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Feminism emerged as an intellectual movement in 1884, protesting gender inequity, patriarchy's dominating attitude, and violence against women. The first wave of feminists fought for two major issues: equality and political rights. Women's right to vote played a crucial part because they wanted to be heard as citizens and to be acknowledged as human beings equal to males after witnessing men insisting on being superior to women in all fields of life. Women were enslaved by the convention of femininity, which defined feminine attributes and behaviors. Social and cultural norms shaped the fate of women who were confined to their homes. The Victorian ideal of the subservient, domestic, good-tempered, modest, and charming woman was all that was required of women. The patriarchy set the rules for women's social duties. Glaspell became intrigued by the story due to her inspiration and began writing her play Trifles. Minnie's miserable and lonely life at home is at the center of the story. Despite her husband's good mental and physical condition, Minnie is driven insane by his heinous crimes. As a result, once her husband killed the bird, she ran out of tolerance. She exacts vengeance on him in a fit of rage. Glaspell does not repeat what she has seen in the past. Instead, she intended to depict the concept of justice from a female perspective and how the legal system is displayed to differentiate justice based on gender. Therefore, this paper aims to show, through employing symbols, what Glaspell aimed to reflect by writing this play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Slovenia is one of the European Union Member States which disproportionately restricted political rights during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the new government of Prime Minister Janez Janša came to power in March 2020, the anti-government and anti-lockdown protests have been taking place across the country. The pandemic-related restrictions have been introduced by government's ordinances. They have greatly limited political rights of citizens, in particular the right to public assembly and association. Citizens' dissatisfaction with the government's policies and inadequate handling of the epidemic, resulting in undue restrictions on liberty and other fundamental rights, led to the filing of petitions to the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court, resolving the dispute between citizens and the government, ruled that government regulations implementing restrictions on fundamental rights, particularly the rights to public assembly and association, were unconstitutional in several cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens' election rights are among the most important political rights in a democratic state. The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has brought chaos to countries and thus to their proper functioning. Therefore, the authors of the text, analysing the case of the presidential elections in 2020, put forward the thesis that the provisions regulating the rules of these elections contain significant gaps, which were revealed by the pandemic. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 contains a catalogue of conditions that make it possible to elect a president under an extraordinary procedure. They all relate to a necessity to shorten the president's term of office. However, no rules consider the likelihood of other obstacles to voting by the deadline, such as a pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the special legal regimes that were introduced in Lithuania which dealt with the COVID-19 pandemic during the spring of 2020 and which decided on extraordinary measures in order to contain the spread of this vicious transmissible disease, and how the right to vote was ensured during the 2020 Parliament (Seimas) elections. After examining these special legal regimes, the article concludes that according to the Constitution, the threat to public health, inter alia caused by the worldwide spread of a vicious contagious disease, is not a constitutional ground for introducing a state of emergency per se, unless this threat to public health menaces the constitutional order or social peace. Therefore, the establishment of other special legal regimes - a disaster management regime and quarantine - was chosen, and were introduced by the government in accordance with the law. The analysis in this article shows that the right to vote during the 2020 Seimas elections was proportionately restricted due to the pandemic, and the pandemic did not prevent the holding of general, secret and direct parliamentary elections. The pandemic forced the Seimas to adopt long-awaited amendments to the laws that legalized electronic voting in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to illustrate the problem of freedom of assembly during the COVID-19 pandemic against the background of the experiences of the Republic of Poland and the United States of America. This freedom is provided for in the constitutions of both states, which implies that public authorities are obliged to implement it also in COVID-19 conditions. Hence, the question arises as to whether, and if so to what extent, public authorities in Poland and the United States (countries belonging to the United Nations and obliged to consider the standards of human rights protection resulting from international law) applied solutions realising freedom of assembly in the conditions of COVID-19. The authors try to determine the extent of the impact of legal measures applied by public authorities in both countries on the realisation of freedom of assembly and the public reaction produced by these measures. The choice of such a context for assessment was justified by differences in the legal culture of the countries being compared, the structure of the state, and the approach of both the public authorities and the society to freedom of assembly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of the article are selected political rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Polish and Hungarian constitutions, which are analysed in the context of possible limitations due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The analysis covers the right to vote in elections and referendums, the freedom of expression and opinion, and the freedom of assembly. The main aim of the article is to identify similarities and differences in the legal solutions adopted in Poland and Hungary in the context of restrictions or threats to political freedoms and rights. As a result of the research carried out, the authors positively verified the hypothesis that Poland and Hungary, although they chose different methodologies to implement the specific legal order applicable due to the coronavirus pandemic, namely Hungary has introduced one of the constitutional states of exception, i.e. the state of danger, while Poland did not introduce a state of natural disaster, the formula for sanctioning restrictions on political freedoms and rights with secondary legislation was similar in both countries. The authors express the view that continuous efforts should be made to develop legal institutions that would allow for a balance between the need to preserve political rights and freedoms and the need to make quick decisions in relation to the pandemic and citizens' right to health. A pandemic should never be an excuse for those in power to restrict political freedoms and rights for longer periods of time, so as not to make these freedoms and rights the next victims of the SARS-CoV-2 virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research and scholarship on the use of expedited law-making processes, such as urgency, is limited. That which exists focuses on the dangers of using expedited law-making when there is not a genuine need to do so. Do these dangers vanish when expedited law-making is necessary? Expedited lawmaking even where used legitimately, for example to respond to COVID-19, can cause harm to civil, democratic and political rights. These harms can be evidenced by the passing of the COVID-19 Public Health Response Act 2020. However, such harms were not isolated. An analysis of Bills passed from the start of the pandemic to the time of writing shows that these harms were widespread amongst legislation passed during this period. Once the existence of these harms has been established, their nature and extent are analysed against 10 principles of good law-making. This article concludes that these harms need not be accepted as inevitable and proposes a new model of law-making, consisting of seven practices to be implemented across the life span of a Bill, which mitigates harms to civil, democratic and political rights without undermining the urgency of expedited law-making. Ultimately, law-making in times of crisis should be efficient, but such law-making must not be governed by fear, panic or haste. Instead, law-making in times of crisis must be governed by the rule of law, democratic ideals and principles of good law-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to deal with historically existing Flemish-Walloon divide which is the expression of ethnic nationalism in Belgium, within the scope of Belgium's transition to federal state system co-processing with its EU integration and EU Regional Policy implementation. In this sense, the roles of federalism and EU Regional Policy in Belgium playing in this ethnic divide are interpreted. Transition to federalism, showing the official recognition of the Flemish-Walloon divide, covers all the state reforms from 1970 to 2011. In consequence of those reforms, Belgium recognised lingual, ethnic and political rights of the Flemish and Walloon communities and granted extensive autonomies to their regions. The EU Regional Policy, consisting of several structural funds and financial aids, were implemented for the objective of lessening of socioeconomic development differences between the Flemish and Walloon regions. In the study, first of all, the relations between the Flemish and Walloon communities are given in its historical adventure. Then, Belgium's transition to federal state structure is clarified and the implementation of the EU Regional Policy in Belgium is addressed. In the conclusion part, the effects of federalism and the implementation of the EU Regional Policy in Belgium on the Flemish-Walloon divide and ethnic nationalism are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Klaus Günther proposes a theory about the democratic legitimacy of Law based on the idea of deliberative person as the bond between subject of law and co-legislator. This paper explores the consequences to the legitimacy of law of the fact that group agents can be deliberative persons, concluding that the theory needs to be reviewed to justify not granting fundamental political rights to group agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Essay explores the relationship between twentieth-century votingdiscrimination amendments and the Fifteenth Amendment's antidiscrimination groundwork on which these later developments built. In particular, it examines ways in which the Twenty-Sixth Amendment, whose text and ratification conversations tightly track those of the Fifteenth Amendment, has been underimplemented, if not completely ignored, in recent debates and cases that are ever-more crucial to the meaning of political-rights equality under the Constitution. It ends by urging courts to take more seriously the similarities between the Twenty-Sixth and Fifteenth Amendments in adjudicating disputes involving facial or de facto age discrimination in political rights realms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Frónesis is the property of Universidad del Zulia (Fronesis) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contemporary Islamic Studiens Magazine is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper I focus on Gillian Brock’s treatment of the case of refugees. After noting a potential distinction between our otherwise closely related theoretical approaches in which we view the refugee regime as a legitimacy repair (Owen) or legitimacy correction (Brock) mechanism, I draw a contrast between our ways of addressing this regime and argue that the difference between my historical approach and Brock’s presentist approach turns out to have implications for how we conceive what is due to refugees. Focusing on her advocacy of a developmental turn in refugee protection, I develop the concern that her articulation of this approach remains too closely tied to the humanitarian perspective of Betts and Collier in a way that underestimates the significance of political rights to refugee autonomy.

This study examines the dynamic relationship between political environment and the use of energy resources in Nigeria covering the period from 1978-2017 using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach. The results reveal that democracy has a significant long run and short run positive influence on energy consumption in Nigeria. However, the positive effect decreases significantly with an increase in the level of oil dependence in the short run. The results of this study in general support the view that high dependence of political democratic structures on oil wealth influences the positive effects of democracy in making public goods available in developing net oil-exporting economies. Economic diversification in Nigeria may therefore require formulating policies that will enhance access to clean energy sources in the economy.

Is it enough to speak about abortion in private? There is a paradox in asserting a political right so tied to the impulse to retreat to privacy. Privacy, although an important condition for living, has proven unable to protect abortion access in the United States. Privacy is also, in my experience, a fiction—especially when it comes to an act like abortion, which functions more like a discursive watering hole for so many speakers. The mixed media painting In Necessity and Sorry makes public the private speech involved in interpreting the events we call an abortion, such that it becomes a kind of public art. Conversely, it records the intense sociality already involved in this so-called private act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milanesio's book is the first compelling study of sexuality in the democratisation of Argentina - and one of the most prominent historical studies about this topic in the region. While previous historiographies considered sexuality a marginal dimension of broader cultural and political projects, Milanesio shows us how public disputes concerning intimacy were central in shifting notions of selfness, citizenship and freedom. As in her previous monograph, I Workers Go Shopping in Argentina: The Rise of Popular Consumer Culture i (2013), Milanesio successfully displaces the dominant focus of Argentine historiography on the State, bringing civil and private actors to the historical dynamic. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses W. H. Hutt's views on liberalism, populism and the constitutional political economy of racism. Topics include Hutt, a British economist spent his career at the University of Cape Town in South Africa and moved to United States after retirement; he proposed a stable democratic constitutional system with "ironclad" property-rights protections; and he also opposed racial discrimination, which he explained as the worst social evil of the contemporary era.

Objective/Context: People usually associate democracy with different sorts of values and desirable outcomes. An informed understanding of democracy, however, requires that the public be aware that democracy is a regime in which elections are free and fair, the government is bound by the rule of law, and citizens have equal political rights and civil freedoms. This article is a contribution to the scholarship on the public understanding of democracy as a liberal-electoral regime. The central claim is that an informed notion of democracy reinforces the relationship between perception of integrity in the electoral process and confidence in elections as a core institution in the political system. Methodology: Using survey data, the empirical analysis focuses on the case of Mexico, where several observers identify a crucial puzzle: voters systematically distrust elections that are widely regarded as free and fair. The analysis is replicated in other Latin American countries as well. Conclusions: As would be expected, voters are more likely to trust elections when they perceive that ballots are counted fairly, electoral officials are honest, media coverage is balanced, or women have equal opportunities to run for office. The results confirm, furthermore, that perception of electoral integrity is associated with a greater degree of trust in elections on the condition that voters understand democracy as a liberal regime. Originality: This research shows that an accurate understanding of democracy enhances citizens' abilities to appreciate the link between electoral integrity and the trustworthiness of elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children remain marginalised in theoretical analyses of citizenship and political rights, with their partial citizenship status attracting minimal attention. We consider the ontological need for political engagement, children's political agency and intergenerational justice. We discuss how Derrida's hospitality concept may inform analyses of power structures that serve to exclude children from the demos. We then examine the case of Japan where education law neglects children's political rights, though respect for human rights and popular sovereignty are core constitutional values. Analysis of parliamentary debates addressing Article 12 and children's right to be heard and organise collectively reveals a long-standing ideological divide concerning children's political participation. The Committee on the Rights of the Child has explained Japan's reluctance to implement Article 12 as reflecting "traditional" attitudes. The reality is more complex. From the late 1950s, Japan experienced a wave of student-led protests, focusing on the US-Japan Anpo Security Treaty. Subsequently, the Japanese government prioritised public order over students' political rights, and global economic competitiveness over citizenship rights. Article 12 remains a site of struggle between those wishing to extend children's citizenship rights and those who wish to maintain their partial citizenship, fearing social unrest and a focus away from global economic competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Commentary evaluates the pressures on academic freedom that are coming from the political left and the political right. It concludes that the pressures from the opposing political camps are different in kind and degree. The Commentary suggests that because of the differing natures of these pressures on academic freedom, society and institutions should be prepared to offer different responses to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting right is a subjective public right and belongs to the group of a basic political rights. It could be considered as a legal as well as an ethical category. These two aspects are not completely separable and they are closely connected to a constitutional culture level of a concrete society. Thereof, a high percentage of electoral turnout could not be exclusively a consequence of compulsory voting as well as sanction which follow the violation of this obligation. A lower percentage of electoral turnout could also have a positive impact on dynamic of relationship between citizen – government, if it represents a constructive expression toward a political elite and its crucial decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Soziale Welt is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While the question of post-incarceration voting rights restoration is frequently explored by scholars, there is significantly less attention allotted to rights preservation for individuals who are in jail yet remain eligible to vote. Limited studies illustrate that mechanisms of de facto disenfranchisement, meaning standard procedures within the justice system that hinder or even bar voter participation, are pervasive and persistent. In other localities, these findings have been critical to implementing policy solutions that address institutional barriers and increase civic participation among detained populations. This important research, however, has been nonexistent in New York. Based on a random sample of ten New York counties stratified by population, along with Riker's Island, this study seeks to elucidate what election assistance procedures are offered in jail facilities, if any. This research involves records requests to county Boards of Elections and jails, along with phone interviews with jail officials. Through interviews and records requests, this study found that election assistance procedures varied significantly across county lines and, in particular, that misinformation around detained voter eligibility impaired assistance. Importantly, only one county jail maintained copies of absentee ballot requests. There, research uncovered that a mere two out of 10 requesting individuals were ultimately able to vote. Yet, no county monitors civic participation of detained populations entirely, requiring this study to manually match names from jail rosters to those of registered and absentee voters to identify detained voters. Findings that limited or no effort is put into ensuring ballot access for detained populations points to a miscarriage of civic rights within jails in New York State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Empowerment of women is a global issue and discussions on the political rights of the women and their place in decision making processes are at the fore front of most of the countries of the world. Undeniably women possess the capacity and quality of leading the society in right and developmental path, if given a chance. The concept of women empowerment has become a centre point in the larger political scenario. The participatory politics has been immensely contributed by it.. Unfortunately, not many women are aware about their empowerment, their social and political rights and also about the workings of urban local governance though they constitutes half of the urban population. The effective participation of women can strengthen the urban governance. So, it is pertinent to study the issue of women empowerment through urban governance. This research paper attempts to study the empowerment of women through urban governance and also to examine the challenges or constraints if any faced by women related to their empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Motif Academy Journal of Folklore is the property of Motif Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the challenges of women's activism in Iran using an explanatory-analytical method and the agency-structure theory. The article looks at the variables affecting the mobilization of women activists and political organizations in Iran from 1990 to 2011, and the challenges they had been facing. The hypothesis advanced by this article is that the most important factors influencing the activism of women activists were the different waves of feminism and democratization at the global level, as well as the generational gap, the developments in attitude and cultural aspects, an increase in the level of education, women's access to the Internet, and the relative openness of the political system. The findings of this research are that women's activism in Iran had achievements such as an amplified awareness and identification of rights, an increase of demands, the opposition to sociopolitical discrimination, the relative rise of the presence of women in Parliament, city councils, and executive bodies, and the realization of significant dimensions of social rights; in what concerns the dimension of political rights, the achievements have been much less important. The study also showed that sovereignty obstacles were among the most common challenges faced by women activists, among which we can mention ideological rigidity, pessimism about women's organizations, and the patriarchal-conservative view of governance, weak relationships, strategic and tactical incoherence, and political-intellectual gaps among activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Iurisprudentia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Guarantee Clause provides that “[t]he United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government.” Based on its original public meaning, the guarantee of a republican government protects core political rights and contains readily ascertainable standards founded on majority rule and a prohibition of minority-party entrenchment. The Supreme Court failed to develop a standard for adjudicating partisan gerrymandering claims because the Equal Protection Clause and the “one person, one vote” framework are fundamentally incompatible with the harms associated with partisan gerrymandering. Such claims involve harms to majority rights that strike at the core of the republican guarantee. The use of advanced technology and household-level data means partisan gerrymanders will only become increasingly precise and durable, leading to more situations where parties earning a minority share of votes nonetheless hold a permanent majority of seats. Given these new challenges, the Supreme Court should revisit partisan gerrymandering under the majoritarian standards derived from the Guarantee Clause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article fait état des pratiques marketing de quatre partis politiques (Coalition avenir Québec, Parti libéral du Québec, Parti québécois, Québec solidaire) en vue de l'élection générale québécoise de 2018. La couverture médiatique sur la pratique du marketing politique au Québec laissait présager une adoption plus marquée de l'approche marketing en 2018, notamment grâce à une utilisation soutenue des données numériques. Pour vérifier cette hypothèse, des entrevues semi-dirigées ont été menées auprès du personnel de campagne de ces formations. Nos résultats stipulent que la planification électorale se fait bel et bien dans un esprit de marketing politique. Les partis pratiquent toutefois un marketing partiel : ils mobilisent principalement l'intelligence de marché à des fins tactiques. Le numérique entraîne un raffinement de cette approche publicitaire. Finalement, l'application du concept de data-driven campaign n'est pas encore pleinement intégrée au Québec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unbeknownst to many in the West, the Kremlin believes that Western governments are deploying this strategy against Moscow to topple the regime of Vladimir Putin and replace it with a Western-style democracy. The democratic West and the Russian Federation are in the midst of an information war. The perceived connection between information warfare and state ideology has meant that Putin's government felt it is necessary to better develop the national idea for his regime. Putin's positioning as a far-right conservative leader was logical from a grand strategic perspective Putin's pivot to traditional values also works politically inside Russia. [Extracted from the article]

How can we share Earth with those with whom we do not even share a world? The answer is crucial to figuring out whether there is any chance for cosmopolitan peace through cultural diversity and the biodiversity of the planet. Inspired by Kant's suggestion that political rights are founded on the limited surface of the earth, and Derrida's suggestion that each singular being is not only a world, but also the world, I attempt to articulate an ethics of sharing the earth even when we do not share a world. This earth ethics is based on our shared cohabitation of our earthly home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a pivotal moment in the campaign for political rights mounted by free men of colour in Saint-Domingue during the era of the French and Haitian Revolutions, when the leaders of the free coloured movement were able to force white political leaders to agree to a revolutionary set of demands known as the concordats. Having taken place in the shadow of the August 1791 slave rebellion in the northern part of the colony, the concordats have traditionally been overlooked and understudied by historians of the Haitian Revolution; however, they reveal valuable insights into the political thought of Saint-Domingue's free coloured leaders, who sought to erase white supremacy in political, legal, and social arenas while simultaneously maintaining slavery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We undertake a study on the ongoing processes of subjectivation under the label of what is known as 'neoliberal governmentality', following Foucault's works corresponding to the end of the '70s. We work genealogically, from the constitution of the modern individual as a holder of rights, to demonstrate that what it works as a guarantee of security is at the same time what certifies obedience, figurated trough the management of the public and private use of reason. We can also find this paradox in the entrepreneurial drift of neoliberalism, through the performance/pleasure apparatus. This work allows us to interrogate the current relationships between subject, power and truth, starting from an analysis of the notion of practices of freedom --which was enunciated by Foucault at the end of the '80s-- as practices of resistance located beyond modern liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on close relationship between the US military and American religion. Topics include Army instrumental in shaping and growing the US economy leading the new state's territorial expansion and maintaining public law and order; and including the establishment of temporary and permanent military outposts used both for projecting imperial power and controling the occupied territories and populations.

In August of 2019, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi annexed Indian-administered Muslimmajority Kashmir and scrapped the state's special autonomous status within the Indian federation. India's decision to unilaterally make these changes to the status of a United Nations-disputed territory, followed by a heavy-handed suppression of the Kashmiris' political rights using highly draconian security rules, has put the focus back on the seventy-five year old unresolved situation in Kashmir. Whenever there have been attempts in the past to resolve Kashmir, the focus has always been on the implementation of decades-old UN Security Council resolutions which stressed border demarcations. These have all failed. Instead, the Kashmiris' right to selfdetermination must be the focus for any permanent and peaceful resolution of Kashmir. Accordingly, in this paper I put forward the contours of a three-step grand plan, the cornerstone of which is a UN-supervised plebiscite in which all Kashmiris have three choices: Pakistan, India, or independence. Regardless of the outcome of the referendum, the result would be a demilitarised Jammu and Kashmir where there would free movement of people, goods, and capital. A 1½ track dialogue would further develop the plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This afterword to the Urban Vulnerabilities: Infrastructure, Health and Stigma special issue highlights two cross-cutting themes that are addressed by all the articles in the issue, and that have the potential to make a significant contribution to debates within urban studies. First, I reflect on how the articles reveal the inseparable connections between infrastructure and stigma, demonstrating both as political and material processes that are inter-dependent and mutually constitutive. Consequently, it is urgent to bridge disciplinary siloes in bringing these scholarly debates into deeper conversation in ways that recognise the materiality of stigma and the politicisation of infrastructure (and vice versa). Second, to a greater and lesser extent, the articles all reveal the centrality of citizenship to the capacity of both urban dwellers and the state to negotiate and/or restrict access to infrastructure, and to perpetuate and/or challenge the impacts of stigma. While the connections between infrastructure and citizenship are explored in my recent work on infrastructural citizenship, the articles in this collection demonstrate the importance of temporality and scale in understanding how citizens negotiate their material and political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why hasn't Uruguay enfranchised emigrants yet? This study examines an underresearched case of nonenfranchisement and engages with debates on external voting, diaspora politics, and citizenship beyond borders. Building on qualitative and participatory methods, the analysis unveils the obstacles to franchise reform despite significant progress from 2004 to 2019. Although external voting was not enacted legally, emigrants' voting rights were debated, formally acknowledged, and encouraged. It is not the lack of norm entrepreneurs but the cumulative effect of indecisive actions that perpetuates a counterproductive dynamic and de facto uneven access to this right. An unresolved debate simultaneously advances conversations but precludes compromises, turning resolution deferral into an implicit form of regulating emigrants' political inclusion or exclusion. Presenting original evidence, this study expands existing accounts, highlights the interaction between institutional and social drivers of change, and invites further research on the role of policy diffusion, domestic politics, and timing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]