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The phrase "the invisibility of whiteness" refers in part to moments when whiteness does not speak its own name. It is also crucial to contemplate just how recently many explicit namings of whiteness went underground in the United States. One irony of writing about whiteness's invisibility is that the late 1990s have witnessed intense debate over whiteness in academia, in the media, in classrooms, and in many private worlds. Meanwhile, the efforts of other white people are caught up in the forging of an altogether more retrogressive interpretation of the historical moment, one that mistakes several decades of talk about the need for racial equity, with the actual achievement of that goal. However, something a little different seems to be present in the United States at the start of the twenty-first century. Thus all three discursive repertoires circulate in the United States, in forms rearranged but hardly changed.

Introduction: Research studies have shown that colorectal cancer (CRC) screening among primary care patients can be increased by using different types of patient-oriented behavioral interventions. However the impact of such interventions on CRC screening disparities has not been studied. Aim: We report the differential response of white and African American primary care patients to behavioral interventions intended to increase CRC screening. Methods: A randomized trial was conducted with 1,546 patients who were 50-74 years of age and were eligible for CRC screening. Participants were randomized to one of 4 groups: Control (Usual Care), Standard Intervention (SI), Tailored Intervention (TI), or Tailored Intervention plus Phone (TIP). The SI Group received a targeted intervention by mail. The TI Group received the targeted intervention with tailored message pages. The TIP Group received the targeted intervention, tailored message pages, and a telephone reminder. Screening was measured completion of any guidelines-recommended test following randomization. Multivariable analyses were completed to assess intervention impact on screening and racerelated screening disparity. Results: For 1,430 study participants with complete data (578 whites and 852 African Americans), CRC screening rates were significantly higher (p

Relatively little is known about the long‐term effects of school desegregation on black adult lifestyles and life chances. For example, does school segregation perpetuate itself across stages of the life cycle and across different institutional settings? Does school segregation constrain the career educational and occupational aspirations and attainments of blacks? These important issues have only recently begun to receive empirical research attention. This article reviews research on the effects of school desegregation on southern blacks, with particular emphasis on recent evidence from several large‐scale national surveys. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for social policy and racial equity.

Orientador: Debora Cristina Jeffrey Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa a relação entre Poder Público e iniciativa privada no tocante à política de educação brasileira na construção da agenda da equidade racial na Educação Básica. O estudo se debruça sobre as práticas discursivas das Organizações da Sociedade Civil de Interesse Público (OSCIPS), vinculadas a grandes grupos empresariais e financeiros nacionais e internacionais, em ações educacionais voltadas, com destaque, ao atendimento da população identificada como pertencente a grupos de vulnerabilidade social e, diante da especificidade da formação social do Brasil, à população afro-brasileira, sob a égide da equidade racial na Educação. O estudo parte da análise de redes políticas para, por intermédio dessas fundações, compreendera natureza da relação Estado e mercado, identificando-se a manifestação do que Olmedo (2013) nomeia de heterarquia e governança filantrópica, e Bishop e Green (2009) apresentam como filantrocapitalismo. O exame das práticas discursivas das OSCIPS dar-se-á pela Teoria do Discurso da Política (Laclau; Mouffe, 2015; Rear; Jones, 2013; Fair, 2014), depreendendo as categorias de Laclau e Mouffe (2015) na constituição do discurso como campo de disputa, além da possível consolidação de um campo analítico próprio para o discurso político: a Análise Política do Discurso. Inicialmente, discorre-se sobre a vulnerabilidade social entre a constituição da condição humana e a equidade racial, diante da realidade histórica brasileira, perpassando sua relação com a institucionalidade e a desigualdade estrutural, a partir da historicidade das legislações para a população negra no Brasil e no Estado de São Paulo. Articulado a isso, explana-se sobre o deslocamento da agenda política da Educação de tempo integral para a equidade racial na Educação Básica, por meio do Investimento Social Privado – ISP, para a efetivação da qualidade da Educação, configurando a manutenção do filantrocapitalismo no país. Aborda-se, ainda, as narrativas dessas fundações acerca de ações para a população negra na rede estadual de ensino de São Paulo. Assim, além de pensar sobre o envolvimento dessas OSCIPS na atual gestão pública brasileira para o atendimento da população negra, conclui-se, neste trabalho, que, por meio da construção narrativa sobre equidade racial, há uma instrumentalização da estrutura estatal para a efetividade da qualidade da educação como discurso hegemônico de um lado, e, de outro, há a despolitização do caráter de luta histórica da questão racial para as políticas públicas no Brasil Abstract: This dissertation analyzes the relationship between Public Power and private initiative regarding the Brazilian education policy in the construction of the racial equity agenda in Basic Education. The study focuses on the discursive practices of Civil Society Organizations of Public Interest (OSCIPS), linked to large national and international business and financial groups, in educational actions focused, with emphasis, on serving the population identified as belonging to vulnerable groups and, given the specificity of Brazil's social formation, to the Afro-Brazilian population, under the aegis of racial equity in Education. The study starts from the analysis of political networks to, through these foundations, understand the nature of the State and market relationship, identifying the manifestation of what Olmedo (2013) calls heterarchy and philanthropic governance, and Bishop and Green (2009) present as philanthrocapitalism. The examination of the discursive practices of OSCIPS will take place through the Discourse Theory of Politics (Laclau; Mouffe, 2015; Rear; Jones, 2013; Fair, 2014), inferring the categories of Laclau and Mouffe (2015) in the constitution of the discourse as a field of dispute, in addition to the possible consolidation of an analytical field suitable for political discourse: the Political Discourse Analysis. Initially, it discusses the social vulnerability between the constitution of the human condition and racial equity, given the Brazilian historical reality, permeating its relationship with institutionality and structural inequality, from the historicity of legislation for the black population in Brazil and in the state of Sao Paulo. Linked to this, it explains the shift of the political agenda from full-time Education to racial equity in Basic Education, through Private Social Investment - ISP, for the realization of quality in Education, configuring the maintenance of philanthrocapitalism in the country . It also addresses the narratives of these foundations about actions for the black population in the state education system in São Paulo. Thus, in addition to thinking about the involvement of these OSCIPS in the current Brazilian public administration for the care of the black population, it is concluded in this work that, through the narrative construction on racial equity, there is an instrumentalization of the state structure for the effectiveness of the quality of education as a hegemonic discourse on the one hand, and, on the other, there is the depoliticization of the historical struggle character of the racial issue for public policies in Brazil Mestrado Educação Mestra em Educação

Before I joined the staff of the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, I was an adamant critic of the Holmes Group. Today, eight months later, I can honestly say that I have changed. I am now an open-minded critic, even though I have seen or heard little evidence to suggest that anything else has changed in the past year. In the Summer 1986 yearbook issue of the Journal of Negro Education, I wrote that the Holmes Group had little concern for teacher supply and demand conditions or, more important, for matters of racial equity. I noted that the nation's largest supplier of teachers, California State University, had been snubbed and that only one of the more than one hundred historically Black institutions in this country, Howard University, had been invited to join the Holmes Group. Although I am a graduate of Howard University, and was an employee of Howard University when I wrote the yearbook article, the University's acceptance into the ranks of the Group did not cloud my view of the situation or diminish my feeling of injustice. Several months later, in November 1986, I was asked to speak at a conference in Norfolk, Virginia, that focused on the shortage of Black teachers. The audience was primarily composed of education deans and faculty from historically Black colleges. I chastised them. I waved a copy of Tomorrow's Teachers: A Report of the Holmes Group and the Carnegie Forum's Report A Nation Prepared: Teachers for the 21st Century in the air and asked how they had allowed these major reports, with their extreme consequences for the future production of minority teachers, to be released without at least some