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En este artículo se describe el tratamiento informativo que recibe la desinformación en la prensa española, a partir del análisis de la cobertura recibida (2016-2022) en cinco periódicos de información general. El objetivo es identificar la estrategia de encuadre de una forma diacrónica y señalar los principales actores, las fuentes periodísticas, los espacios y tiempos referidos en los artículos publicados sobre esta cuestión. Los resultados confirman la progresiva evolución de la agenda mediática, ya que tras unos primeros años en los que la información sobre bulos y desmentidos concentra el mayor número de piezas, esta cede su protagonismo en pro de una cobertura en la que predominan marcos más interpretativos, que permiten a los medios explicar las causas del auge de este fenómeno y señalar medidas, retos y planes para luchar contra este fenómeno. Todo ello desde un abordaje conjunto en el que se subraya no solo el papel vigilante de los medios, sino también su contribución a la alfabetización mediática.

Introducción: la sociedad actual se encuentra ante el irrefrenable avance del cáncer de piel, uno de los más comunes y letales a nivel mundial. En España, su incidencia sigue aumentando en la población, y de forma más incipiente, en la población joven. Segmento potencialmente vulnerable a este tipo de cáncer por la alta frecuencia de exposición a la radiación solar sin tomar medidas preventivas, y la cultura del bronceado. Educar en hábitos de fotoprotección es la mejor medida para reducir el riesgo de cáncer de piel. Las redes sociales se han convertido en una plataforma esencial para la concienciación y promoción de comportamientos saludables. El presente estudio identifica y analiza la comunicación sobre prevención del cáncer de piel que se divulga en Twitter en España por los principales emisores estratégicos involucrados en esta labor. Metodología: se realizó análisis de contenido cuantitativo para determinar el primer y segundo nivel de agenda setting de la comunicación. Para ello se recogieron 2486 publicaciones emitidas en Twitter entre los meses de abril a julio de 2022. Resultados: los hallazgos muestran predominio de información relativa al cáncer de piel en general sin especificar, el melanoma y la fotoprotección, enfocada mayoritariamente en las causas de la enfermedad con la exposición solar como principal factor de riesgo. Conclusiones: al final encontramos un desequilibrio en la agenda respecto a temas y encuadres que revela una comunicación insuficientemente optimizada en la red social.

Humor, which is primarily designed to amuse, can occasionally be more serious than regular news when utilized with political intent. Numerous studies have demonstrated the importance of humor in politics. Comedy programs are, therefore, the opposite of news programs and attract a larger audience. People who are tired of difficult news discussions prefer fun political programs. It has been established that all types of political comedy programs are the primary source of political news for the public, particularly the younger generation. We collected qualitative data of a humorous nature for Pakistani perspectives on humor in comedy shows. Through, Online sources we have compiled information about the selected episodes of the Atab Iqbal-hosted program. The obtained data is studied through the prism of Dmitry Chernobrov's strategic comedy theory. This study indicates that the Aftab Iqbal-hosted comedy series serves political aims and promotes a particular political leader and party by criticizing and imitating other parties and leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We study the susceptibility of committee governance (e.g. by boards of directors), modelled as the collective determination of a ranking of a set of alternatives, to manipulation of the order in which pairs of alternatives are voted on— agenda-manipulation. We exhibit an agenda strategy called insertion sort that allows a self-interested committee chair with no knowledge of how votes will be cast to do as well as if she had complete knowledge. Strategies with this "regret-freeness" property are characterized by their efficiency, and by their avoidance of two intuitive errors. What distinguishes regret-free strategies from each other is how they prioritize among alternatives; insertion sort prioritizes lexicographically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Pasos: Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural is the property of Universidad de La Laguna, Instituto Universitario de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the process of building relations between Ukraine and the USA in the first years of Ukrainian independence, trends in their development, agenda and contradictions.It is determined that the development of bilateral relations in the first half of the 1990s was marked by the sporadic political dialogue of the countries, the multidirectionality of interests and asymmetry of relations, and their agenda was limited to three main areas — political dialogue, nuclear disarmament and economic assistance. Both the administration of G.Bush Sr. and the administration of B.Clinton in the first years in office followed a Moscow-centric policy in the post-Soviet space, which left little room for Ukrainian diplomacy. The need to develop contacts with official Kyiv during this period for Washington was dictated solely by its interest in solving the nuclear issue.In turn, for the young Ukrainian state, both in the times of Leonid Kravchuk and after the second President Leonid Kuchma came to power, the American direction became one of the main foreign policy priorities.The complex process of solving the problem of nuclear disarmament of Ukraine, which became the central topic of Ukrainian-American relations in 1991−1994, is covered in detail. At the same time the approaches of the Republican and Democratic administrations to solving this problem were different. The position of the Bush administration in this matter was reduced to tough pressure and ultimatum rhetoric in order to achieve Kyiv's renunciation of nuclear weapons, which eventually led to its failure and lack of progress in the negotiations.The administration of Democrat B. Clinton, which came to power in the United States in 1993, rethought the policy towards Ukraine, offering more flexible approaches to the dialogue with Kyiv— expanded the bilateral agenda, expressed readiness to increase economic aid and discuss the provision of security guarantees. Official Kyiv in the negotiations on nuclear disarmament, despite the discussions in the Ukrainian politics, chose a bargaining strategy, seeking to extract as many economic and political dividends as possible from the United States. The interaction of flexible approaches of the USA to the nuclear issue and Ukrainian bargaining strategy resulted in the signing of the Budapest Memorandum on December 5, 1994.

Agenda

The social purpose of art expands its value and significance to problematize many social and political situations of day rather than limiting it to idea of aesthetic pleasure alone. African American philosophers, poets, and authors also attempt to project the issues of race and culture country is facing. They made an effort to create a strong literary framework despite various attempts at discrediting the significance of art and artists on global scale. Considering Alain Lock's idea of 'Real art or Propaganda' this paper examines true values of African American literature and takes it a step further to recognize the attempts made via literature to project their rights and preserve their culture and history. This influence never strays from true purpose of art and results in meaningful poems that appeal to human emotion and feelings on a universal level. They have historically given more weight to universal purpose of art, which is to arouse pleasure, and have utilized this as a platform to expose the systematic goal that disadvantages and presents negative picture of African American community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For feminism, the issue of power has been a central piece. However, until now, the main meaning given to the term has to do with the control and dominance exercised by men (individually, institutionally, organized or discursively) over women (as individuals and as a collective). This situation has led to the difficulty of analyzing some phenomena; for example, what is the meaning and the results of women occupying positions of power? (at the level of heads of state, parliaments, etc.); how to assess that women’s movements have influence in decision-making? (approval of laws, creation of public policies); how to understand the men who individually or collectively question their position of privilege and define themselves as anti-patriarchal? This text argues that feminism is already an expression of power that disputes decision-making spaces in various fields, and that the strengthening of its political influence requires the formation of a cohesive group that is capable of setting an agenda and building the necessary alliances to dispute the hegemony of discourse and political organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research has investigated conditions which lead to minority members' wanting to maintain their culture of origin, and to them wanting to adopt the majority culture. Majority members' ideas for what minority members should do have also received attention. However, past research has developed a blindspot for some important questions: majority and minority members will also have preferences for whether they desire majority culture change, and members of both groups will have perceptions regarding the respective outgroup's preference. This paper will present a 2X2X2 framework yielding 8 different foci: 2 (focusing on the perspectives/wishes of the minority vs. majority) X 2 (acculturation preferences regarding oneself vs. the outgroup) X 2 (own preferences vs. perceptions of what the respective outgroup wants). This framework will be used to crystalize what is known and what is not yet explored, suggesting a research agenda for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, the need for digitisation and digitalisation of enterprises, as well as the use of solutions based on Artificial Intelligence (AI), are coming to the fore. The use of intelligent systems in organisations is not a strictly technical issue, and is also important in the management of modern enterprises. The aim of this article is to provide a theoretical analysis of the phenomenon of Artificial Intelligence in management sciences by means of a systematic review of the literature using Scopus database records. Bibliographic analysis of Artificial Intelligence in management sciences in this article points to this topic as something relatively new in the case of management sciences, although rapidly developing. As part of the bibliographic analysis we propose an agenda regarding the issue of AI in management sciences, consisting of thematic clusters related to technologies based on and complementary to AI, the goals of using AI in organisations, human-AI relations and issues related to ethics and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El sistema de cogestión y coadministración de los servicios públicos conocido como gobernanza ha sido ampliamente discutido en cuanto a sus dimensiones, pero hasta el momento no se ha establecido un análisis del proceso. Este es el caso de la relación entre gobernabilidad y elecciones. Es en la contienda electoral donde se inicia el conflicto entre los partidos por las preferencias, intenciones de voto y votos del electorado. Los gobernantes proponen aumentos de tarifas para quienes puedan pagarlas, pero sugieren subsidios y condonaciones para sectores vulnerables. Las diferencias entre gobernantes y gobernados revelan una gobernabilidad esperada por las partes involucradas. El objetivo de este trabajo ha sido confirmar la estructura factorial reportada en la literatura. Se realizaron dos estudios, uno exploratorio y otro confirmatorio, durante las elecciones de 2021 en el contexto de la pandemia de la Ciudad de México. Se estableció la estructura factorial de la Escala de Gobernanza Esperada de Carreón (2020), estableciendo tres factores: resolución esperada, percepciones de acuerdos y expectativas de responsabilidades, aunque el diseño de la investigación limitó los hallazgos a la muestra de análisis, sugiriendo la extensión del modelo a otros factores moderadores como el liderazgo.

Este artículo presenta una propuesta para analizar las consecuencias, cambios y permanencias del aislamiento durante la pandemia y la post pandemia en relación con las infancias. A partir de una revisión de los estudios publicados construimos una agenda de investigación para las infancias de la post pandemia atendiendo a diferentes dimensiones que consideramos urgente estudiar. La agenda se organiza en cinco núcleos de problemas entrelazados: la sociabilidad y socialización de las infancias; las desigualdades educativas y el aprendizaje; la relación con las pantallas; los problemas de alimentación y el déficit de actividad física. Luego, se despliegan las líneas de la agenda de investigación que proponemos para comprender la relación entre infancias, pandemia y postpandemia recuperando esos cinco núcleos. Proponemos una perspectiva atenta a los aspectos comunicacionales y emocionales que será transversal a todo el desarrollo y que permitirá dar cuenta de las complejidades que atraviesan las infancias contemporáneas.

In the last decade, the importance of the debate on the implantation of public-private partnership for the management of protected areas has been rising in Brazil. In this context, the Pub. L. 16.260/16 was published in state of São Paulo, entitling the State Treasury to grant the exploration of services and the use of areas in 25 state protected areas, which house important forest remnants and numerous traditional communities. Its approval process has been troubled since its first drafting as Bill 249/13, with numerous questions raised by various sectors of society. This study analyzed the formulative process of the agenda of service concession in protected areas in the state of São Paulo, which culminated in the publication of Pub. L.16.260/16. The theoretical framework used was Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework (2003) and the data were obtained through documentary research, bibliographic research and semi-structured interviews with the main actors involved in the process. The results show that the agenda-setting process was motivated by a crisis in the management of protected areas, but the choice of service concessions as a solution to this problem was influenced by actors and the favorable political environment.

This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mobile instant messaging services, particularly Telegram, are becoming a new tool for politicians in their communication with citizens. This research aims to know the main functions attributed to Telegram, the themes of the messages and the multimedia resources used in the electoral campaign. We choose a descriptive study with an exploratory purpose and we apply quantitative content analysis to 877 messages published by the main Spanish parties during the November 2019 elections: PSOE, PP, Ciudadanos, Unidas Podemos, Izquierda Unida, Más País and Vox. The results show that the main political use of Telegram is to spread content from other redes sociales, especially Twitter and Facebook. This mobile application plays a secondary role in the communication strategy of the campaign parties. The function of participation and mobilization of the electorate also detects high values. Concerning the theme, the most recurrent topic in the content of the messages is vote and electoral results. Telegram also favours a high level of fragmentation of the political agenda. Additionally, we detected emergent use of innovative multimedia resources such as gifs, surveys and audios. Finally, we discover how the party's political history determines the use of this platform since traditional parties make more intensive use than emerging parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite the advances in stigma research, measuring health-related stigma continues to be challenging and knowledge gaps remain. This study gained insight into challenges and research priorities related to the assessment of health-related stigma. Interviews were conducted with 14 stigma researchers, followed by a survey that was completed by 36 respondents. The findings showed a diverse range of research priorities. Among the top ranked priorities were the need for robust measurement properties of existing scales (content validity, responsiveness, validation across settings), exploration and assessment of subtle changes in stigma, and investigation on ways to assess actual behaviour and discrimination. Various challenges with the cross-cultural use of measures were identified, along with a research opportunity to shorten the cross-cultural validation process. Other identified research priorities related to: studying multi-level intersectional stigma; focusing on positive features that counter stigma; rephrasing negative and offending scale items; developing generic measures; and, the further development of practical tools to support researchers with scale implementation. The defined research priorities can guide future studies to advance stigma measurements and, as our ability to measure is critical for our understanding, enhance our knowledge about the complex stigma processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial inequality associated with the location of population and activities, access to infrastructure and services, employment and material living conditions, is a historical reality in Latin America. This phenomenon has accompanied the demands of successive development models, and since the mid-twentieth century it has begun to be recognised in its full complexity with the installation of developmentalist governments. As a result, various public policies were adopted that failed to have a significant impact on these inequalities or to address their social consequences. Given the need to reformulate approaches, optimise resources and overcome obstacles in the implementation of public policies, this paper seeks to analyse the policies on the government agenda in Argentina from the change of management materialized at the end of 2019, identifying the limitations, achievements and potentialities of the policies proposed in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico and their effects on territorial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women, peace, and security (WPS) represents a policy framework aimed at raising awareness on the critical need for women to be viewed and to be included as key actors, if we are to achieve sustainable peace and security. The main idea of the WPS is raising awareness about the gender equality, and subsequently including the women in each stage of the peace process. The purpose of the paper is to elaborate shortly and closely on the guiding documents and the normative frame of the WPS agenda: UN Declaration on Human Rights (1948), Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979), World Conferences on Women (1975-95), UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on WPS (2000). The landmark resolution of the WPS agenda, 1325, has four pillars: prevention, participation, protection and peacebuilding and recovery. In an attempt of supporting the WPS agenda, global partnerships and alliances have been formed by different UN bodies, UN member states, non-state actors and the civil society. There is a common impression that out of all UN resolutions, the Resolution 1325 on WPS is most known. The resolution and the agenda have been supplemented by other nine UNSC resolutions, sometimes referred as WPS UNSCRs. UN and its many partners on different levels are continuously pushing forward the agenda, insisting on inclusion of women in the matters of peace and security. Besides that, UN and its partners are fully committed to preventing and protecting women and girls in any conflict. A tremendous great deal of job in moving the WPS agenda forward is done by the civil society. And it looks like we have learned the lesson: the civil society has been one of the key actors in negotiating the UN SDGs 2030. However, not only the UN and civil society, but also other international organizations have put the WPS agenda high on their priority list. NATO has responded with creating mechanisms aimed at implementing resolutions on WPS. One such mechanism are National Action Plans on implementing UNSCR 1325 and other documents which are part of the WPS agenda. OSCE and EU are also providing huge support to moving forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Desenvolvimento e Meio Ambiente is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Three years after a pandemic that demonstrated the importance of reliable health information in a news agenda dominated by coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), we analyze the situation of health disinformation in Spain on the basis of the verifications carried out by its main fact-checking platforms. The results show that COVID-19 shared center stage with other topics in the health area. In addition, a unique agenda is evident in each situation in the study, indicating a fact-checking strategy that is differentiated according to the media outlet and type of specialization (generalist fact-checker or one specialized in health). Vaccination, nutrition, and disease treatment emerge as the most important thematic subfields. Most health hoaxes are manufactured, i.e., created from scratch, rather than being manipulated or reconfigured from real preexisting elements. The format of text and image together predominates, and new social networks (TikTok or Telegram) have appeared as platforms for the circulation of hoaxes. This indicates that providing necessary health literacy to society and giving health issues greater presence in current fact-checking agendas are strategies for combatting disinformation, which can have serious consequences, regardless of whether there is a public health crisis such as the one experienced recently.

For seven decades, theorists and practitioners have been exploring management that has led to confusing results and conclusions. In this study we are trying to prove that there is a need for better link between the needs and challenges of individual leaders and the practices of big corporations trying to select, support, measure, motivate and develop a very large number of leaders around the world. We are looking for a solution that would be understood through an increased workload, speed and the globalizing complexity of organizational life by placing additional requirements for researchers. Our main thought is that most researchers are interested in individuals while they completely ignore the corporate context.

La política educativa en México es responsabilidad de los tres ámbitos de gobierno pero, en el caso de los municipios, sus actividades son tangenciales y se ven poco reflejadas en sus agendas de gobierno. Así entonces, el objetivo de este artículo es conocer la integración de la educación en los planes municipales de desarrollo en el estado Tlaxcala, entendidos como la agenda formal de actividades, mediante una metodología de revisión histórico documental. Los hallazgos muestran inconsistencias en la identificación de necesidades en materia educativa y en la incorporación de contenidos relacionados con los que establece la legislación.

Despite the advances in stigma research, measuring health-related stigma continues to be challenging and knowledge gaps remain. This study gained insight into challenges and research priorities related to the assessment of health-related stigma. Interviews were conducted with 14 stigma researchers, followed by a survey that was completed by 36 respondents. The findings showed a diverse range of research priorities. Among the top ranked priorities were the need for robust measurement properties of existing scales (content validity, responsiveness, validation across settings), exploration and assessment of subtle changes in stigma, and investigation on ways to assess actual behaviour and discrimination. Various challenges with the cross-cultural use of measures were identified, along with a research opportunity to shorten the cross-cultural validation process. Other identified research priorities related to: studying multi-level intersectional stigma; focusing on positive features that counter stigma; rephrasing negative and offending scale items; developing generic measures; and, the further development of practical tools to support researchers with scale implementation. The defined research priorities can guide future studies to advance stigma measurements and, as our ability to measure is critical for our understanding, enhance our knowledge about the complex stigma processes.

This brief argues that an affirmative vision of voting rights must recognize factors currently treated as “background conditions” of voter suppression instead as causes on par with suppressive laws themselves.

Copyright of Management & Organization Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Development communication is realized in extension, and extension activities are also DevCom in nature. This study aimed to describe and narrate that development communication is practiced and realized through extension in Batangas State University – The Philippines’ National Engineering University, CALABARZON, Philippines. This study utilized the descriptive-narrative research design in a qualitative approach. Various literature of the Extension Service Office and DevCom of BatStateU were collected to answer the research objectives. Interview-conversations were also conducted among university extension officials and development communication faculty. It was found out that BatStateU has a rich historical development up to what it is now as The National Engineering University. It offers 12 extension agenda plus 1 - to be approved by the University Board of Regents. And lastly, values and concepts that comprised development communication based from Quebral’s definition in 2012 were embodied in the practice of extension in BatStateU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses main issues and tendencies of two China-proposed initiatives, namely Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The key focus of the research combines the major points and expected results of BRI and the growing role of SCO in current International Relations. While exploring these two structures, we conclude that SCO is pushing forward BRI, serving as a strong influential and effective platform. The organization helped China to build up unprecedentedly intense ties with local states, creating natural conditions to play an active and constructive role in BRI agenda. From the very beginning Chinese BRI is closely related with SCO sharing reciprocal approaches, common features, principles and goals. They are historically linked together both geographically and ideologically. Specific projects under BRI together with the existing economic cooperation structure of SCO are truly complementing each other. SCO members view the BRI favorably, and China’s effective usage of the SCO has already resulted in many of its foreign policy goals being reached or at least had significant progress.

In the world of virtual reality, it becomes quite difficult for the recipient of information to understand how much the image he uses, created in media reality, corresponds to the phenomenon of social reality, of which it is a reflection. The construction of media reality in the media is of particular interest for research in the field of sociology, cultural studies, psychology, linguistics, advertising, PR. The study of the genesis of media reality in the paradigm of mass media is the basis for identifying the main trends in the development of communication science. Of interest is the interdependence of the agenda and the means of influencing consumers of information used in the media. The relevance of the work is associated with the understanding that the construction of media reality turns into a media process. The allocation of priority information in the media stream becomes problematic: the consciousness of the recipient is significantly overloaded the individual does not have time to analyze the information received, but only gives him a superficial emotional assessment. The article analyses mass media materials that reflect the agenda and affect the construction of media reality. The practical significance of the study of the potential of mass media in the construction of media reality is to identify priority topics for the agenda of publications that affect the consumer of information content.

Censorship, banning, and imprisonment are different methods used to suppress dissenting voices in traditional media and have now evolved into a new form with bot and troll accounts in the digital media age in Turkey. Is it possible to construct a bloc with counter-trolls against the escalating political pressure on the media in the post-truth era? Are counter-trolls capable of setting the agenda? This article discusses the possibility of constructing a bloc against the escalating political pressure in Turkey on the media through counter-trolls in the context of communicative rationality. First, it observes the ruling party’s troll politics strategy on Twitter, then examines the counter-discourses against political pressure today; thereafter it analyzes the discourse in hashtags on the agenda of the Boğaziçi University protests. Firstly, 18,000 tweets are examined to understand the suppress-communication strategy of the AK Party trolls. Secondly, the agenda-setting capacity of counter-trolls is observed between January 1, 2020, and February 5, 2021, and 18,000 tweets regarding Boğaziçi protests are examined to analyze the communication strategy of the counter-trolls. The study shows that the populist government instrumentalizes communication in social media, and Twitter does not have enough potential for the Gramscian counter-hegemony, but the organized actions and discourses have the potential to create public opinion.

¿Qué tendencias pueden identificarse en un análisis evolutivo sobre la agenda china en la guerra comercial con los Estados Unidos? La investigación analiza los dos documentos oficiales en la materia del gobierno de la República Popular China (de septiembre de 2018 y de junio de 2019), desde un marco teórico centrado en la racionalidad política china y en los estudios de agenda, y con herramientas propias del análisis autómatico de textos. Se obtiene como conclusión que el discurso político chino sostiene —como eje central— la intención de expandir el debate comercial a otros significados económicos, mantiene la crítica al proteccionismo y defiende su posición sobre la propiedad intelectual en China. Sin embargo, en el año 2019 en el discurso político chino adquieren una mayor centralidad los valores y principios cooperativos típicos de la retórica política china. Esto se destaca por sobre la estategia china de deconstrucción del discurso occidental sobre el conflicto comercial, lo cual es predominante, con abundante particularización discursiva, en el año 2018.