces objets faits a partir d'os de gazelle (pour la plupart), fonction qui s'avere etre purement esthetique.

Renewed excavations in Kebara cave (Mt Carmel) made it possible to obtain a series of radiocarbon dates from the Upper Paleolithic layers of the site. The various readings indicate the presence of early Ahmarian industries around 43 –36 ka bp while the Levantine Aurignacian is dated to 36 –32 ka bp . Combined with the previously published TL dates for the uppermost Mousterian layers it is suggested that during the transition from the Middle to the Upper Paleolithic, the cave was abandoned and that this cultural phase should be dated to c . 46 /45 –43 /42 ka bp .

Une etude multi-regionale des modifications intervenant dans l'efficacite et la standardisation des industries lithiques pendant la periode de transition entre le Paleolithique moyen et superieur, a ete utilisee afin de montrer que cette transition resultait du developpement du langage. Le materiel etudie provient des sites de Haua Fteah (Libye), de Grosse Grotte et Geissenklosterle (Allemagne) et de Pech de l'Aze et Caminade (France). En plus de cette etude, l'auteur presente une analyse comparee des technologies lithiques des deux periodes

Neolithisation processes in the Levant were a unique phenomenon in comparison to other regions of the world. Such processes were of long duree and are reflected in numerous aspects of the human condition, including social and economic developments. These also comprised changes in the scale and nature of the physical surroundings as reflected in the architectural endeavours and traditions of late Epipalaeolithic and Neolithic groups. Such changes reflected the demands and constraints of the newly evolving modes of existence, namely increasing sedentism, demographic growth, plant cultivation, proto-agriculture and incipient herding. Differences are observed in the tempo, scale and direction of the aforementioned changes; these indicate independent trajectories of local traditions, stemming from the particular histories of various groups within the sub-regions of the Levant.

The issue of tracing the mental abilities of prehistoric hominids is overwhelming in its complexity. Not only are there different schools of thought as regards the very feasibility of such an enterprise, but we are also facing difficulties in obtaining relevant data and their interpretation. For a while it seemed as if lithic studies could contribute but little to this domain of prehistoric research. However, it seems that there is a breakthrough both in concepts and methods which enables us a glimpse into the workings of the mind of the prehistoric flint knappers. The present article discusses the findings from the technological studies of two Levantine early Acheulian assemblages. The reconstruction of the procedures undertaken by the early hominids in order to produce discrete artefact types clearly illustrates the existence of complex cognitive abilities, rather similar to those of modern humans.

Nahal Oren is a large Late Natufian site, which mostly served as a burial ground. Two series of excavations were conducted on this site providing a plethora of material remains. This article deals with the bone artefact assemblage from the fi rst series of excavations on the terrace. Lack of data pertaining to stratigraphic and spatial distribution of the bone items, as well as no data concerning the faunal assemblage, permits only a basic typological analysis of the bone artefacts. The assemblage comprises 90 items that generally accord typologically with other Natufian bone artefact assemblages reported in the literature. At the same time, some characteristics are evaluated and discussed herein., Nahal Oren est un site étendu du Natoufien final, principalement à vocation funéraire. Deux opérations de fouilles archéologiques ont été conduites ; elles ont fourni une grande quantité de mobilier. Cet article traite du matériel osseux issu des premières campagnes de fouille réalisées sur la terrasse. En raison des données lacunaires concernant la répartition stratigraphique et spatiale des objets en os et en l’absence d’informations sur les assemblages fauniques, seule une analyse typologique basique de l’outillage a été possible. La série comprend 90 pièces qui sont en grande partie analogues à celles des autres assemblages osseux du Natoufien déjà publiés. D’autre part, certaines de leurs caractéristiques sont ici discutées., Ashkenazy Hila, Belfer-Cohen Anna, Rabinovich Rivka. Natufian Bone Artefacts from Nahal Oren, Mt. Carmel, Israel. In: Paléorient, 2011, vol. 37, n°2. pp. 189-199.

Beginning with the early Pleistocene site of Ubeidiya, the Near East is an intercontinental crossroads, and a region of Pleistocene migration routes spanning Africa, Asia and Europe. A large number of Late Pleistocene hominids were discovered in Syria, Iraq and Israel. This anthropological documentation, circumscribed chronologically, raises several questions concerning the biological diversity of the hominids associated with Mousterian lithic artefacts, and strengthens the existence of regional population variation. The Near Eastern fossil sample is, indeed, not homogenous and includes, among others, early anatomically modern humans recovered from the sites of Skhul and Qafzeh Caves, dated between 130 and 92 ka BP. Excavations in the Hayonim Cave (Israel) have provided human remains that are pertinent to our understanding of Near East biological diversity. Indeed, biostratigraphic analysis and chronometric dating (Thermoluminescence and ESR/ U series analyses) of the stratifi ed deposits imply that the Mousterian sequence ranges from at least 220 ka to about 115 ka BP, and encompassed MIS7-6 and 5. Thus, the Hayonim human remains present the best evidence of early Mousterian inhabitants in Western Galilee, and their analysis represents a source of information on the biology and behaviour of hunter-gatherers prior to the Skhul and Qafzeh toolmakers., Le Proche-Orient, au carrefour de l’Afrique et de l’Eurasie, apparaît au croisement de routes de migrations humaines qui trouvent leur origine avec Ubeidiya, au Pléistocène inférieur. Relevant du Pléistocène fi nal, une abondante documentation anthropologique a été mise au jour en Syrie, en Iraq et en Israël dans un contexte archéologique moustérien qui est bien délimité dans le temps. Cette documentation soulève de nombreuses questions liées à la diversité biologique des hominidés associés aux artefacts moustériens qui fait du Proche-Orient, et en particulier du Levant, une région à part, comparée au reste de l’Eurasie. L’échantillon ainsi rassemblé en contexte moustérien n’est en effet pas homogène et, au sein de ce dernier, sont reconnus, entre autres, des premiers hommes anatomiquement modernes à Skhul et à Qafzeh, qui sont datés entre 130 et 92 ka avant le présent. Les fouilles réalisées dans la grotte d’Hayonim (Israël) ont livré des vestiges humains qui viennent à la fois conforter et ancrer cette diversité biologique régionale. En effet, selon les informations conjointes issues de la biostratigraphie et de datations absolues (Thermoluminescence et Résonance paramagnétique), la séquence moustérienne se situe entre 220 et 115 ka avant le présent. Ces vestiges humains d’Hayonim sont les plus anciens connus en Galilée, précédant ceux de Qafzeh, et leur étude revêt donc un intérêt tout particulier. Ils s’intègrent parmi les plus anciens chasseurs-cueilleurs nomades de tout le Proche-Orient., Tillier Anne-marie, Arensburg Baruch, Belfer-Cohen Anna, Vandermeersch Bernard. Early Hominid Remains from Hayonim Cave (Israel) in the Context of the Late Middle and Upper Pleistocene record from the Near East. In: Paléorient, 2011, vol. 37, n°2. pp. 47-63.

Dans cet article, l'auteur explique les raison qui poussent les chasseurs cueilleurs a modifier leurs habitudes migratoires en particulier pour les populations paleolithiques du Levant

Resultats des fouilles recentes (1982-90) sur le site du Paleolithique moyen de Kebara, Israel. Synthese de la stratigraphie complexe du site et datation. Description des structures spatiales de foyers, cendres, concentrations d'os et d'artefacts. Resultats des etudes mineralogiques des sediments afin de determiner si la distribution spatiale des ossements animaux est le resultat d'activites humaines (charognage) ou de processus post-depositionnels. Synthese sur l'outillage lithique mousterien axee sur la technologie de production et les chaines operatoires. Analyse taphonomique des mammiferes, en particulier des ongules. Inventaire des restes humains du Paleolithique moyen et etude de la sepulture intentionnelle d'homme adulte

The Natufian entity was first identified and described in the early 1930s by D. Garrod (39) following her excavations at the Shukba Cave in the Samaria (Figure 1). Other assemblages identified as Natufian were subsequently uncovered within the boundaries of what was to become identified as the Natufian core area, encompassing the Galilee, Mt. Carmel, and the Judean Hills and Desert (41, 64, 83). Though the original definition of the Natufian complex was based on the characteristics of its chipped stone industry, both Garrod and Neuville (63, 64), who explored the Judean desert Natufian sites, were impressed by the nonlithic finds. This is the first Levantine prehistoric entity with durable architectural remains bearing evidence of intensive building activities. Some of the sites exceed in size anything known before, heralding the appearance of the villages and compounds of the Neolithic cultures to come. Besides an unprecedented abundance (in quantity and variety) of bone implements, there is a wealth of limestone and basalt artifacts. Also, for the first time there appear numerous art objects and ornaments made of a variety of raw materials, both common and exotic. All these components place the Natufian apart from preceding archaeological cultures. Since the early discoveries, sites identified as Natufian have been reported both from the core area (12, 49, 65, 67, 78, 88) and from regions further away, some within different phytogeographic zones: northern Syria (26, 27, 60), north and south Lebanon (19), the Jordan Rift Valley (9, 33, 38), southern Jordan (46, 55, 56), the Syrian-Arabian Desert (20), and the Negev (43, 58, 61) (Figure 1). The abundant data accumulated over the years

The Natufians of the southern Levant (15,000–11,500 cal BP) underwent pronounced socioeconomic changes associated with the onset of sedentism and the shift from a foraging to farming lifestyle. Excavations at the 12,000-year-old Natufian cave site, Hilazon Tachtit (Israel), have revealed a grave that provides a rare opportunity to investigate the ideological shifts that must have accompanied these socioeconomic changes. The grave was constructed and specifically arranged for a petite, elderly, and disabled woman, who was accompanied by exceptional grave offerings. The grave goods comprised 50 complete tortoise shells and select body-parts of a wild boar, an eagle, a cow, a leopard, and two martens, as well as a complete human foot. The interment rituals and the method used to construct and seal the grave suggest that this is the burial of a shaman, one of the earliest known from the archaeological record. Several attributes of this burial later become central in the spiritual arena of human cultures worldwide.

This paper considers the recent radiometric dating (14C-AMS, TL, ESR) of 76 late Middle and early Upper Paleolithic samples from Ortvale Klde Rockshelter, located in the Republic of Georgia. We present a critical evaluation of each date based on its stratigraphic and archaeological context, its pretreatment and contamination history, and its resulting accuracy and precision, the goal being to establish a sound chronology for the site. Only by systematically identifying aberrant dates within a data set and isolating them from further analysis can we hope to understand cultural and biological phenomena on an accurate temporal scale. Based on the strict discard protocol outlined here, we omit 25% of the dated samples from the analysis. The remaining data speak to the lengthy tenure of Neandertals in the region, but also to their relatively rapid demise and the establishment of modern human populations approximately 38-34 ka 14C BP (42-39 kacalBP(Hulu)). We compare these chronometric data with those from the neighboring sites of Bronze and Dzudzuana caves, as well as Mezmaiskaya Cave, located in the northern Caucasus. While the lack of key contextual information limit our ability to subject these other data sets to the same critical evaluation procedure, they provide the first interregional temporal assessment of the Middle to Upper Paleolithic "transition," the results of which suggest an initial expansion of modern humans into the southern Caucasus followed by expansion along the Black Sea coast and into the northern Caucasus.

Field research throughout the Near East has provided a large corpus of architectural remains from the terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene periods. These differ dramatically from the architectural remains of preceding cultures and, rather than simply reflecting the growth of technological know-how, indicate pro- found changes in the more general needs of human groups. The advent of sedentism had major impacts concerning the internal and external mindsets of the communities involved. Moreover, examination of the archaeological record of the Levant reveals that sedentism had an immediate impact as evidenced by increased community sizes and social networks. Concomitantly it brought about more subtle, incremental changes that terminated in the 'Neolithic Revolution,' as reflected in the architecture of the PPNB koine. The latter can be considered as the sum of the transformation processes that occurred vis-` a-vis the role of architecture in the various domains of the transforming communities - as dwelling and storage structures, public buildings for communal activities and ritual institutions, amongst others.

The excavations at Kotias Klde, a karstic cave in the western region of the Republic of Georgia, uncovered a sequence of Neolithic layer topped by some Bronze Age remains (A1 and A2), a complex Mesolithic layer (B), and the top of layer C, tentatively recognized as late Upper Palaeolithic. The preliminary report describes the contents of the Mesolithic deposit with its particular industry, characterized by triangles of various shapes and a faunal assemblage of hunted brown bear, dated to 12,400-10,380 cal. BP., Résumé: Les fouilles conduites à Kotias Klde, une grotte karstique de l’Ouest de la Géorgie, ont permis de mettre au jour une séquence formée de quelques restes de l’âge du Bronze qui surmontent une séquence néolithique (A1 et A2), une couche complexe mésolithique (B) et le sommet d’une couche C, qui relèverait d’un Paléolithique supérieur tardif. Ce rapport préliminaire porte sur les assemblages du dépôt mésolithique daté de 12 400-10 380 cal. BP, dont l’industrie particulière se caractérise par des formes variées et par un assemblage faunique composé de restes de chasse à l’ours brun., Meshveliani Tengiz, Bar-Oz Guy, Bar-Yosef Ofer, Belfer-Cohen Anna, Boaretto Elisabetta, Jakeli Nino, Koridze Irakli, Matskevich Zinovi. Mesolithic Hunters at Kotias Klde, Western Georgia: Preliminary Results. In: Paléorient, 2007, vol. 33, n°2. pp. 47-58.

International audience; The thermoluminescence dating method was applied to 77 heated flints from the Mousterian layers of Hayonim Cave in order to provide a precise TL-based chronology for this important Levantine sequence. A detailed dosimetric study was performed by using 76 dosimeter capsules and revealed strong spatial dose-rate variations. In parallel, Fourier transform infrared spectrometry enabled the identification of various mineral assemblages in the sediments of the cave and to localize the boundaries of these assemblages. By comparing these two data sets, it is shown that low dose-rate values (not, vert, similar500 μGy/a) are systematically recorded in areas where the calcite-dahllite (CD) assemblage is preserved, whereas higher values (up to 1300 μGy/a) are associated with the leucophosphite, montgomeryite, variscite and siliceous aggregates (LMVS) assemblage. The dosimetric and mineralogical information was combined in order to assess, where possible, the dose-rate experienced by each flint during its burial. Some of the flint samples analyzed were too close to mineral assemblage boundaries and were therefore discarded. This rigorous selection led to TL ages ranging from 230 to 140 ka for the lower part of the Mousterian sequence (layers F and Lower E), which contains lithic industries characterized by blade production using the laminar method.

This paper presents an analysis of the large Natufian tool assemblage (N = 10,378) from the excavations ofM. Stekelis (1954- 1957, 1959-1960) at the site of Nahal Oren Terrace. The site is located on the western escarpment of Mt. Carmel, situated amidst various ecological microhabitats within a Mediterranean climatic zone. The Natufian levels at the site, observed throughout all seasons of excavation, provided a plethora of archaeological data including a unique cemetery. The present account is a summary and discussion of a study focused on the Natufian lithic component recovered during excavation. Except for some very general observations, the material was never published. An endeavor was made to accommodate our results within the framework of modern research and current data pertaining to the Natufian culture, including information obtained during the 2nd series of excavations at the site (1969-1971). The importance of this assemblage stems partly from the fact that it represents one of the very few instances where there is seemingly a continuum of occupation from the Natufian through the following Neolithic cultures. Besides a detailed typological analysis, an endeavor was made to explore the spatial distribution aimed towards establishing relationship among the various activities areas at the site, especially between the burial ground and the surrounding areas. A study comparing this particular assemblage with both the Natufian assemblage derived during the 2nd series of excavations and assemblages from other Natufian sites made clear the basic nature of this Late Natufian assemblage. The various lines of study demonstrate that there was a continuum of human occupation (or at least a constant presence) all through the Late Natufian (13-11 600 BP cal)., Résumé : Dans cet article, nous présentons une analyse de l'abondant matériel lithique natoufien (n = 10 378) récolté lors des fouilles de M. Stekelis (1954-1957, 1959-1960) sur le site de la terrasse de Nahal Oren. Le gisement se trouve sur le rebord Ouest du Mt Carmel, aux confins de différentes micro-niches écologiques au sein de la zone méditerranéenne. Les niveaux natoufiens, fouillés tout au long des différentes campagnes, ont livré une quantité impressionnante d'informations archéologiques incluant une nécropole remarquable. Nous présentons ici une synthèse de l 'étude réalisée sur le matériel lithique natoufien récolté durant ces fouilles, et les discussions qui en découlent. Ce matériel n 'a jamais été publié, àpart quelques observations d'ordre général. Nous avons tenté de replacer les résultats obtenus dans le contexte de la recherche actuelle sur la culture natoufienne en intégrant également les informations obtenues lors de la seconde série de fouilles sur le site entre 1969 et 1971. L 'étude de ce matériel trouve tout son intérêt dans le fait que la terrasse de Nahal Oren semble constituer l 'un des rares cas d 'occupation continue depuis le Natoufien jusqu 'au Néolithique. En plus d'une étude typologique détaillée, nous avons tenté, par une étude des répartitions spatiales, d'établir les relations entre les différentes zones d'activité sur le site, plus particulièrement entre la zone des sépultures et les zones environnantes. Les comparaisons effectuées avec le matériel provenant des fouilles plus récentes et avec celui d'autres sites natoufiens indiquent clairement que ces assemblages lithiques appartiennent au Natoufien récent. Tous les éléments de notre étude démontrent la continuité des occupations (ou du moins une présence constante) tout au long de cette période entre 13 000 et 11 600 BP cal., Grosman Leore, Ashkenazy Hila, Belfer-Cohen Anna. The Natufian Occupation of Nahal Oren, Mt. Carmel, Israel - The Lithic Evidence. In: Paléorient, 2005, vol. 31, n°2. pp. 5-26.

This paper presents the results of renewed excavations at the late Upper Palaeolithic site of Nahal Ein Gev 1 on the eastern margins of the Sea of Galilee. The lithic assemblage is characterised by a chunky flake technology produced using a hard hammer. The tool repertoire is heavily dominated by burins on Clactonian truncations and notches. Other tool classes are not especially standardised, and there is a small microlithic component. The results broadly conform to those of the previous excavations and corroborate that the described assemblage is indeed representative of the site as a whole. It seems almost certain that the previously described skeletal remains are indeed integral to the site, which appears to represent a foraging camp as indicated by the broad range offaunal remains. The assemblage is placed within the framework of the later Upper Palaeolithic "Atlitian " entity. It is concluded that the techno-typolog- ical configuration of this and comparable Atlitian assemblages bear little, if any, resemblance to Levantine Aurignacian industries., Sont présentés ici les résultats de fouilles qui furent reprises sur le gisement paléolithique supérieur tardif de Nahal Ein Gev l, situé sur la rive orientale du lac de Tibériade. L 'assemblage lithique est caractérisé par un débitage sommaire à éclats grossiers obtenu à l 'aide d'un percuteur dur. Parmi les outils prédominent les burins sur troncatures et encoches clactoniennes. Les autres classes d 'outils n 'apparaissent pas spécialement standardisées mais comportent une petite composante microlithique. Ces résultats recoupent largement ceux obtenus lors des fouilles antérieures et montrent bien que l 'assemblage décrit est représentatif de l 'ensemble du site. Il semble presque certain que les restes humains qui avaient été signalés appartiennent bien au site ; celui-ci devait être un camp de prédateurs comme l 'indique la grande variété des restes d 'animaux recueillis. Dans le cadre du Paléolithique supérieur tardif l'assemblage appartient à l 'entité Atlitienne comme le montrent aussi bien la technologie que la typologie alors qu 'ils n 'offrent peu, si ce n 'est aucune, ressemblance avec les industries de l'Aurignacien levantin., Belfer-Cohen Anna, Davidzon Angela, Goring-Morris A. N., Lieberman Daniel E., Spiers M. Nahal Ein Gev I : A Late Upper Palaeolithic Site by the Sea of Galilee, Israel. In: Paléorient, 2004, vol. 30, n°1. pp. 25-45.

The region of western Georgia (Imereti) has been a major geographic corridor for human migrations during the Middle and Upper Palaeolithic (MP/UP). Knowledge of the MP and UP in this region, however, stems mostly from a small number of recent excavations at the sites of Ortvale Klde, Dzudzuana, Bondi, and Kotias Klde. These provide an absolute chronology for the Late MP and MP-UP transition, but only a partial perspective on the nature and timing of UP occupations, and limited data on how human groups in this region responded to the harsh climatic oscillations between 37,000-11,500 years before present. Here we report new UP archaeological sequences from fieldwork in Satsurblia cavein the same region. A series of living surfaces with combustion features, faunal remains, stone and bone tools, and ornaments provide new information about human occupations in this region (a) prior to the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) at 25.5-24.4 ka cal. BP and (b) after the LGM at 17.9-16.2 ka cal. BP. The latter provides new evidence in the southern Caucasus for human occupation immediately after the LGM. The results of the campaigns in Satsurblia and Dzudzuana suggest that at present the most plausible scenario is one of a hiatus in the occupation of this region during the LGM (between 24.4-17.9 ka cal. BP). Analysis of the living surfaces at Satsurblia offers information about human activities such as the production and utilisation of lithics and bone tools, butchering, cooking and consumption of meat and wild cereals, the utilisation of fibers, and the use of certain woods. Microfaunal and palynological analyses point to fluctuations in the climate with consequent shifts in vegetation and the faunal spectrum not only before and after the LGM, but also during the two millennia following the end of the LGM.

Belfer-Cohen Anna, Goring-Morris A. Nigel. The Tyranny of the Ethnographic Record, Revisited. In: Paléorient, 2009, vol. 35, n°1. pp. 107-108.

Fiel work renewed at Eynan in 1996 was devoted to clarify the site extension and to excavate the upper, Final Natufian, layer. It was shwn that Natufian remains are still found 25 m east of the main excavated area. More than one layer of architecture with oval dwellings (previously not documented at this stage) ans additional graves were uncovered in the Final Natufian; Large quantities of material - including some obsidian - were collected, but vegetal remains are not preserved. Analysis of this material shows that the Final Natufian people maintained former traditions although some aspects forshadow the later PPN. Future work sould clarify the way of life especially the question of sedentism at this time period., Les travaux repris à Mallaha en 1996 ont porté sur l'étendue du gisement et sur les couches supérieures, Natoufien final. Ils ont montré que l'occupation se poursuit au moins 25 m à l'est de la fouille principale. Le Natoufien final a livré plusieurs niveaux d'architecture avec des "maisons" jusque-là inconnues et de nouvelles sépultures. La matériel, ou figure un peu d'obsidienne, est très abondant mais les végétaux ne sont pas conservés. Son analyse permet de mieux comprendre un stade culturel peu documenté qui semble s'inscrire dans la tradition antérieure mais dont certains traits annoncent le PPNA. La recherche à venir devrait éclairer le mode de vie, et en particulier le degré de sédentarité, maintenu à cette époque.

Human remains from the Aurignacian and Mousterian levels of Hayonim cave, Western Galilee, Israel, are documented and described here. Although they are admittedly meager and fragmentary in nature, they testify to the great paleoanthropological potential of Hayonim cave.

The dynamics of Epipalaeolithic and Early Neolithic adaptations in the southern Levant from areas west of the Rift Valley are briefly described and evaluated against the backdrop of climatic changes. Taking account of recent advances in environmental studies and important revisions in the chronological framework of pollen diagrams from the Hula, a high degree of correlation between environmental and cultural developments is apparent. The variable nature of environmental changes and the mosaic of ecological zonation on human adaptive systems are stressed, with differentiation between : long-term incremental trends; sudden climatic changes; and predictable annual fluctuations about a mean. The nature and flexibility of the responses by communities to such external changes depended upon specific combinations of technological, social and ideological, psychological as well as idiosyncratic factors. Favourable niches alternately expanded or contracted. At times human adaptation systems in Cisjordan can be divided into two provinces, Mediterranean and Steppe/Desert ; at other times they included adjacent areas, such as Transjordan and the northern part of the Levantine corridor. A number of crises or "bottle-neck" situations, most resulting from environmental changes, are described which caused radical re-alignments in social and subsistence systems. It is against this backdrop, together with generally conservative social systems, that the transformation from foraging to plant and animal husbandry should be viewed., La dynamique des adaptations des hommes qui ont pris place au cours de l'Épipaléolithique et du Néolithique ancien à l'ouest du Rift dans la partie sud du Levant est décrite brièvement et évaluée par rapport aux fluctuations climatiques. Si l'on prend en compte les travaux récents sur l'environnement et les révisions importantes du cadre chronologique des diagrammes polliniques du Houleh, une corrélation s'établit, apparemment bonne, entre l'évolution culturelle et celle de l'environnement. Est souligné le rôle joué par la nature variable des changements de l'environnement et la multitude des zones écologiques en dissociant les tendances à long terme, les changements climatiques brusques et les fluctuations moyennes annuelles prévisibles. La nature et la flexibilité des réponses des communautés humaines à ces changements dépendent des combinaisons spécifiques de facteurs technologiques, sociaux, idéologiques et psychologiques. Des niches favorables alternativement s'étendent ou se réduisent. À certaines périodes, en Cisjordanie, l'adaptation des hommes aux milieux s'opère différemment dans la région méditerranéenne et dans les régions steppe/désert. À d'autres époques, ces niches incluent des régions adjacentes telles que la TransJordanie et la partie nord du Corridor Levantin. Un nombre de ces crises, la plupart liées aux changements de l'environnement, sont décrites; c'est dans ce cadre et dans des sociétés dans l'ensemble très conservatrices que doit être considéré le passage de la cueillette à la domestication des plantes et des animaux., Goring-Morris N., Belfer-Cohen Anna. The articulation of cultural processes and Late Quaternary environmental changes in Cisjordan.. In: Paléorient, 1997, vol. 23, n°2. Paléoenvironnement et sociétés humaines au moyen-orient de 20 000 BP à 6 000 BP. pp. 71-93.

Bergfjord et al . express doubts regarding our identification of flax fibers on the basis of the morphology of their internal layers. The authors use microphotographs and descriptions of the outer layers of fibers as arguments for their claims. Morphology and structure of the outer and inner parts of fibers are radically different, however, rendering their reservations misplaced.

A unique finding of wild flax fibers from a series of Upper Paleolithic layers at Dzudzuana Cave, located in the foothills of the Caucasus, Georgia, indicates that prehistoric hunter-gatherers were making cords for hafting stone tools, weaving baskets, or sewing garments. Radiocarbon dates demonstrate that the cave was inhabited intermittently during several periods dated to 32 to 26 thousand years before the present (kyr B.P.), 23 to 19 kyr B.P., and 13 to 11 kyr B.P. Spun, dyed, and knotted flax fibers are common. Apparently, climatic fluctuations recorded in the cave's deposits did not affect the growth of the plants because a certain level of humidity was sustained.

Particular geographic features of the Mediterranean Levant underlie the subsistence patterns and social structures reconstructed from the archaeological remains of Epi-Paleolithic groups. The Kebaran, Geometric Kebaran, and Mushabian complexes are defined by technotypological features that reflect the distributions of social units. Radiocarbon dating and paleoclimatic data permit us to trace particular groups who, facing environmental fluctuations, made crucial changes in subsistence strategies, which, in the southern Levant, led to sedentism in base camps on the ecotone of the Mediterranean woodland-parkland and the Irano-Turanian steppe. The establishment of Early Natufian sedentary communities led to a regional change in settlement pattern. The relatively cold and dry climate of the eleventh millennium B.P. forced Negev groups into a special arid adpatation. The early Holocene onset of wetter and warmer conditions favored the earliest Neolithic (PPNA) development of village life based on the cultivation of barley and legumes, gathering of wild seeds and fruits and continued hunting.