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This article, titled "Chapter 1: Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism?" from the journal Canadian Jewish Studies / Études Juives Canadiennes, explores the complex meanings and interpretations of the terms "antisemitism" and "anti-Zionism." The author acknowledges that these terms have multiple interpretations and argues for the use of more specific terminology, such as attitudes toward Jews and attitudes toward Israel. The author also emphasizes the importance of an empirical approach to studying these attitudes and aims to provide fresh insights into the subject matter. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the significance of fencing among European Jews who immigrated to Palestine during the early-to-mid 20th century, particularly fencing as a means of social integration and assimilation, and why many European Jewish immigrants chose a sport considered socially elitist in their new land.

Modern universities have largely been portrayed in the literature as an extension of nation building projects, focusing on the state as primary actor. This article challenges such presuppositions by separating 'nation' and 'state' and with a critical appropriation of diasporic subjectivity and institutions from a comparative historical perspective. The article has four themes: 'diaspora', 'ethnic internationalism', 'stateless nations' and 'internationalisation' in higher education (IHE). It illustrates these themes and their interrelationships by considering Koreans in the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945) and Jews during the British Mandate for Palestine (1920–1948) and construing them as stateless nations. These two historical cases illustrate how higher education was linked to ethnonational diasporas and internationalisation in the absence of a supportive state apparatus. The paradox is that ethnic nationalism was not only compatible but often overlapped with ethnic internationalism in higher education. The conclusion of this comparative study suggests the implications for the twenty-first century and the important role of diaspora in processes of IHE then and now. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article presents in a preliminary manner, a historical and geographical phenomenon that has yet to be dealt with extensively: The settlement and activities of Jewish medical personnel working alone in Arab towns and villages from the beginning of the Mandate period till the outbreak of the Arab Revolt: , the motives which led Jewish doctors to settle in Arab cities; the characteristics of their activities, medical and cultural; the relations they formed with the local Arab populace; and the circumstances which eventually led to the end of their activities in these cities. A sensitive reading of related sources may offer a deeper insight into the phenomenon as it was perceived within the bi-national context—mainly on the Jewish side, but on the Arab side as well. The article is based on current research dealing with Jews in Arab cities during the Mandate period, with a primary focus on several Jewish physicians who worked within an Arab milieu before the Arab Revolt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By drawing on crime fiction, press commentaries and archival records, this article explores Jewish public discourse about hashish in Mandatory Palestine and the first two decades of the State of Israel. Fearing over-assimilation into the Levant, Jews in interwar Palestine shunned the drug, considering it a form of 'backwardness' linked to the realities of living among Arabs in the Middle East. Colonial knowledge about hashish (as well as Orientalist fantasies) validated these fears, appearing to confirm that hashish was an Oriental substance that animated the pathologies inhering in Arab mentalities. This knowledge survived the transition to the Israeli state by responding to new realities: the expulsion and flight of the Arab population and the country's repopulation by Jews from the Muslim world (Mizrahim). Some of these Jews had used hashish in their countries of origin and brought the habit with them to Israel. Others began to smoke hashish in Israel due to their socio-ethnic marginalization. Although hashish smoking in Israel in the 1950s and much of the 1960s remained limited to a few thousand members of the Mizrahi underclass, it rekindled middle-class fears of Levantinization-cum-Arabicization of the Jewish state. It also assisted in further marginalizing Mizrahim in Israeli society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a study of the responses of the Arabic and Hebrew press of Palestine to the abolitions of the Ottoman Sultanate and Caliphate. It is based on a comparative examination of the contemporary coverage of the events by the Arabic newspapers al-Karmil and Filastin and by the Hebrew newspapers Doar ha-Yom and Haaretz. The analysis yields valuable insights about how the Yishuv and the Palestinians viewed the abolitions of the Sultanate and Caliphate, the contemporary significance of these institutions, Kemalist Turkey, the rival population in Palestine, and Sharif Husayn. Mainly, it shows that the Hebrew press hailed the abolitions as revolutionary developments that would pave the road before the modernization of not only Turkey but the whole of Asia, while the Arabic press considered this too momentous a matter to be decided by Turkey alone and predicted adverse consequences for both that country and the East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores mid-twentieth century professional transnationalism by highlighting the crucial role of lesser-known planners – 'ordinary modernists' – in disseminating, negotiating, and ultimately shaping the modern built environment. It focuses on the work of Ariel Kahane (1907–1986), a mostly unknown German-Jewish senior planning officer under both the British Mandate and on the Israeli 'New Towns' team of early statehood. It examines Kahane's critique of British imperial planning's betrayal of the emancipatory values of large-scale planning, and shows how, while drawing on planning innovations from the British metropole, he produced his own, self-contradictory, planning vision. Kahane's planning ideas advanced notions of Jewish exclusiveness, an orientation expressed ever more explicitly after 1948, when he became a high-ranking planning officer in Israel. His work as a senior state planner illuminates aspects of continuity across the divide of 1948, which is typically viewed as a moment of rupture with respect to Israeli state planning and the formation of ethno-spatial structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British Mandate in Palestine ended abruptly in 1948. The British departure engendered a complex situation which affected all areas of life, and the country's health system was no exception. Gradual transition of the infrastructure was almost impossible owing to the ineffectiveness of the committee appointed by the United Nations. The situation was further complicated by the outbreak of the Arab–Israeli War. We relate for the first time the story of 75 Jewish patients who were left in a former British mental hospital in Bethlehem – deep behind the front lines. Despite the hostilities, there were complex negotiations about relocating those patients. This episode sheds light on the Jewish and Arab relationship as it pertained to mental institutions during and immediately after the British Mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the disappearance of the Jewish aviation company Palestine Airways from the historical narrative of the foundation of Jewish and Zionist aviation in Mandatory Palestine. Less than two years later, another company called Aviron (modern Hebrew for airplane) was established by the Jewish Agency, the Jewish National Council, and the Histadrut labor union as an aviation company and a flight school. Aviron is considered by the media and aviation historians to have been the pioneer of Jewish aviation in Palestine though it was founded in July 1936 while Palestine Airways had registered as a company in December 1934 and began to operate a few months earlier than Aviron. While the story of Aviron has been commemorated and described in various studies, there has been no comprehensive research on Palestine Airways. I offer two complementary explanations for this phenomenon: first, the assumption made by Zionist historians regarding the importance of private non-socialist ventures verses collective socialist enterprises in relation to the nation building process; second, the opposition of Palestine Airways founder Pinchas Rutenberg and one of its managers, Eliyahu Eliachar to the labor movement because of their self-perceived identities and ethnic spatial perception. These two factors precipitated the labeling of Palestine Airways as a non-national company. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1932, when nineteen-year-old Hadassah Kaplan learned that she would no longer be able to teach in the New York public school where she had been a substitute teacher, she decided, instead, to travel to Mandatory Palestine. Her parents, including the founder of Reconstructionist Judaism, Mordecai Kaplan, agreed that she should spend the year studying Hebrew and exploring Palestine's capacity to revitalize Judaism as a civilization. Within her first month abroad, Hadassah began corresponding with her father in Hebrew. This note includes an exchange of Hebrew letters between Mordecai and Hadassah in which he articulated his loneliness as he sought to revitalize Judaism in the United States. He asked Hadassah if "a man like me [should] settle in the Land of Israel?" She shared her father's question with two of his friends, the Hadassah founder Henrietta Szold and the Zionist educator Jessie Sampter, who expressed reservations about Kaplan migrating. But Hadassah liked the idea. She argued that this was a place where he could pursue his own happiness, having already done enough for the "spiritual state" of the Jewish people. The discussion between father and daughter offers insight into their reflections on what role the Hebrew language and the Land of Israel should play in their personal lives as well as for the Jewish people more generally. Within the year, Hadassah returned to New York where she and her father lived most of their lives. Nevertheless, each remained committed to Hebrew and Zionism, with Mordecai briefly settling in Israel after retiring in the mid-1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Mandate period (1920–1948), Haifa attracted thousands of Palestinian rural migrants, who constituted a significant portion of its Arab population. The article examines the experience of rural migrants in urban life and the influence of this social group on urban society. I argue that rural migrants contributed to Haifa's economic development, participated in political and cultural activity and formed a connecting link between the city and their villages of origin. Rural migrants played a significant role as agents of change in Palestinian society, owing to the conjunction of rural and urban characteristics in their daily life. To demonstrate this, I focus on three arenas of their agency: the labour market, civil society and militias during the Arab Revolt. Their involvement in civil associations and in the Arab Revolt was central to their construction of modernity, and they disseminated it in widening circles in their villages of origin and among their acquaintances in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1930s, the two Hebrew repertoire theatre companies in Palestine – the Habima and the Ohel – performed a large corpus of plays dealing with the landscapes of the Eastern European Jewish shtetl. Their fascination with the shtetl is surprising, considering the fact that these two companies were deeply committed to the Zionist project, whose ethos was building a new society in Eretz-Israel and negating the diasporic condition of Jewish existence. This article explores the landscapes of the shtetl as they were presented on the Hebrew stage of the 1930s and analyzes their aesthetic and cultural meaning for their audiences at that time. It shows that the shtetl plays formed a memory landscape that served the formation of a modern, consolidated, ethnic Jewish collective in Palestine, which shared a unified narrative of its past, as well as national aspirations for the future. Shelly Zer-Zion is a lecturer of theatre at the University of Haifa and was previously a Fulbright post-doctoral scholar at New York University. Her recent publications include Habima in Berlin: The Institutionalization of a Zionist Theatre (Magness Press, 2015), and her research is currently supported by the Israeli Science Foundation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the legal and temporal dimensions of the transition from British Mandate Palestine to the State of Israel on 15 May 1948. I examine the paradoxical character of Israeli jurisdictional claims during this period and argue that it reveals the Israeli state's uncertainty as to whether the Mandate had truly passed into the past. On one hand, Israel recognized the validity of the Mandate administration's jurisdiction until 15 May; I employ the Israeli trial of the British citizen Frederick William Sylvester to demonstrate how Israel even predicated its own jurisdictional claims on their being continuous with those of its predecessor. In this case, the Mandate administration was cast as having entered the realm of the past. Conversely, the Israeli state contested Mandate laws and legal decisions made prior to 15 May to assert its own jurisdictional claims. In the process, Israeli officials belied their efforts to bury their predecessors in the past and implicitly questioned whether the past was in fact behind them. By simultaneously relying upon and disavowing past British legal decisions, the Israeli state staked a claim on being a "completely different political creature" from its British predecessor while retaining its colonial legal structures as the "ultimate standards of reference." Israel's complex attitude toward its Mandate past directs our attention to how it was created against the backdrop of the receding British Empire and underscores the importance of studying Israel alongside other post-imperial states that emerged from the First World War and the mid-century decolonizing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the causal factors behind the Arab riots of the 1920s and the reasons some of the Bedouin tribes joined that struggle. It provides an overview of the "Events," as Zionist historiographers termed the riots—the developing conflict between the Palestinians and the Jews, the methods and resources used by both parties, as well as the responses of the British authorities—from the local, national, and regional perspectives, especially in the political arena. It investigates the political stances that emerged among the local Bedouin tribes regarding the Zionist–Palestinian struggle and the reasons for the diversity of stances: while some tribes took an active part in the events on the Palestinian side, others remained neutral and a few tribes even chose to ally with the Jews, or at least warn them of forthcoming attacks. These different stances consolidated during this period, affecting the events and outcomes of the Great Palestinian revolt that took place in 1936–1939, as well as the conduct of these groups during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the evacuation of the camps for Jewish detainees in Cyprus during the period between May 1948 and February 1949. While the British Mandate over Palestine ended on 15 May 1948 and the Israeli Provisional Government declared British immigration laws null and void, Jewish immigration to Israel was restricted after 1 June 1948 by UN Security Council Resolution 50. Consequently, over 10,000 internees remained on the island until the final evacuation. While Resolution 50 did not ban immigration per se but rather the military training of the immigrants, the British government nevertheless insisted on maintaining the camps in Cyprus and limiting the immigration of military aged men. The article draws upon archival material as well as press articles and published works on the subject. It undertakes to identify the chief obstacles to the immigration of the remaining detainees on the island in the backdrop of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war and the Israeli path towards statehood and international recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the new era of border control beginning after the First World War, the British-administered Palestine Mandate perceived non-Zionist migration as largely undesirable. Both discursively and practically, the Mandate administration crafted the category of the 'undesirable migrant' in order to limit its own responsibility for the presence in Palestine of economic, social, political, and morally undesirable Arab and Jewish migrants. Not only did the administration wish to absolve itself from responsibility and diplomatic protection over political agitators such as communists, but it also did not wish to support the mentally ill, transients, and labour migrants who settled in Palestine. The following offers an understanding of how best to situate this unwanted, largely non-Zionist migration into and out of Mandate Palestine within the broader history of Great Britain's colonial and interwar treatment of undesirable movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A century after the victorious Allied powers distributed their spoils of victory in 1919, the world still lives with the geopolitical consequences of the mandates system established by the League of Nations. The Covenant article authorizing the new imperial dispensation came cloaked in the old civilizationist discourse, entrusting sovereignty over "peoples not yet able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions of the modern world" to the "advanced nations" of Belgium, England, France, Japan, and South Africa. In this series of "reflections" on the mandates, ten scholars of Europe, Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the international order consider the consequences of the new geopolitical order birthed by World War I. How did the reshuffling of imperial power in the immediate postwar period configure long-term struggles over minority rights, decolonization, and the shape of nation-states when the colonial era finally came to a close? How did the alleged beneficiaries—more often the victims—of this "sacred trust" grasp their own fates in a world that simultaneously promised and denied them the possibility of self-determination? From Palestine, to Namibia, to Kurdistan, and beyond, the legacies of the mandatory moment remain pressing questions today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The given document is an issue of the Traditional Dwellings & Settlements Review, featuring various articles on different topics related to architecture and urban development. The articles discuss subjects such as digitizing historical sites, reinventing bamboo architecture through computational design, developing a digital humanities approach to archiving, and preserving concrete structures in the digital era. The document also includes articles on the impacts of globalization and the Fourth Industrial Revolution on cities, as well as the shifting demographics and urban spaces in postwar settings. The articles provide insights into these topics and explore their implications for cultural heritage and identity. [Extracted from the article]

Palestine, from the end of World War I to the foundation of the state of Israel, had a vibrant concert scene led partly by local musicians (and from 1933 onwards, by an elite of leading performers and composers who fled from Europe), and partly by the cultural institutions of the British Mandate, including the Palestine Broadcasting Service. While the collaborations between these two forces often yielded inspired musical results, each had its own agendas and priorities. The music of Henry Purcell was perceived as a cultural asset of the British and, as such, its performance became the platform for tacit negotiation of local musical identity, as well as a means to communicate with the British administration. The present study examines how Purcell's music was treated in Palestine, which works by Purcell were performed, which scores and editions were available to local musicians, how the 250th anniversary of his death (1945) was commemorated, what motivated musicians to perform Purcell in concert, and what happened to the performance of Purcell's music in Israel after Britain withdrew its forces from Palestine in 1948. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the case of 'illegal' immigration at the end of the Second World War and, specifically, the events that unfolded at the Italian port of La Spezia. In April 1946, 1014 visa-less Jewish refugees, who were attempting to reach the British Mandate of Palestine, were detained on a vessel by Italian authorities under the instruction of the British. Rather than conceding to Whitehall's rejection of entry visas, the Spezia refugees remained defiant, threatening collective mass-suicide and staging hunger strikes until passage was finally granted. The Spezia narrative has, however, remained on the periphery of academic scholarship, with the case of the ship Exodus 1947, which set sail the following year, dominating historiographical accounts. This article demonstrates the impact of the La Spezia Affair on post-war migratory movements and, most notably, the importance of refugee agency within the context of forced migration. Analysing the events at La Spezia from the port itself recasts the narrative through a 'local' lens, recovering the role of the refugees which has been largely overshadowed by state-level responses. In so doing, traditional perspectives from 'above' are confronted with those from 'below', reconfiguring our historical understanding of refugees and transnational migration in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British rule over Palestine between 1920 and 1948 was a vibrant and fateful period in the modern history of the country in all arenas (political, economic, societal, demographic and cultural), one of the most active of which in Palestinian society at the time was education. Many Palestinian educators assumed their role as freedom fighters, agents of Arab nationalism and defenders of the homeland. These educators saw the British and the Zionists as bitter enemies to be resisted and expelled, though some had a distinctly progressive humanistic vision that allowed them to view the collective enemy as worthy human beings. This complex reality created many internal contradictions and difficulties among these humanistic educators, led by prominent Palestinian educator Khalil al-Sakakini (1878–1953). This article attempts to describe and understand Sakakini's contradictions and internal conflicts and how he dealt with these internal contradictions and distinguished between Jews and Zionists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date little attention has been paid to the perception and representation of the Crusader period in Palestine in works by Zionist scholars and activists in the early years of the British Mandate. To help fill this void, this essay analyzes the work of Ben-Zion Dinur and some of his contemporaries as it relates to Jewish armed resistance and heroism. These scholars revived Jewish heroes from the Crusader period in Palestine to convey Zionist ideals and shape a national narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines relations between the first social workers in the Yishuv—the Jewish community in Mandatory Palestine (1918–1948)—and their male leadership, with emphasis on the decade between 1930 and 1940. It sheds light on the gender conflict between male administrative leaders and female service providers and the tension between social work as an arm of the nation state and as a tool of social activism. Feminist methodology and a qualitative analysis yield the following themes: (1) the social workers' gender approach; (2) their perception by men; and (3) the conflicts involved in their multifaceted dynamics with the Zionist establishment. The findings indicate that social workers operated at the interface between the interests of the establishment and those of their clients. With their commitment to nation-building, their professional principles and their concern for women's rights and social justice, these pioneers blazed a trail to female independence and public activism, while at the same time remaining committed and subordinate to a gender discourse dominated by men and national values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tempestuous political environment of the final days of British Mandate rule in Palestine saw intensive activity by cause lawyers. As a test case of this activity, this article examines the conduct of the attorneys who handled the case of Dov Gruner, a member of the Irgun Zionist underground. In April 1946, Gruner was sentenced to death by a British military court. Informed by cause lawyering paradigm, the article examines the tactics used by his lawyers and their relations with players within and outside the court. This examination sheds light on the links between nationality, the law and lawyers at that time in Palestine. In particular, the analysis highlights the key role played by the lawyers in the Gruner affair, similar from that perspective to the dominant role of lawyers in the Irish War of Independence and different from the relatively marginal role played by lawyers in Indian freedom struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the shifting meanings of the tarbush (or fez) among Oriental Jewish men in late-Ottoman and British Mandate Palestine. It demonstrates how the seemingly superficial issue of what men wore on their heads in fact reveals much about the broader historical changes in Oriental Jewish social identities and political loyalties during a period of rising Jewish and Arab tension in Palestine. Under late-Ottoman rule, many urban Jewish, Christian, and Muslim men alike donned this red, felted headgear as a unifying symbol of local and Ottoman identity. Over time, however, as the Jewish-Arab national boundary grew more rigidly defined under British rule, the tarbush increasingly became a marker of difference : It came to signify predominantly Arab, non-Jewish identity. While some Oriental Jewish men in Palestine continued to wear the tarbush for decades, thereby preserving a visible sartorial link with Palestinian Arabs, most eventually abandoned this headgear. Some did so in favor of more "modern" clothing endorsed by the British rulers and European-dominated Zionist leadership, while others were forced to abandon the tarbush during outbreaks of ethnic and national violence, when they were occasionally targeted by both Palestinian Arab and Jewish militants. Building on recent scholarship exploring the role of Oriental Jews in the Zionist movement and Arab-Jewish social relations in Palestine, this article demonstrates that removing the tarbush was not simply a matter of changing fashions; it was socially and politically imposed through symbolic and real violence that sought to eliminate any Arab-Jewish middle ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on a collection of petitions by Palestinian Arabs and Jews to explore how families negotiated the admission of mentally ill relatives into government mental institutions under the British mandate between 1930 and 1948. In contrast to the conclusions of the existing literature, which focuses largely on the development of parallel Jewish institutions as establishing the foundations of the Israeli health system, these petitions reveal that the trajectories of both Arab and Jewish mentally ill were complex, traversing domestic, private, and government contexts in highly contingent ways. The second part of this article examines the petitions themselves as dense moments of engagement by Palestinian Arabs and Jews with the British mandate, in which the anxieties and priorities of the mandate were strategically re-deployed in order to secure admission into chronically underfunded and overcrowded institutions. Petitioners also sought to mobilize other actors, often within the state itself, as intercessors, a strategy which attempted to thread together state and society in a meaningful and advantageous way at a time when both seemed to be unravelling. Taken together, these pathways and petitions foreground the space of interaction between the British mandate and its subjects, thereby offering new perspectives on both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written as a memoir, this essay investigates the recent emigration of young Israelis to Germany as a new instance of Jewish diaspora. This group derives its singularity from its members' emigration out of "Zion" to the country most readily identified with the lethal outcomes of Jewish diaspora. The author, who has been based in Berlin since 2010, reflects on the intertwining of her life with the gradual formation of a diasporic community of Israelis in the German capital. Her experiences include the political activism of Berlin-based Israeli citizens who are critical of Israeli policies; emerging cultural initiatives and Hebrew intellectual circles; and the undertaking of Freudian psychotherapy as the patient of another Israeli woman who relocated to the city. The description of Israeli emigrants as a paradoxical group—as a community of outcasts—references a set of autobiographical accounts by authors like Arnold Zweig, who belonged to the community of German Jewish immigrants to Palestine during the British Mandate and who maintained a strong adherence to their European cultural background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the cultural transformation that unfolded in urban centres in Palestine during the British Mandate period. Focusing on the city of Haifa as a case study, the article sheds light on how imperial colonial interests prompted massive development of the city that triggered significant cultural changes. The article examines the ways in which different groups in Palestinian-Arab society were involved, and how they initiated, experienced and reacted to the cultural shifts. The rapid increase in the number of cafés, cabarets, bars and restaurants constituted the cornerstone of the commercial entertainment industry in Haifa during this period. By delineating the emergence of new entertainment patterns and recreation habits, the article shows how leisure became a central component in the daily lives of varied social groups. It argues that leisure played a major role as an agent of modernisation and functioned as an essential site for the construction of modern personhoods in Palestinian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Posited as 'post-national' and articulated as 'relational,' recent historiography of the mandate period has had a long-term effect on how we read (and have been warned not to read) nationalism and resistance in Palestine. Beyond a critical survey of a select part of this recent historical literature, this essay shows how the question of nationalism has been framed in only one way and towards one end. Using this critical reading of the historical literature, this essay further attempts to open up space for a means of understanding Indigenous nationalism (and indigenous resistance) outside of the confined space of this particular treatment of nation-state nationalism. I suggest we move towards exploring an indigenous epistemological understanding of 'history as story telling' outside of these Zionist ontological constraints. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although much has been written about counterinsurgency, policing, and incarceration under the British mandate in Palestine, little work has been done on those who entered the ambit of the carceral system as 'criminal lunatics'. Criminal lunatics – the term used at the time to specifically designate those found 'guilty but insane' by the mandate's criminal courts, and retained throughout this article both for the sake of analytic clarity and to avoid misdiagnosing individuals by the retrospective imposition of contemporary medical terms – confounded the mandatory government by potentially falling under the responsibility of both its criminal-legal and medical wings. While the focus in the wider scholarship on psychiatry has often been on its expansionist appetites, the struggle over responsibility for criminal lunatics in mandate Palestine offers a case study in the reverse; an attempt to abdicate, not aggrandise, as the health department staved off repeated efforts to make them take responsibility for these cases. This article traces these disputes, and the development of a distinct institutional landscape attendant on their outcome. But the fate of criminal lunatics was not merely determined by debates internal to government; families were important interlocutors too, who variously sought the release of their incarcerated mentally ill relatives, or – more worryingly for the mandate – exploited the criminal-legal system as a back-door to the overcrowded and underfunded government mental institutions. Far from seeing psychiatry as a tool of social control, the government expressed concern about the potential misuse of psychiatric ideas, processes, and institutions by Palestinian families as a way to escape obligations to mentally ill relatives. Foregrounding these fraught contestations brings into focus the sharp limits of the mandate's ambitions in the sphere of the intimate, and the attempts of some Palestinians to expand those limits for their own ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourist guides to colonised territories are usually understood as instruments of the coloniser, imposing ideas of native inferiority through orientalism and convictions of primitiveness. This article, however, shows how Palestinian Arabs and Zionist Jews in the later period of British Mandate rule used guidebooks, written in English and particularly aimed at a readership of Commonwealth soldiers on leave, as a means of asserting and conveying their rival claims to Palestine to popular Anglophone audiences. In particular, they combined the more conventional coverage of historical and religious sites with insistence on the modernity and technological progress to be found amongst their respective cultures and histories. I understand this as both a tactical usage of the concept of modernity to intervene in image-making about the Middle East, and as a conscious effort by Palestinian Arabs and Jews to insist that modern values, associated in the language of the Mandate and notions of progress, were inherent in their cultures and social practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gandhi's politics in India largely coincided with the tenure of the British Mandate in Palestine. His most famous quotation relating to international relations is "Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French" which is the guiding principle of India's foreign policy before independence. Even after independence, successive Indian governments have pursued the same line in the sphere of its Middle Eastern policies, i.e., followed Gandhian pro-Arab policy. But with the ascendancy of the present Modi government, things have changed with many high profile official visits. It marks a transition in India's history, where India has finally gone all out in announcing its critically important relationship with the Israeli nation--which has for decades otherwise been a covert, behind-closed-doors bilateral interaction, anchored in military and intelligence discussions. But at the same time, India does not abandon Gandhian policy and continues to have a soft spot for Palestine. As older relationships and partnerships change and new actors emerge, it is time for a reorientation of India's 'Look West' policy in the context of modern-day geopolitical realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Colonial regimes used urban planning regulations as a tool to control and dominate other people and natural resources. Since the beginning of the past century, Palestine represented a good example of where urban planning regulations played a major role in urban transformation and development. The Israeli regime has been using old regional plans that were prepared by the British Mandate, and issued many others to achieve its aim of establishing settlements and dominating the West Bank. Consequently, this study explores how urban planning regulations can become a tool for controlling and dominating people and natural resources. This study investigated how these tools were used by controlling authority during the past century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]