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This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass-party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision-making underlines the importance of “movement-party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left-wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra-party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti-immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank-and-file is still a matter of controversy.

Abstract Aim We investigated the value of serial cardiac 18F-FDG PET-MRI in Anderson–Fabry disease (AFD) and the potential relationship of imaging results with FASTEX score. Methods and results Thirteen AFD patients underwent cardiac 18F-FDG PET-MRI at baseline and follow-up. Coefficient of variation (COV) of FDG uptake and FASTEX score were assessed. At baseline, 9 patients were enzyme replacement therapy (ERT) naïve and 4 patients were under treatment. Two patients presented a FASTEX score of 0 indicating stable disease and did not show any imaging abnormality at baseline and follow-up PET-MRI. Eleven patients had a FASTEX score > 20% indicating disease worsening. Four of these patients without late gadolinium enhancement (LGE) and with normal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score of 35%. Three patients without LGE and with abnormal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score ranging from 30 to 70%. Three patients with LGE and abnormal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score between 35 and 75%. Finally, one patient with LGE and normal COV had a FASTEX score of 100%. Of the 12 patients on ERT at follow-up, FASTEX score was significantly higher in those 4 showing irreversible cardiac injury at baseline compared to 8 with negative LGE (66 ± 24 vs. 32 ± 21, p = 0.03). Conclusion 18F-FDG PET-MRI may be effective to monitor cardiac involvement in AFD.

Der Beitrag untersucht medienbezogene Einstellungen und das Ausmaß des Verschwörungsglaubens von Menschen mit AfD-Wahlpräferenz. Er greift die Debatte über Kampfbegriffe wie „Lügenpresse“ und „Systemmedien“ auf und erweitert die Radikalisierungsforschung um einen kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Zugang. Dafür verwendet er das Konzept des „Medienzynismus“. Es bezeichnet ein Einstellungsmuster mit verschwörungsideologischen Zügen: Journalist*innen werden als Lügner und System-Kollaborateure betrachtet. Der Beitrag analysiert auch die Mediennutzung von Menschen mit AfD-Präferenz sowie ihre Einstellungen zu Gewalt. Die Basis bilden vier Bevölkerungsumfragen aus den Jahren 2016 bis 2019. Die Daten wurden in Regressionsanalysen und mit einem Strukturgleichungsmodell ausgewertet. Dabei zeigt sich die Radikalität der AfD-Gruppe: Bei ihr sind Medienzynismus und Verschwörungsglaube stark ausgeprägt. Dies geht mit einer überdurchschnittlichen Nutzung „alternativer“ Medien und einem höheren Verständnis für die Anwendung von Gewalt einher. Die Studie findet keine eindeutigen Hinweise für eine sich verschärfende Radikalisierung im Zeitverlauf, aber auch keine Abschwächung. Die Befunde stützen Befürchtungen, dass der Verschwörungsglaube mit einer Affinität zu Gewalt verbunden und die Radikalisierung durch eine spezifische Mediennutzung gefördert werden kann.

The article analyses how the Alternative for Germany (AfD) conflated images of the traditional family with the nation and a racially-defined notion of ' Volk ', consciously repackaging terms from the 1930s for current political use. Taking a comparative and historical perspective, the article situates the family rhetoric and policies of the AfD in the historical debates on family, reproduction, and women that characterized Germany from the post-war period to the early 21st century. Exploring how the AfD sought to portray and regulate women's roles and reproductive decision-making, the article argues that the party sought to produce an authentic take on family and gender politics, the racism of which went practically unchallenged. It presents four analytical dimensions to grasp the specific biologist family-centrism and anti-gender approach of the AfD in comparison to National Socialism family rhetoric and policies. Sources come from official party platforms, less formal speeches and social media content of party representatives, newspaper coverage and reports by the German Intelligence Service, Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which an approach that takes into account the historical and spatial context of an election can contribute to a better understanding of electoral dynamics in general. It applies this approach to the analysis of the results of the populist radical right party "Alternative for Germany" (AfD) at the 2017 federal election in Germany. Making use of a newly compiled dataset at the municipality level in Germany, local context will first be included in a direct way, measured by distances from the municipalities to relevant geographical markers that can be associated with a long-term or a short-term historical legacy. These spatial points include former Nazi concentration camps (main camps as well as relevant sub-camps) in order to test for the long-term legacy, first reception facilities for refugees during the so-called "refugee crisis" (2015–16) as markers of one of the most incisive developments of the recent past in Germany. Additionally, the distance to the Eastern border is tested, as this variable has proven to be relevant in the context of earlier studies on the AfD. Second, actively modeling spatial non-stationarity using Geographically Weighted Regression (GWR) in an exploratory manner shows that most effects on the strength of the AfD at the municipality level (from modernization loser theory to the contact hypothesis) vary significantly and considerably in terms of strength throughout Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the AfD is not, strictly speaking, an "eastern" party, its distinct electoral results in the two halves of Germany—underscored once again in the 2021 federal election—are something of a puzzle. In order to explain how and why the AfD performs better in eastern Germany than in western Germany, we analyze district-level results for the AfD vote, employing multiple regression models in order to find correlates with constituency vote share. We conclude that the only socio-demographic variable common to both eastern and western German AfD voters is their level of education. Significantly, we find that eastern AfD voters are both older and more economically secure than western German voters for the AfD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Alternative for Germany (AfD) party achieved a striking success in the 2017 German federal election. Using structural constituency data, this article explores in which constituencies the AfD gained more votes and why. As it transformed from a single-issue, anti-Euro party with populist tendencies into a right-wing populist party, the AfD refined its position and focus. I argue that at the constituency level, the AfD vote was linked to the issue of immigration and the anti-establishment trend. The demands voiced by AfD voters can be linked to certain political and socioeconomic characteristics of their constituencies which made them susceptible to the AfD's right-wing populist rhetoric. Applying the statistical technique of multiple correspondence analysis (MCA), I examine the relationship between these characteristics and the AfD vote share at the constituency level. The AfD was likely to win more votes in constituencies characterised by an anti-establishment trend and anti-immigrant/refugee sentiment, the latter of which was linked not to the actual immigration rate, but rather to a combination of a low level of education and a high level of macroeconomic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Zusammenhang zwischen Ressentiments und Rechtspopulismus stellt sich empirisch anders dar, als häufig vermutet. Zu diesem Ergebnis kommt dieser Beitrag, der aufbauend auf Ergebnissen und Erfahrungen einer eigenen Interviewstudie mit AfD-WählerInnen und anhand exemplarischer Feldnotizen und Interviewpassagen die Bedeutung von Ressentiments bei RechtspopulistInnen untersucht. Ins Zentrum wird die ForscherIn-Beforschten Interaktionsschnittstelle gerückt. An ihr zeigt sich im Kern, dass AfD-WählerInnen weniger Deklassierungserfahrungen oder Abstiegserwartungen verarbeiten und solche Erfahrungen im Feld auch nicht in Gestalt von Ressentiments gegen den Forscher auftauchen. Vielmehr hegen sie einen Groll gegen die Erwartung, dass der Forscher dieses Deutungsschema anwenden könnte. Demgegenüber präsentieren sie ein Selbstbild, in dem vor allem ein Opfer- und Privilegierten-Selbstverständnis gleichermaßen eine Rolle spielen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does the populist radical right benefit from increased electoral mobilization? Integrating theories of political grievances with accounts of party competition in Western Europe, we contend that the populist right gains advantage from increased electoral mobilization, but that this effect is conditional on political disaffection. We draw on a novel panel dataset (2009–2019) of more than 10,000 German municipalities and city districts to study the implications of turnout surges as a function of pre-existing levels of political disaffection in a difference-in-differences design. The results demonstrate that turnout surges benefit the populist right "Alternative für Deutschland" (AfD) in contexts of widespread political distrust. In contrast, increased mobilization acts to depress its electoral fortunes in communities marked by low baseline levels of political disaffection. In shedding light on the interplay between political disaffection and electoral mobilization, this study has important implications for understanding the surge of the populist right in established democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper considers level crossing rate (LCR) and average fade duration (AFD) of the product of independent and identically distributed (i.i.d) Nakagami-m (NM) and double NM squared (also known as gamma-gamma) random variables (RVs). The derived statistics are then directly applied to the radio-frequency (RF) - free space optical (FSO), dual-hop (DH), amplify-and-forward (AF) relaying system over non turbulent-induced-fading channels (nTIFCs) and turbulent-induced-fading channels (TIFCs). The obtained results for LCR and AFD of DH-AF, RF-FSO system over TIFCs and nTIFCs are numerically evaluated and graphically presented for various system model parameters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Independent local lists (ILL) have become an important non-partisan actor in many local elections. However, little is known about which factors explain their electoral success. Drawing on recent contributions regarding the anti-establishment attitudes of many ILL, we argue that the rise of anti-establishment parties, especially the rise of populist radical-right parties, potentially harms the electoral success of ILL. Our main argument is that both actors attract voters that are dissatisfied with established parties. To test this hypothesis, we draw on the case of municipal elections in the German federal state of Lower Saxony. In the election of 2016, the populist radical-right party AfD competed in only a subset of all municipalities, meaning that some voters could cast their vote for the AfD in only some of the municipalities. We use a difference-in-differences approach to estimate the effect of the AfD on independent local list's vote share and demonstrate that ILL suffered strongly from the entrance of the AfD to the electoral arena. More specifically, our findings demonstrate that the increase in the success of ILL was halted in municipalities in which the AfD competed, while it continued to increase in regions where the AfD was absent. These findings suggest that the increasing success of ILL is due to voters' dissatisfaction with the established parties and not necessarily due to an increasing interest in local issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Soziale Welt is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Easy Social Sciences is the property of GESIS - Leibnitz-Institute for Social Sciences in Mannheim and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław is the property of Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to a recent statistic, in Germany 56% of the electors of the rightwing populist political party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) believe in conspiracy theories (Roose, 2020). Moreover, with reference to COVID-19, 25% of the German adult population think that Bill Gates is more powerful than the government in Germany (Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung, 2020). Against this background, it does not come as a surprise that the health discourse has been strongly politicized by the AfD party, whose electors are - in a good number - prone to welcome pseudoscientific health information and to oppose all measures which have been taken to stop the COVID-19 pandemic. This contribution investigates to what extent AfD's COVID-19 communication exhibits conspiratorial or misinformative traits and how morphologic and syntactic mechanisms are used to deliver health counter-discourse. The analysis will be carried out on a corpus of official parliamentary speeches given by AfD parliamentarians in the period from March 2020 to April 2021 and on a corpus of Facebook posts which appeared in the AfD's profile in the same time span. This makes it possible to draw a diamesic comparison between two different communication channels used by the AfD. It will be shown that the morphological analysis is particularly insightful to explore hostile counter-discourse. The possibilities offered by German affixation and compounding are explored also in a comparative perspective. Moreover, syntactic aspects such as personal deixis, the use of moods and deontic modality, as well as clausal linking will be examined to understand how syntactic mechanisms have been used to deliver pseudo factual narratives and oppose official health discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The repair performance of the so-called self-healing polymer systems has been extensively studied in recent works. However, the characterization methodology carried out to analyze the repair performance of these materials has not been widely discussed. Herein, a study of the influence of the characterization parameters on the self-healing capabilities of a 2-Aminophenyl disulfide (AFD)/epoxy system via convective heating is carried out. Results show a decrease in the self-healing efficiency proportional to the damage depth. Finally, increasing the healing temperature and time does not significantly affect the repair performance, obtaining similar self-healing efficiency values (>>95%) in all cases.

This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass‐party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision‐making underlines the importance of “movement‐party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left‐wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra‐party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti‐immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank‐and‐file is still a matter of controversy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aim: We investigated the value of serial cardiac 18F-FDG PET-MRI in Anderson–Fabry disease (AFD) and the potential relationship of imaging results with FASTEX score. Methods and results: Thirteen AFD patients underwent cardiac 18F-FDG PET-MRI at baseline and follow-up. Coefficient of variation (COV) of FDG uptake and FASTEX score were assessed. At baseline, 9 patients were enzyme replacement therapy (ERT) naïve and 4 patients were under treatment. Two patients presented a FASTEX score of 0 indicating stable disease and did not show any imaging abnormality at baseline and follow-up PET-MRI. Eleven patients had a FASTEX score > 20% indicating disease worsening. Four of these patients without late gadolinium enhancement (LGE) and with normal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score of 35%. Three patients without LGE and with abnormal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score ranging from 30 to 70%. Three patients with LGE and abnormal COV at baseline and follow-up had a FASTEX score between 35 and 75%. Finally, one patient with LGE and normal COV had a FASTEX score of 100%. Of the 12 patients on ERT at follow-up, FASTEX score was significantly higher in those 4 showing irreversible cardiac injury at baseline compared to 8 with negative LGE (66 ± 24 vs. 32 ± 21, p = 0.03). Conclusion: 18F-FDG PET-MRI may be effective to monitor cardiac involvement in AFD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German federal election of 2017 saw significant losses for the two German mainstream parties (Volksparteien) and governing coalition partners, the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democrats (SPD). The major beneficiary was the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a right-populist party, which almost tripled its amount of votes received from the 2013 federal election. Making use of data from a Voting Advice Application, this article seeks to explore the AfD's extraordinary electoral success with particular attention to the party's capacity to attract voters from the two mainstream and traditionally powerful parties. Drawing on the literature on radical right-wing parties in Europe and tracking the route of AfD from a single-issue Eurosceptic party to a radical party with broader programmatic appeal, this work tests hypotheses regarding demographic, political and attitudinal determinants of voting for AfD, in general, and switching one's vote to AfD from CDU/CSU or SPD more specifically. In line with previous literature, individual-level analyses show that voting for the AfD seems to be more tangentially related to demographic variables, such as sex, age and education and more strongly connected to political concerns, e.g. "conservative" self-placement and attitudes toward specific policies, immigration and Euroscepticism in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'toxic masculinity' (TM) was coined in the 1990s by sociologists and psychologists. It has since been appropriated by scholars and commentators interested in gendered behaviours, policies and outcomes in politics. However, despite the attention belatedly being paid to masculinities as part of that research, the analysis of, specifically, TM's part in shaping political practices remains underdeveloped. This article proposes a move in this direction by designing a conceptual framework for exploring TM inside political parties. We adapt findings from the original TM literature to generate a series of indicators of TM spanning the vital realms of party political activity: its policy positions, accompanying discourse and the formal and informal practices – often behind the scenes – that express the party's values, broader ethos and outlook. We then test the framework using a paired comparison of two parties of the populist right where we might expect to see relatively high levels of TM: the Alternative for Germany and the UK Independence Party. Our empirical findings give us confidence that drawing on the concept of TM can provide us with novel insights into the interplay between masculinity and political party cultures. We also hope that it will inspire a significant body of new research into TM in political parties from across the party spectrum as well as globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the eastern German city of Dresden, populist and nativist far-right groups, such as the homegrown pegida and the AfD, enjoy particularly robust support among the population, even though Dresden is presented as a symbol of peace and reconciliation. Many residents base their personal and social identity on Dresden's long-established narrative as an iconic baroque city that suffered an unparalleled loss and victimization in the 1945 Allied bombings, prior to its post-reunification revival. However, this narrative includes a blind spot about the Nazi context of the destruction, opening it up to various political appropriations from the gdr era to today. I suggest that the strength of the far right in Dresden is caused by a seamless linking of Dresden's perception as a victim due to cultural losses and the far right's fear of losing a unique German identity and homeland. As examples, I analyze discourse patterns of remembrance during the bombing anniversaries in 2015 and 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing populists are on the rise in Europe in the last decade. Their populism undermines one of the central pillars of democracy, the political discourse. Populism affects the quality of political debates in parliaments. With the emergence of the “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) a populist party became relevant nationally for the first time in over sixty years. By applying the concept of Cognitive Complexity as an instrument to measure deliberative quality, we analyze to what extend the discourse quality in the German Bundestag in debates on immigration policies varied over the 18th legislative period. Cognitive Complexity is measured quantitatively by applying a linguistic approach based on the LIWC dictionary. Despite our initial expectations, there are no trends detectable and the rise of the populist AfD does not alter the discourse quality so far. Nonetheless, there exist major differences in discourse quality between the parties, most notably opposition parties have a lower discourse quality in their statements than governing parties. In addition, individual characteristics of the speaker such as gender, age or electoral type do not render any differences. However, there seem to be differences depending on the federal state in which the speaker’s electoral district lies.

2010 yılının sonlarından itibaren başlayan Arap Baharı ile birlikte Afrika ve Asya kıtalarındaki Müslüman ülkelerden Avrupa Birliği üyesi ülkelere yönelik büyük bir göç dalgası yaşanmıştır. Almanya bu göç dalgasından en çok etkilenen ülkelerin başında yer almaktadır. Bu süreçte, Almanya için Alternatif (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) adında göçmen karşıtı politikaları ile ön plana çıkan aşırı sağ eğilimli bir parti 2013 yılında Almanya’da kuruldu. 2017 yılının Eylül ayında yapılan Alman Federal Seçimleri’nde AfD, İkinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra Almanya’da aşırı sağ eğilimli siyasi partilerin hiç birinin elde edemediği %12,6’lık oy oranı ile seçimde üçüncü parti olmayı başardı. Bu çalışmada, kuruluşunun dördüncü yılında seçimlerde Almanya’nın en büyük üçüncü partisi olan AfD’nin başarısında, uyguladığı propaganda faaliyetlerinin rolü açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Çalışmada amaçlı örneklem metodu kullanılarak belirlenen AFD’nin 2017 Alman Federal Seçimleri’nde kullandığı göçmen karşıtı üç propaganda afişi ünlü İsviçreli Dil Bilimci Ferdinand de Saussure’ün Göstergeler Sistemi temelinde nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden göstergebilimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılarak incelenmiştir. Çalışma kapsamında incelenen propaganda afişleri AfD’nin resmi web sitesinden elde edilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgular çerçevesinde, propaganda posterlerinde AfD’nin, Saussure’ün gösterilen boyutunda, Almanya’nın göçmenlere ihtiyaç duymadığı ve gelecek olan göçmenlerin Almanya’daki mevcut düzeni yıkmaya çalışacağı algıları üzerinden propaganda faaliyetini yürüttüğü gözlemlenmiştir.

How does the aftermath of 1989 shape the meaning of this event today? On the basis of an interview study with sixty-seven respondents from former East Germany and the Czech Republic administered in 2016–2017, this article asks how individuals articulate "economic memories" against the background of the 1990s, a time in which the transition to democracy was accompanied by labor market ruptures. It documents how salient themes of change are narrated in terms of work and its moral dimensions; and how memories of the time are concerned with mobilizing one's skills in the face of economic change. The article distinguishes five accounts by which respondents differently incorporate the historical event of 1989 into a vernacular, biographical logic. This framework offers a "bottom-up" perspective as a contribution to our understanding of the ongoing contestations over the meaning of the 1989 revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A widespread view on the success of populist far-right parties is that they mobilise economically left-behind voters via a backward-looking, nostalgic and thus illegitimate agenda. Yet, recent research has shown that it is often wealthy areas that vote for the German populist far-right AfD. Drawing on nationalism, memory-studies and social-movement literature, this article examines how nostalgia drives the activism of well-off local intellectual far-right groups. Based on ethnographic data gathered in Dresden, I argue that far-right intellectual activism in East Germany is facilitated by the convergence of two distinct but related forms of nostalgia. First, a positive nostalgia for a guilt-free past. Second, a negative nostalgia characterized not by a celebration of socialism, but the resistance to it. As multidirectional nostalgia this convergence makes the far right's political memory resonate with local individual and social memories providing the cultural opportunity structure for electoral success. Infused with a forward-looking 'anxious hope', it prefigures an alternative far-right future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In current struggles over cultural hegemony, conservative and right-wing populist discourse is marked by an omni-presence of topics related to gender and sexuality. This article examines the ways in which diverse actors of what will be called the 'right-wing populist complex' use gender in order to catapult a variety of arguments into the public sphere with particular focus on actors in the Americas and Germany. Suggesting a first set of Right-Wing Populist Patterns of Gendering 1, the article pursues the question how seemingly emancipatory arguments function in right-wing discourse, especially in performing a modernisation paradigm, while simultaneously, and in often paradoxical ways, promoting a program of re-traditionalisation. Therefore, often, gender arguments -- like the sexual freedom of 'autochtonous' women -- are used to justify anti-immigration and racist politics. One's own society can thus be depicted as supposedly already fully emancipated in contrast to the alleged 'backward' social order of immigrants. Through this ethno-sexist twist, the article argues that gender provides right-wing populist discourse a useful tool for affectively bridging seemingly paradoxical arguments and transferring diverse social hierarchies shaped by late neoliberalism onto the gender hierarchy of a society. Since gender as a discursive element is foundational for right-wing discourse, an analytical, systematic and intersectional gender lens -- or a critical gender theory -- is crucial in right-wing populism research in order to grasp patterns of gendering and their entanglements with racialisation and racist structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adds to the large literature on right-wing populist parties (RWPP), explaining how anti-immigrant sentiments become salient for vote choice. Within the large literature on RWPP, anti-immigration attitudes are the most important variable to explain the vote share of RWPP. Yet, recent research shows that there is not always an empirical effect between having anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for the RWPP. In this article, we develop a theoretical model that explains the conditions under which anti-immigration attitudes matter. We then test this model based on the case of the AfD in Germany, a typical case for a right-wing populist party exploiting anti-immigrant sentiment. Focusing on the AfD in Germany, we illustrate that the refugee crisis in 2015 in combination with a perception of high government unresponsiveness to stop the crisis provided the structural conditions necessary to activate latent anti-immigration sentiment among large parts of the population. Using a structural analysis and individual panel data for Germany's general elections in 2013 and 2017, we find that immigration critical attitudes were already present among parts of the population in 2013 but immigration was a secondary topic in the 2013 election, even among AfD voters. Due to the immigration crisis in 2015, immigration became a salient topic. The combination of a perceived external crisis or shock combined with a perceived government's unresponsiveness quickly offered a winning formula for the AfD. A probability probe for two other countries (Sweden and Italy) with different contexts also show salience for the model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)