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To date, neighbourhood studies on ethnic diversity and social trust have revealed inconclusive findings. In this paper, three innovations are proposed in order to systemise the knowledge about neighbourhood ethnic diversity and the development of social trust. First, it is proposed to use a valid trust measure that is sensitive to the local neighbourhood context. Second, the paper argues for a conception of organically evolved neighbourhoods, rather than using local administrative units as readily available proxies for neighbourhood divisions. Thirdly, referring to intergroup contact theory and group-specific effects of diversity, the paper challenges the notion that ethnic diversity has overwhelmingly negative effects on social trust. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents the first investigation of whether direct democracy supplements or undermines the attendance of demonstrations as a form of protest behavior. A first approach assumes that direct democracy is associated with fewer protests, as they function as a valve that integrates voters' opinions, preferences, and emotions into the political process. A competing hypothesis proposes a positive relationship between direct democracy and this unconventional form of political participation due to educative effects. Drawing on individual data from recent Swiss Electoral Studies, we apply multilevel analysis and estimate a hierarchical model of the effect of the presence as well as the use of direct democratic institutions on individual protest behavior. Our empirical findings suggest that the political opportunity of direct democracy is associated with a lower individual probability to attend demonstrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the influence of different models of democracy on individual volunteering in associations and organizations. More precisely, we investigate the extent to which the degree of liberal and participatory conceptions of democracy respectively shapes the conditions under which voluntary engagement thrives. We apply multilevel analysis—a method that corresponds well to the central hypothesis of institutional approaches and is most suitable for modeling the relationship between the democratic context and individual volunteering. We show that both a representative conception of democracy, as well as strong direct democracy, leads to advantageous conditions for civic engagement. In contrast, if the two models of democracy are combined, the two different logics of the democratic process disturb one another, resulting in less voluntary engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Two views on the impact of church-state relations on civil society draw competing conclusions. According to the first view, state support of religion encourages faith-based social capital by providing vital resources for religious organizations. In contrast, the competing view holds that state support of religion crowds out religious civic engagement, as responsibilities are transferred from citizens to the state. Based on a sample of twenty-four European countries and combining a wide range of church-state indicators with survey data, it is evident that state support of religion does not foster faith-based social capital. Rather, overwhelming evidence shows that government involvement in religion weakens religious membership, volunteering, and donations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors evaluate the origins of generalized trust. In addition to examining individual-level determinants, the analytic focus is on the political-institutional context. In contrast to most of the analyses to date, the authors conduct hierarchical analyses of the World Values Surveys (1995- 1997 and 1999-2001) to simultaneously test for differences among respondents in 58 countries and for variations in levels of trust between countries with different institutional configurations. In addition, the authors extend the institutional theory of trust by introducing the power-sharing quality of institutions-a rather neglected institutional dimension hitherto. With regard to the most important contextual factors, the authors find that countries whose authorities are seen as incorruptible, whose institutions of the welfare state reduce income disparities, and whose political interests are represented in a manner proportional to their weight have citizens who are more likely to place trust in one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper evaluates the foundations of social capital as measured in terms of social trust in Switzerland. Specifically, the standard view that face-to-face interaction within voluntary associations is the dominant way to create social capital (the so-called Tocqueville model)will be challenged. While providing no support for the thesis that active membership in associations fosters social trust, our results strongly support explanations that point to personal resources, social background variables, psychological determinants, and individual attitudes, which can only be explained effectively by the socialization process within the family and in early adulthood experiences. In fact, based on the Swiss data from the World Values Survey in the mid-1990s, social trust is contingent upon life satisfaction, confidence in political and societal institutions, education, cosmopolitan culture, daily television consumption, and regional provenance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tries to evaluate the impact of domestic and international factors on both deficits and deficit reduction in the European Union. Based on data covering 14 countries and 20 fiscal years (1978-97) we test the major hypotheses in the political economy literature. Beyond the investigation of the causes of cross-sectional variations in budget outcomes, we are also interested in changing patterns of influences over time, resulting from so-called `structural breaks'. On the one hand, our pooled time-series analyses show that very few political and institutional factors influenced the budget outcomes of the EU member states during this period. On the other hand, our estimation results provide suggestive support for our assumption that 'Maastricht' amounted to a decisive structural break. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this paper, we expand previous research on the psychological foundations of social behavior by evaluating the role of the Big Five personality traits with regard to the formation of individual social networks. More precisely, we ask if personality traits significantly relate to individuals' social integration and position in their ego-network. While studies on both social capital formation and the impact of personality traits on social and political behavior have been flourishing in recent years, little is known about the main effects of personality traits, namely openness, agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, and emotional stability, on the characteristics of social ties as well as the agency of egos in their networks. To test our research question, we rely on data from a Swiss population survey carried out in 2005 that combines detailed information on ties in egocentric networks and personality traits for about 1600 respondents. We show that neurotic persons have a tendency towards triad structures encompassing structural holes, whereas extroverted persons show a preference for networks with stronger ties. Moreover, our findings support the potential relationship between the three hitherto neglected personality traits – agreeableness, openness to experience, conscientiousness – with personal networks structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While recent research has shown that supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination have polarizing political attitudes and beliefs, we lack a thorough understanding of how these two groups think about each other. To investigate the feelings and stereotypes between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination, this study draws on cross-sectional survey data from six European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom), collected between January and March 2022 (n = 6379). Our findings indicate an opinion-based affective polarization between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 vaccination. Both groups not only adopt different positions on the issue but also display dynamics of in-group favoritism and out-group hostility. Most notably, our assessment of thermometer scores and character trait ratings shows that this affective polarization is asymmetric, as it is stronger among the pro-vaccination group. Our findings are critical to the control of infectious diseases because affective polarization has been shown to influence health behaviors such as compliance with government policies. The issue is even more pressing as globalization boosts the threat of pandemic emergence and accelerates the global transmission of diseases., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

While analysis of the impact of threatening events has moved from bit player to center stage in political science in recent decades, the phenomenon of pandemic threat is widely neglected in terms of a systematic research agenda. Tying together insights from the behavioral immune system hypothesis and standard political science models of emotional processing, we evaluate whether exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat is related to authoritarian attitudes and which emotions do the work. Using 12 samples with over 12,000 respondents from six European countries at two time points (2020 and 2021), we argue that pandemic threats can generate disgust, anger, and fear. Our analyses indicate that exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic threat particularly activates fear, which in turn is linked to authoritarian attitudes., Competing Interests: Declaration of conflicting interests: The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article., (© The Author(s) 2022.)

Crises like the current coronavirus pandemic evoke negative emotions in the general public. To date, however, little research has been conducted on the influence of these mental states on trust in the government - the uncontested key player in times of crises. Drawing on the appraisal and affective intelligence theories of emotions, we argue that fear and anger as the two crucial negative emotions in times of crises have divergent effects on trust in the government: Whereas fear leads to a rally-'round-the-flag effect increasing trust in the government, anger attributes blame for the adverse circumstances to the government. We present empirical evidence for our arguments with an original three-wave online panel survey of 1'600 Swiss residents during the unprecedented times of the coronavirus pandemic. Our analysis provides empirical support for our arguments and further shows that the relationship is strongest for right-wing respondents., (© 2021 Swiss Political Science Association.)