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Democratie van onderaf: het is even verleidelijk als problematisch. Dat zien we niet alleen bij de Occupy-beweging en de Arabische lente, maar ook in de geschiedenis. In 1848 trok een golf van revoluties over ons continent. Plotseling kregen miljoenen Europeanen de kans hun stem te laten horen in drukbezochte volksvergaderingen en politieke clubs. In dit moment van gekte leek even alles mogelijk. De toekomst lag open. 1848 – Clubkoorts en revolutie neemt de lezer mee naar de onrustige steden Parijs en Berlijn, twee brandpunten van de ‘Europese lente’. Geerten Waling schetst de dromen en verwachtingen achter de honderden democratische experimenten die er een nieuw publiek debat creëerden. En de politieke realiteit waarmee zij werden geconfronteerd. De revoluties van 1848 werden uiteindelijk allemaal neergeslagen of doofden uit, maar de ervaringen van dat jaar zouden de politieke cultuur in Europa blijvend veranderen. Ze maakten de moderne democratieën mogelijk die wij tegenwoordig als vanzelfsprekend beschouwen.

The years before the First World War saw several proposals to establish a "World Capital" in one of Europe's smaller nations. Such proposals were transnational in at least three senses. They aimed to bring all international organizations and movements together; they hinged on international support; and they planned to concentrate all transnational traffic in one centre. At the same time, these grand projects often had nationalist intentions too, trying to advance their home country into a stronger international position. In this article we analyse the relationship between transnational and national dimensions by looking at two elaborate plans: the "World Capital", proposed by the Dutch physician Pieter Eijkman (1862-1914) to be built near The Hague; and the "Cite mondiale" which the Belgian bibliographer and internationalist Paul Otlet (1868-1944) wanted to establish near Brussels. By comparing both projects and their mutual competition, we probe the combination of transnational and national ideology and opportunism.

Een van de beleidsstrategieën die Willem I heeft uitgewerkt om de Noordelijke en de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tot een hechte nationale eenheidsstaat samen te smeden, was zijn unificerende taalpolitiek. Die hield in dat de Koning door eenheid van taal de saamhorigheid van al zijn onderdanen wilde bevorderen en een nationaal gevoel wilde opwekken. We gaan hieronder kort in op Willems taalpolitiek in de Zuidelijke (Belgische) provincies, eerst in Vlaanderen, daarna in Wallonië. Wat heeft de vorst daar precies nagestreefd, welke maatregelen en middelen heeft hij daarvoor ingezet, wat is er concreet bereikt, en hoe werd zijn beleid ontvangen? Tot slot proberen we de vraag in de titel te beantwoorden: in hoeverre was Willems taalpolitiek een oorzaak van de desintegratie?, Een van de beleidsstrategieën die Willem I heeft uitgewerkt om de Noordelijke en de Zuidelijke Nederlanden tot een hechte nationale eenheidsstaat samen te smeden, was zijn unificerende taalpolitiek. Die hield in dat de Koning door eenheid van taal de saamhorigheid van al zijn onderdanen wilde bevorderen en een nationaal gevoel wilde op- wekken. We gaan hieronder kort in op Willems taalpolitiek in de Zuidelijke (Belgische) provincies, eerst in Vlaanderen, daarna in Wallonië. Wat heeft de vorst daar precies nagestreefd, welke maatregelen en middelen heeft hij daarvoor ingezet, wat is er concreet bereikt, en hoe werd zijn beleid ontvangen? Tot slot proberen we de vraag in de titel te beantwoorden: in hoeverre was Willems taalpolitiek een oorzaak van de desintegratie?

The Spanish transition to democracy after the death of dictator Francisco Franco in 1975 has long served as a model for researchers and practitioners of ‘transitional justice.’ This interdisciplinary field studies strategies employed by states and international institutions to deal with the legacy of human rights abuses. The Spanish transition entailed a moderation of political parties and an agreement not to address the past of the Civil War (1936–1939) and dictatorship (1939–1975) in the political and judicial arena. This came to be known as the ‘pact of forgetting.’ These policies guided Spain relatively peacefully into a democratic welfare state. Due to a recent memory movement, however, the Spanish transition model seems to have broken down. The memory movement calls for a second ‘memorial’ transition through ‘the recovery of historical memory.’ The practice that is believed to contribute the most to the rupture of the ‘pact of forgetting’ is the exhumation of mass graves from the time of the Francoist repression during and after the Civil War. This dissertation aims to assess the contribution of these mass grave exhumations to a new collective memory in Spain. With a framework of historical theory, the author critically questions the following dominant ideas about the Spanish exhumation campaign: first, the idea that unexcavated mass graves are sites of forgetting and traumatic memory; and second, that the exhumation of mass graves is a natural and universal reaction to this. Indeed, many observers of and participants in the exhumation campaign believe that the past will inevitably ‘come to the surface’ if not properly worked through. The third idea that the dissertation questions is that the exhumations contribute to the historical record of Spain through the revelation of unmediated, objective truth. To this end, the author investigates what kind of representation of the past is constructed in the wake of the exhumations. The exhumations are studied as ‘memory practices’ and the exhumation teams as ‘memory activists’ who disseminate norms about how to deal with the past. The study uses a diverse range of data such as popular and academic literature as well as documents and social media usage of the Spanish memory movement and related organizations. This study is mostly informed, however, by participant observation and interviews conducted in the exhumation movement. The author carried out multi-sited research, following one of the major exhumation teams, the ‘Association for the Recovery of Historic Memory’ (ARMH). By adding an ethnographic approach, this study applies historical theory to the ‘practical past’ or to how history is constructed by social actors in society. The first findings of the study relate to the origins of the dominant ideas about exhumations outlined above. The author describes how the Spanish memory movement adopts some aspects of what she calls an international ‘forensic turn’ in memory. This turn, with roots in the fight against impunity for gross human rights abuses, regards a mass grave as both corpus delicti and witness of the past, and it disseminates the practice of forensic-scientific exhumations as a weapon against forgetting. The author argues, however, that the concepts of the forensic turn are somewhat incongruous in Spain, for in Spain, Francoism is not on trial, and the exhumations are organized by associations of relatives and volunteers rather than by judges. Furthermore, the exhumations themselves do not always contribute a lot of new facts to the historic record. Much information about the victims in the graves is locally known, and genetic identification is not always possible. Lastly, forensic truth is usually limited to factual truth about the cause of death of individuals and can only serve as a kernel of a broader historical narrative on the social grounds for the violence. This dissertation therefore contends that the forensic truth gathered in the exhumations does not suffice to explain their perceived impact. Moreover, equating exhumations with confronting the past, and unexcavated mass graves with forgetting, holds the risk of dismissing other memory practices. Nonetheless, the author argues that despite the frictions between the Spanish case and the international forensic turn, this international alliance has been crucial for the Spanish memory movement. Indeed, the international forensic turn, with its roots in human rights and science rather than in politics, has helped to circumvent a fear, installed during the transition and held by many Spaniards, of political engagements with the Civil War past. This finding made the author search for elements other than forensic truth that could explain the perceived impact of the exhumations on Spain’s collective memory. Subsequently, the dissertation first shows how the exhumations, rather than breaking a ‘pact of forgetting’ instead break a situation of ‘privatization’ of memory. They do this by aiming for public acknowledgement of the violence, as a form of reparation for the victims. The author describes how the exhumations in this regard serve as ‘mobile seminars’ of public history. Precisely because of their non-judicial character, the exhumations are very communal and turn the mass grave site into a public and participatory space for the local community, where an inclusive network of memory is formed that stretches from the most remote villages to national and international memory organizations. Through these strategies, the exhumation associations transform knowledge, previously confined to the private sphere, into acknowledgement. Second, the dissertation shows that the exhumation movement breaks with the time concept used during the Spanish transition to deal with the Civil War past. While the architects of the transition decided that this episode was ‘passed,’ the exhumation movement argues that this violent past is an ‘open wound’ that needs to be actively addressed in order to move on. The author calls this new notion of temporality trauma-therapy-closure time (TTC time). She subsequently shows how this notion is constructed and disseminated by some of the memory associations, and influenced by international transitional justice discourse. The author’s search for how the exhumations impact collective memory beyond the production of forensic truth led to the detection of a broad diversity of norms about how to represent the Civil War past. The author identifies different forms of ‘privileged representation’ and ‘privileged representatives’ of the dead in the mass graves that range from apolitical and private to very political and collective. While the ARMH and its collaborators put forward relatives as privileged representatives and depict the dead as missing grandfathers, other memory associations, such as the ‘State Federation of Forums for Memory,’ represent the dead as fallen combatants who can best be represented by the political heirs of their struggle. These differences determine whether the acknowledgement and reparation claimed includes commemorative and symbolic reparation or also social justice. Furthermore, the differences lead to different time concepts. The author indeed shows how the TTC-time of transitional justice, with its focus on healing and closure, is contested by both local communities and associations such as Forums for Memory, which deploys a time concept of regeneration of the anti-fascist struggle. To conclude, the author asserts, first, that the mass grave exhumations do cause a rupture with the so-called ‘pact of forgetting’ installed in the transition but that this rupture goes in different directions. International trends such as the forensic turn and transitional justice help the ‘recovery of historic memory’ in Spain, but at the same time they constrain it, especially if the memory movement seeks to break the privatization of the memory of the Civil War and the aversion of political conflict that the ‘pact of forgetting’ installed. Second, by zooming in on the frictions between actors, the author shows that, rather than giving an unmediated glance on the past, the exposed graves are subject to a ‘politics of memory’ between local communities, memory associations, and international trends such as transitional justice and the forensic turn. This leads to the conclusion that representations of the past in the exhumation movement are, rather than natural and universal, constructed by different memory activists. Therefore, this dissertation recommends that transitional justice and memory practitioners take into account diversity and friction between different stakeholders, even when applying a memory practice with scientific and legal procedures such as mass grave exhumations.

National audience; RESUME. L'ingénierie des méthodes situationnelles a pour objectif de fournir des approches de construction de méthodes en fonction des projets sur lesquels elles seront appliquées. L'un des enjeux majeurs de ce domaine est de réussir à convaincre les professionnels de l'utilité de telles approches. En effet, les entreprises sont en général convaincues que ces approches sont trop complexes et trop couteuses en temps et en ressources. Le concept de famille de méthode a été introduit pour répondre à cet enjeu et propose une approche de construction de mé-thodes configurables et adaptables en fonction du contexte du projet. Ce concept a déjà été appliqué à différents domaines et nous proposons dans ce papier une évaluation de cette approche auprès des utilisateurs pour identifier si elle permet réellement de répondre à cet enjeu. ABSTRACT. Situational Methods Engineering aims to provide different approaches for constructing methods in function of projects on which they will be applied. One of the major issues in this area is to convince the professionals of the utility of such approaches. Indeed, companies are generally convinced that these approaches are too complex and too time-and resource-consuming. The method family concept has been introduced to meet this challenge and offers an approach of constructing configurable and adaptable methods based on the project context. This concept has already been applied to various fields and we propose in this paper an evaluation of this approach by users to identify if it really can meet this challenge .

In the early 1990s, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia collapsed into a set of wars dominated by aggressive nationalist ideologies, that crucially reinterpreted ‘history’ and ‘memory’ to recollect past sufferings and intergroup animosities and corroborate ethnic distinctiveness in essentialist terms. In the mixed area of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the conflict (1992-1995) entailed the use of systematic violence to eradicate and/or eliminate the ethnic “Other” from contested territories, bringing about massive destruction and causing a total displacement of more than 2 million people. As the rhetoric of war produced monolithic juxtaposed constructions of “Serbs(/Orthodox)”, “Croats(/Catholic)” and “Bosnjaks(/Muslim)” as distinct ethnies animated by reciprocal “ancient hatreds”, the onslaught against people was complemented by the deliberate targeting of the built environment and its cultural and religious symbols. Such targeting obliterated the image a pluralist and heterogeneous shared cultural space to annihilate traces of past coexistence and prevent future claims over (“cleansed”) territories, highlighting the meanings and functions ascribed to monuments/heritage as signifiers and physical markers of memories and identities. This research investigates memorialisation processes in today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina, with a focus on the ways in which the recent experience of armed conflict is recollected through (official) monuments and commemorations. Because the war entangled with the processes of transition and regime change – constituting a milestone in the affirmation of BiH as an independent state, configured as a consociational power-sharing system – the study explores how (official) memories of the conflict entwine with the definition of a shared identity of the polity, the articulation of claims for or against its legitimacy, and the delineation of ethno-cultural group identities at the sub-state level. The research endeavours to map out the implications and uses of divergent accounts of the war within an environment of dissent and contestation over its causes and unfolding, through the analysis of the meanings and functions assigned to monuments and commemorations as part of symbolic politics and in the reiteration of ethnicised identities. Reflection concentrates on the mutually constitutive character of memory and identity constructs, adopting a perspective that integrates the study of the local (i.e. national) “politics of memory” with the analysis of a global “politics of heritage” encouraged by international actors and developed in line with what I call the international heritage doctrine based on UNESCO and Council of Europe’s documents. This doctrine mainly informs processes of heritage reconstruction, endowing them with crucial functions in post-war recovery and stabilisation. The study thus examines the impact of global notions on the heritage of mankind on specific contexts (like BiH) where the formulation of collective identities in essentialist and exclusivist terms appeals to memory and culture, and the implications of discourses on diversity, reconciliation and intercultural dialogue on the conceptualisation of cultural identity as (incommensurable) difference and in the aftermaths of first-hand experiences of intergroup violence perpetrated upon rigid constructions of groups as “nations”. The research is based on the analysis of legal and official documents concerning monuments, heritage and commemorations at various administrative levels of BiH and the examination of UNESCO and CoE texts on heritage, and relies on personal observation of commemorative events over a prolonged permanence in the country (2010-2012), taking the institutional and symbolic functions of Sarajevo in its role of capital city as a case study. The corpus of the work approaches memorialisation from various angles, starting from the observation that ongoing processes of erection of new monuments and processes of heritage reconstruction seem to develop along parallel planes. Investigation on BiH’s multifaceted politics of memory/heritage is undertaken through four stages: an overview of the formal/legal system of heritage care and management at various administrative levels (municipal, cantonal, entity and state), and the work of the Commission to Preserve National Monuments; the analysis of the central memorial sites dedicated to armed conflict in Sarajevo (Vraca Memorial Park for WWII and the Kovaci Shahid Cemetery-Memorial for 1992-95 war); the observation of three commemorative performances celebrating the state (Day of Statehood and Day of Independence) and city (Day of the City of Sarajevo); and the presentation of a contested commemoration (Dobrovoljacka Street) and two initiatives promoting alternative modes of memorialization (the SCCA project De/Construction of Monument 2004-2007 and the Museum of the Siege presented in 2012). Analysis of these instances of memorialization shows that public memory is endowed with pivotal functions in the reproduction and maintenance of (ethnically connoted) collective identities. Recollections of the recent war are inflected in ethnic terms through the articulation of accounts that reflect divergent views, developed antagonistically by the institutions and political representatives of the three ‘constituent peoples’. Anniversaries marked with official celebrations provide the opportunity to display contestation of the recent past and publicly reassess responsibilities for the outbreak of the war. Opposition to a common national calendar of public holidays, and the establishment of parallel ritual performances, symbolically recollect and construe distinct polities for different segments of the population (e.g. Entity of RS v. State of BiH). Observation of the main memorial dedicated to the war in Sarajevo (Kovaci Shahid Cemetery-Memorial) and commemorative celebrations of state import attended by the highest authorities, suggest that the symbolic recollection of the overall state is also embedded in dynamics of ethnicisation, especially through the articulation of accounts that conflate the perspective of one particular ethnocultural community (Bosnjak) with the interests of the overall polity. The symbolic interweaving of opposed (re)interpretations of the conflict with distinct polities of belonging in ‘national’ (as opposed to civic) terms, produces the effect of translating antagonism over the interpretation of the recent conflict into irreconcilable group difference. Ultimately, processes of memorialisation of the 1992-95 war partake in broader processes of institutionalisation of ethnicity, where little or no space at all is left for recollections of memories and identities in non-ethnic terms. The ethnicisation of recollections of the recent conflict is further accomplished through the reinterpretation of the legacies of previous conflicts (i.e. WWII and antifascism) and the appropriation of elements of the built environment recognised as ‘heritage’. Among the instances of memorialisation that propose alternative views, those who achieve greater visibility seem to partake in the ethnicisation of memories (e.g. Dobrovoljacka Street counter-commemoration), while initiatives that question the conventional patterns of top-down memory politics remain largely unnoticed by the institutions (e.g. SCCA project De/Construction of Monument 2004-2007), or get promoted at the local level (e.g. Museum of the Siege, 2012). The realm of heritage care remains separate from this environment only in principle. The formalisation of ethnic groups as constituent peoples with inalienable rights pertaining to “culture, tradition and cultural heritage” in post-Dayton BiH provides the legal basis to oppose collaboration in those fields and claim and achieve independence in their management at the level of the Entities/Cantons, which in turn enables the construction of culture and tradition as defining traits of the ethnic community. In this context, notions of heritage and culture contained in the body of UNESCO and CoE’s texts stand in an ambiguous relation with the declination of citizenship and identity in collective (ethnic) terms, as they fail to distinguish neatly the notion of ‘culture’ from that of ‘ethnicity’, and remain marked by an inner contradiction between a relativistic understanding of identity and the promotion of a global ethics. I argue that definitions of cultural identity and diversity as articulated by the international heritage doctrine are prone to be used as instruments of self-legitimation by (collective) subjects fostering particularistic accounts of the past and thus risk to reiterate essentialist approaches to identity.

De negentiende eeuw wordt in de historiografie beschouwd als de eeuw van de industrialisering, van de urbanisering en van het moralisme. De maatschappij veranderde van een agrarische naar een industriële samenleving en deze veranderingen brachten vooral in de steden een heleboel problemen met zich mee die door de elites werden omschreven met het containerbegrip van de sociale kwestie. De sociale kwestie had vele gezichten, gaande van prostitutie, drankmisbruik, sloppenwijken en verkrotting, epidemieën, ongezonde voeding, luchtverontreiniging, tot ongezonde en gevaarlijke arbeidsomstandigheden en werkloosheid. Maar ook de angst voor fysieke degeneratie, zedelijk verval, criminaliteit, krankzinnigheid en losbandigheid werden beschouwd als deelaspecten van de sociale kwestie. De sociale kwestie was bovenal een emotionele en normatieve vertaling van een bepaalde sociale situatie. Het was de omschrijving van een specifieke toestand in de woorden en op een niveau waarin een intellectuele middenklasse gewoon was te lezen, te spreken en te communiceren. Kortom, de sociale kwestie was niet de sociale situatie an sich, maar de perceptie en framing ervan door zij die het fenomeen beschreven. De negentiende-eeuwse discussies, reflecties, onderzoeken, enquêtes, experimenten, monologen, conferenties, beraadslagingen, overlegmomenten en gedachtewisselingen over de sociale kwestie, vormden het vertrekpunt van deze studie. De hoofdrolspelers van het onderzoek waren liberale hommes-orchestres. De Belgische geschiedschrijving over de negentiende-eeuwse politiek focust nadrukkelijk op de levensbeschouwelijke breuk tussen klerikalen en liberalen, met als geliefkoosd hoogtepunt de Schoolstrijd (1878-1884). Maar niet alleen de klerikale-antiklerikale tweedeling overheerste de negentiende-eeuwse lokale en nationale politiek. Intern waren de twee blokken ook zwaar verdeeld rond sociaal-economische thema’s. Ik onderzocht figuren die kunnen gecategoriseerd worden als sociaal-liberalen, een groep personen die tot nog toe niet vaak bestudeerd werd. Het amalgaan van sociaal liberalen stond steeds in de schaduw van de meer conservatieve groep die de politieke macht in handen had en die haar afgevaardigden naar de Kamer en de Senaat stuurde. Ik koos ervoor om deze groep te categoriseren als hommes-orchestres, omdat deze term aansloot bij hun leefwereld en hun profiel. Het waren namelijk allen figuren uit hogere “burgerlijke” milieus wat in het België van toen quasi zonder uitzondering betekende dat ze Franstalig waren. Ze waren ook, naar de letterlijke vertaling van het woord, duizendpoten die zich bezighielden met diverse sociale thema’s, allrounders met kennis van zaken die bovendien de samenleving wilden “orkestreren”. De periode die centraal stond in mijn onderzoek was de periode voor 1884, dus een periode waarin er nog geen sociale wetgeving bestond, al hield dat niet in dat er niet over sociale interventies werd nagedacht. Bovendien focuste ik me niet alleen op de nationale schaal, maar nam ik vooral internationale congressen als uitgangspunt van deze studie en onderzocht ik hoe lokale projecten tijdens deze bijeenkomsten werden voorgesteld als modelprojecten. In deze studie staan de negentiende-eeuwse internationale congressen centraal als kruispunten waar actoren uit verschillende naties elkaar letterlijk ontmoetten en waar ze elkaar ongetwijfeld ook hebben beïnvloed, zowel vanuit de idee om te leren van elkaar als vanuit een soort rivaliteit. In deze studie werd het concept van histoire croisée ingezet als een handig analyse-instrument om waar nodig – i.e. waar het onderzoeksobject dat zelf deed – de link te leggen met andere regio’s en landen, en om na te gaan hoe personen, objecten of ideeën zich aanpasten in geval van contact. De studie werd in drie thematische delen onderverdeeld. Elk thema was een rechtstreekse afspiegeling van een bepaald “maatschappelijk probleem” en de “burgerlijke oplossing” voor dit probleem: (a) hygiëne, huisvestingsproblemen en modelwijken, (b) armoede, sparen en volksbanken, (c) degeneratie en onderwijs. Deze studie bestaat dus uit drie thematische delen die elk op zich worden onderverdeeld in drie delen: (1) diagnose, (2) oplossingen en (3) reflectie. In deze studie bestudeerde ik de impact van de verspreiding van de Franse arbeiderswijk van Mulhouse, van de Duitse volksbanken van Schulze-Delitzsch en van het Nederlandse model van de Maatschappij Tot Nut van’t Algemeen. Maar ook Belgische projecten zoals Laurents schoolsparen en Buls’ Ligue de l’enseignement kregen internationale weerklank en fungeerden als “deugdzame” internationale modellen. Ik kwam tot vier grote conclusies: (1) De hommes-orchestres vormden nooit een strak afgebakende groep, maar er tekenden zich wel drie “types” af: professionals, lokale brokers en politieke hervormers. (2) De hommes-orchestres hadden een gemeenschappelijke ideologie: gebaseerd op de formulering van de sociale kwestie en de aangereikte oplossing van een maatschappij waarin drie elementen voorop stonden: zelfhulpprincipe, samenwerking tussen kapitaal en arbeid en een ondersteunende rol van de overheid. Door de uitbouw van coöperatieve verenigingen streefde men naar een harmonieuze samenleving met “deugdzame en gezonde burgers” die zich meester hadden gemaakt van de “juiste” liberale waarden: spaarzaamheid, zelfredzaamheid, zelfstandigheid, vooruitziendheid, orde, netheid, zelfbeheersing, laïcisme, bekwaamheid, tolerantie, vrijheid van meningsuiting, rechtvaardigheid en werkijver. (3) De geschiedenis van de hommes-orchestres was wel degelijk een histoire croisée. Hun wapens in de sociale strijd waren op één of andere manier met elkaar vervlochten. In de zoektocht naar een oplossing voor de sociale kwestie verbonden de hommes-orchestres verschillende ruimtelijke schalen – lokaal, nationaal, internationaal – met elkaar. Het waren zij die als individuen een link smeedden tussen de internationale fora en de lokale experimenten. De internationale bijeenkomsten waren podia voor maatschappelijke vernieuwingen, broedplaatsen voor sociale ideeën. (4) Er gaapte een diepe kloof tussen de negentiende-eeuwse werkelijkheid en het discours van de hommes-orchestres. In woord waren de projecten wel gericht op de volledige “arbeidersklasse”, maar in de realiteit richtten de hommes-orchestres zich vooral op de belangen van een toplaag van de arbeiders. Terwijl men in de periode 1846-1886 vooral verenigingen oprichtte voor de arbeiders, zette men pas op het einde van de negentiende eeuw in op verenigingen door de arbeiders. Het feit dat er geen rechtstreekse erfgenamen van de hommes-orchestres aanwezig zijn in ons huidig versplinterd politiek landschap, doet niets af aan de symbolische rol die ze in de negentiende eeuw hebben gespeeld bij de modernisering en humanisering van het maatschappelijk denken.

National audience; Les difficultés d'utilisation de l'ingénierie des méthodes situationnelles (IMS) dans l'industrie sont dues essentiellement à la complexité des solutions proposées et l'IMS cherche de nouvelles voies pour faciliter la construction des méthodes spécifiques au contexte. Une piste possible vient de l'ingénierie des lignes de produits logiciel (LdP) qui développe des solutions adaptables au contexte en réutilisant la connaissance existante. Pour utiliser les concepts de réutilisation, d'adaptabilité et de variabilité dans l'IMS, nous proposons la notion de famille de méthodes qui permet d'organiser de multiples composants de méthode de diverses façons et de configurer une ligne de méthode pour une situation donnée. Nous détaillons ici le processus de construction de ces familles. La variabilité étant la notion sous-jacente à la notion de famille, notre proposition inclut l'analyse de variabilité inspirée des LdP. Nous illustrons notre approche par la construction d'une famille de méthodes spécialisée dans le lancement de projets agiles.

THe history of King for a Day-rituals and representations

Het beeld van 'Bruges-la-Morte' (Rodenbach) van de negentiende tot de eenentwintigste eeuw.