Search

JAMES WALVIN University of York JANE HUMPHRIES, Childhood and Child Labour in the British Industrial Revolution, This book offers new insights into children's experiences of childhood and child labour during the British industrial revolution. The collection begins with an exploration of martyrdom in early Ireland and the supposed peaceful conversion of Ireland to Christianity. The Historian as Detective: Uncover... Professor Raymond Gillespie has had a profound impact on the study of early modern Irish history. This series, which publishes the work primarily of local historians, has changed the face of local history studies in Ireland and makes it impossible for historians of Ireland to ignore the local in general and national studies. [Extracted from the article]

In an interview with Mavis Nicholson in 1987, James Baldwin said: "Black people need witnesses in this hostile world, which thinks everything is white." Baldwin's statement invokes the witness as one who bears a responsibility to the violence that renders Black life vulnerable to premature death. But what is it to bear witness in a world structured by anti-Blackness? This paper charts a relation between the 1992 beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) officers and the 2020 killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer, asking why such mediated witnessing of such moments of racialized state violence regularly fail to provoke an ethico-juridical crisis for the state. Against the idea that the ubiquity of mobile media – from smartphones and platform media to police dash-cams and body-cams – produce greater levels of police oversight and accountability, the paper argues that the scene of witnessing is structured by a racialized perception of the human which creates a situation in which artefacts of witnessing are challenged and contested. Drawing on Ruth Wilson Gilmore's notion of "the crisis state" and Judith Butler's articulation of a "racially saturated field of visibility," the paper explores the limits of the figure of the witness and offers a critique of techno-fixes to state-sanctioned anti-Blackness such as body-worn cameras. Against the presumption of the witness as an objective conduit of truth, the paper reads the work of the artist Arthur Jafa, whose video works Love Is The Message, The Message Is Death and The White Album stage a confrontation with a visual field structured by racism and suggest an articulation of the human in excess of liberal subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Vices of the Political System of the United States, Madison writes "Where slavery exists the republican Theory becomes still more fallacious." Statements from seemingly different periods of his intellectual life—the Constitutional Convention and the Party Essays in the Virginia Gazette—show us that Madison consistently viewed slavery as one of the cruelest vices committed by the majority, though a vice that he never overcame himself. Alongside those who characterize the founding fathers as men "who built better than they knew," I argue that Madison approached the problem of slavery on terms presented by Montesquieu, that is, from a perspective of moderation and prudential judgment meant to delicately touch the relationship between law and mores. Though Madison never forcefully opposes slavery, I suggest throughout his career he follows the most read political writer among the men of the Founding Era. Through a careful reconstrual of Madison's letters, his speeches at the Constitutional Convention, and later essays and writings about gradual emancipation, I show that this Founding Father, influenced by Montesquieu's advice about indirect legislation for combating vice in Spirit of the Laws, made a sustained attempt to end American slavery through indirect legislative devices and public writings meant to change American mores to countenance emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period following the Second World War saw much international debate around African marriage, especially practices believed by Western observers to be coercive, and the emergence of international instruments ostensibly designed to counter these practices. Drawing on feminist readings of governmentalities, this article explores United Nations debates around the 1956 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery, and the 1962 Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages. Despite the United Nations's preferred impression of benign universality, neither the international debates around forced and early marriage, nor the instruments they generated, were the product of neutral 'expertise'. Rather, they represented attempts to reframe and govern marriage and the family through knowledge production. The interventions produced did not – and were not intended to – produce tangible benefits in the lives of African women and girls. Instead, they served political ends in the adversarial atmosphere of the decolonization and Cold War-era United Nations, and also represented continuities with earlier colonial ideas. In the creation of these discursive framings, African women's voices were largely ignored, excluding them from debates that concerned them and minimizing their contributions to international 'knowledge'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exclusivity in legal education divides traditional scholars, students, and impacted communities most disproportionately harmed by the legal education system. While traditional legal scholars tend to embrace traditional legal education, organic jurists--those who are historically excluded from legal education and those who educate themselves and their communities about their legal rights and realities--often reject the inaccessibility of legal education and its power. This Essay joins a team of community legal writers to imagine a set of principles for subversive legal education. Together, we--formerly incarcerated pro se litigants, paralegals for intergenerational movement lawyering initiatives, first-generation law students and lawyers, persons with years of formal legal expertise, and people who have gained expertise outside of law schools--bring together critical insight about the impact of legal education's exclusivity and the means by which we have worked to expand access necessary for our survival. The Essay explores the frameworks of movement law, Black feminism, and abolition as impacted people look to reclaim experiences and create tools for subversive legal education that teaches that the law belongs to the people and how they themselves can make and change the law. In Part I, we explore reformist strategies that address the pervasive racism in legal education and the bar admission system while leaving the institutional framework intact. In Part II, we share four case studies of transformative legal tools; these tools work to subvert legal education from a machine that excludes, extracts, and exploits our communities into a mechanism that educates and liberates our communities. In Part III, these case studies illuminate principles that prioritizes access, transparency, and collective design with impacted scholars and communities. This is a first step toward abolition--a radical reimagination of legal education that makes legal knowledge a right, that democratizes legal power, and that recognizes that the production of legal knowledge, teaching, and scholarship must include those whom the law impacts, consistent with the disability rights activism mantra "Nothing About Us Without Us." For us, abolishing the existing structures perpetuating exclusive enclaves in legal education can assist in other abolitionist struggles, such as abolition of the prison industrial complex; these struggles are tied, not siloed from one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Human Sciences (19922876) is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I propose a dialogue between new abolitionist approaches and black feminist theory on the one hand and anticapitalist critical urban social theory on the other. This dialogue has great potential to advance approaches that unhide the death dealing logics that shape city‐making and also to identify and amplify the emancipatory potentialities and forms of cultural, social, economic, and political improvisation that can lead us to more positive futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay considers the claim that slavery played a leading role in the acceleration of US economic growth in the nineteenth century. Although popular among pro-slavery apologists, the proposition fails under rigorous historical scrutiny. The slave South discouraged immigration, underinvested in transportation infrastructure, and failed to educate the majority of its population. It is not even clear that the region produced more cotton than it would have under a counterfactual alternative settlement by free family farmers, on the free-state pattern. The grain of truth in recently popular narratives is that many northerners and business interests were complicit in the crime of slavery: routinely engaging in transactions with slaveholders, even promoting activities that facilitated slavery and the domestic slave trade. Complicity complicates simple historical moralism, but it is quite different from the notion that the prosperity of the nation as a whole derived from slavery in any fundamental way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police unions are a powerful obstacle to reform and abolition movements alike. This article tracks the (re)emergence of a political strategy targeting police unions as a site of police reform and abolition amid the summer 2020 uprising. It takes Washington, D.C.'s Defund MPD (Metropolitan Police Department) movement as a case study on the successful targeting of police unions. The D.C. Defund movement imposed radical demands, achieved measurable restrictions on police union power, and, in doing so, revealed new possibilities for the role of police union contracts in divestment and community control. The D.C. Defund movement influenced the D.C. Council to pass legislation restricting the bargaining power of the D.C. Police Union and itself leveraged the police union contract as a site of transformation. By closely analyzing the course of the D.C. Defund movement's campaign against a police union, this article elucidates the larger challenges posed by police unions and explores strategies for addressing them that have been previously overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carpenter sheds valuable light on how, in the shadow of these deep and persistent constraints, the peoples of North America were able to acquire and deploy a democratic voice even as the architecture and mechanics of electoral democracy were still evolving. It seems a cruel reversal that these tools that, as Carpenter shows, were pioneered by diverse communities throughout North America were then deployed by political elites to silence these very voices and reverse the impulse toward the ever-elusive goal of a truly diverse democracy. I Democracy by Petition, i the recent book by political scientist Daniel Carpenter, explores in voluminous and revelatory detail the largely forgotten role of petitions as a core element of the building of American democracy in the nineteenth century. [Extracted from the article]

Alpaugh has demonstrated that Atlantic history is intrinsically liberating, releasing us from the confines of national narratives, but - especially if historians wish to work from archival materials - a fully inclusive, comprehensive history of the Atlantic World will almost always be out of reach. But there is a noticeable tension between Alpaugh's claims about interconnected Atlantic revolutions, giving primacy to the American and French Revolutions, and his smaller-scale efforts to recount local developments accurately in detail. [Extracted from the article]

Schools are adopting social emotional learning (SEL) programs, intending to provide students with intrapersonal and interpersonal skills to better prepare them for life. Transformative SEL is designed to promote the building of relationships between diverse students and educators to build more just schools and society. Because SEL models are heavily adopted, this paper addresses the inequities present within them. That is, traditional and transformative SEL fail BIPOC: Traditional SEL perpetuates the status quo by further marginalizing BIPOC and transformative SEL is too conceptual for successful adoption in PreK-12 schools. This article provides a brief discussion of traditional SEL, transformative SEL, and abolitionist teaching frameworks, then highlights educational practitioner narratives that discuss SEL adoptions that have proven harmful. We assert that we must (re)imagine and formulate a transformative SEL based on abolitionist teaching structures, which requires fully engaging the voices of our educators by presenting Transformative Abolitionist Social Emotional Learning (TASEL) framework, a practitioner-friendly SEL alternative framed by the tenets of equity and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains the implications of the 14th Amendment on fetal personhood scholarship in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the argument of equal protection for originalist abolitionism, the common law issues concerning fetal personhood, and the born alive rule in the criminal law and in the law of torts.

In 1817 and 1818, Great Britain signed bilateral agreements with Spain, the Netherlands, and Portugal to eradicate the illegal slave trade and to establish mixed courts to locally monitor adherence to the treaties. The tribunal representing the Dutch Caribbean was established in 1819 in Suriname. In 1822, a British barrister named John Henry Lance (1793–1877) was appointed the tribunal's Commissioner of Arbitration. Like many of his colleagues, Lance quickly became an accomplice to both the illicit slave trade and the institution of slavery. This article seeks to illustrate how and why he became increasingly invested in the local slave regime, economically, politically, and emotionally. His actions and testimonies offer an ideal opportunity to study in detail the gradual and, arguably, inevitable adjustment of European newcomers to slave societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Black subversive renderings of British antislavery during the Anglo-Brazilian crisis of the 1860s. It focuses on insurgent perspectives of the so-called 'Christie Affair', a diplomatic and military imbroglio that pushed Britain and Brazil to the brink of a war over the future of slavery in 1862–63. Although usually seen as a benchmark in the consolidation of the Brazilian national state, the incident brings into view an insurgent form of abolitionism that developed alongside the cessation of the transatlantic slave trade. Borrowing from a belief in international alliances that had long rallied self-liberating communities all over the Americas, afro-descendants read British gunboat diplomacy as a sign of solidarity with Black liberation in Brazil. In 1863, enslaved, freedpeoples, and quilombolas rose up in the provinces of Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, and Pará, among others. In so doing, they redirected the theme of 'foreign influence' into a tradition of diasporic warfare against enslavement, radicalizing British antislavery to mean a decisive alliance for the end of bondage in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how Latin America influenced the American abolitionist movements of the early 1800s. The author discusses the influence of the Haitian Revolution on Brazil, highlights the life of Brazilian abolitionist Emiliano Felipe Benício Mundrucu, and explores the influence of immediatism.

Background/Context: Although the uprisings in the summer of 2020 amplified existing abolitionist organizing, including abolitionist struggles for justice within K–12 schools, it is unclear if the field of teacher education has been informed by these movements. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: Given this gap, as well as the ongoing urgency to dismantle the interconnected structures of White supremacy, settler colonialism, anti-Blackness, racial capitalism, and cis-heteropatriarchy within the field of teacher education, this article calls on teacher education programs and teacher educators to grow abolition within the field. Research Design: We situate abolition broadly and demonstrate the connections between abolition and struggles for justice in K–12 education. We draw on stories and lessons from our own work as educators and organizers to situate what must be dismantled, changed, and built to grow abolition within the field of teacher education. Conclusions/Recommendations: We call on teacher education programs and teacher educators to begin the reflexive, relational, embodied, imaginative, coalitional, urgent, and necessary work of growing abolition within the field of teacher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Feminism and prison abolitionism are not theoretically or politically homogenous, and yet in their mainstream versions they are often situated at polar ends of the debate on how to respond to domestic and sexualised violence. The disproportionately gendered nature of sexualised and interpersonal violence has largely centralised such abuses in feminist movements. However, histories of abolitionism – particularly in continental Europe – have largely failed to address the severity of this violence and its impacts. In this article, we highlight the implications of so‐called 'carceral' feminism on ending sexualised and interpersonal violence, while addressing key – and reasonable – critiques of abolitionism. Our central argument is that criminal justice has failed to significantly reduce and/or end sexualised or interpersonal violence. As such, we explore feminist‐centred, restorative, and transformative alternatives, not only to prison, but to societies that continue to embed systematic levels of sexualised and interpersonal violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits Glasgow's Barlinnie Special Unit (BSU) in light of the reissue of Jimmy Boyle's biography of his time in Scottish prisons, 'A sense of freedom'. Viewing BSU as expressing restorative values, it analyses the different meanings of the sense of freedom which emerge from Boyle's account. It finds a developing dynamic of different meanings of freedom, from negative resistance through trust and solidaristic action to love and creativity. Together these represent a basis for a moral psychology adequate to understanding human change in a prison context. The article considers BSU as a restorative and reparative practice which challenged the prison system's overall punitive and persecutory form – its 'structure in dominance'. It reflects on Thomas Mathiesen's (1974/2015) Politics of Abolition about the relationship between therapeutic practice and political development to argue that BSU represented an abolitionism relevant to prison today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2020, amidst global pandemic and protest, a youth‐centred non‐profit organisation in Providence, RI, USA led a series of sessions meant to introduce participants to histories of slavery, incarceration, policing, abolition and transformative justice practices. Ultimately, it was an extremely successful experiment in popular education that revealed multiple dynamics: the failings of traditional education to engage with such histories; the uses of contextualising our own lives within the histories we have inherited; the importance of collaborative exploration of such histories and what Paulo Freire refers to as 'problem‐posing' pedagogical models; and the necessity to engage deeply with histories of violence and resistance if we are committed to mitigating contemporary forms of violence and transforming our relationships with each other and within society as a whole. Our case study of these sessions, consisting of dialogue, reflection, research and critical theory, will creatively illuminate these and other dynamics through a deep mapping of the way the sessions and their content were situated within our own collaboration and within our larger community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a surprising lack of discussion about college campus police abolition in legal scholarship. Only within the last decade has legal scholarship begun to seriously discuss the movement to abolish prisons and police. This Article argues that college campus police abolitionists should gradually shift resources to social services and community welfare with the goal of making college campus police obsolete. In doing so, college campus police abolitionists will correctly adopt a police abolitionist framework and push society closer toward a Third Reconstruction to preserve and expand multiracial democracy in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores slavery and emancipation through the work of the painter Camille Pissarro (1830-1903). Sometimes called the "Father of Impressionism," Pissarro, a Caribbean native of Sephardic Jewish descent, came of age during a cycle of slave rebellions and abolitions during the 1830s and 1840s. His earliest work focused on formerly enslaved people in the first phase of liberation. Pissarro's West Indian studies anticipated his emergence as an influential avant-garde artist and left a rich visual archive of freed people. This study uses Pissarro's art as a window onto the possibilities of, and restrictions on, post-emancipation life. It also argues that Pissarro's aesthetic vision and stylistic innovations, influenced by his exposure to West Indian culture, connect the Black Atlantic and the Impressionist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses upon the emergence of the two seemingly contradictory models of sociability in France and Britain during the eighteenth century. Topics discussed include the intersection of morality with the contemporary interests of both enslavers and abolitionists; the efforts to map the familial structures and values onto enslaved people, and the coincidence of the proliferation of print media in the late eighteenth century with a growing appetite for pictorial satire.

In response to a global movement demanding justice for historically oppressed communities, there are increased calls for transitional justice approaches to help unravel legacies of colonization, slavery and marginalization. Applying transitional justice approaches to contexts of structural injustice raises new questions that push the boundaries of the field. In the face of these challenges, this article explores ways to conceptualize transitional justice as a dynamic, ongoing relational process that centers victims and involves bystanders, beneficiaries and the general public in meaningful and appropriate ways. Across different socio-political contexts, we look to new voices, in particular youth voices and creative approaches, for inspiration on how to bring more people into the conversation to address emerging dilemmas in consolidated democracies. Much can be learned from the dynamic spaces created by young people to encourage a more transformational process of reckoning with past legacies to advance a more just future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article theorizes and reimagines the place of courts in the contemporary struggle for the abolition of racialized punitive systems of legal control and exploitation. In the spring and summer of 2020, the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and many other Black and Indigenous people sparked continuous protests against racist police violence and other forms of oppression. Meanwhile, abolitionist organizers and scholars have long critiqued the prison-industrial complex, or the constellation of corporations, media entities, governmental actors, and racist and capitalist ideologies that have driven mass incarceration. But between the police and the prison cell sits the criminal court. Criminal courts are the legal pathway from an arrest to a prison sentence, with myriad systems of control in between, including ones branded as “off-ramps.” We cannot understand the present crisis without understanding how the criminal courts not only function to legitimate police and funnel people into carceral spaces but also contribute their own unique forms of violence, social control, and exploitation. These mechanisms reveal the machinations of mass criminalization and the injustices operating between the police encounter and the prison cell. Our central argument is that courts—with a focus here on criminal trial courts and the group of actors within them—function as an unjust social institution. We should therefore work toward abolishing criminal courts and replacing them with other institutions that do not inherently legitimate police, rely on jails and prisons, or operate as tools of racial and economic oppression. Drawing on legal scholarship and empirical social scientific research, Part I describes injustices perpetrated by criminal courts, detailing their role in the present crisis of mass criminalization through legal doctrine, racialized social control and violence, and economic exploitation. Part II describes the contemporary abolition movement, briefly laying out its genesis and three guiding principles typically considered in relation to policing and prisons: (1) power shifting, (2) defunding and reinvesting, and (3) transformation. Part III explores how these principles could operate in relation to the courts, drawing on analysis of existing grassroots efforts and offering new possibilities. In the short term, non-reformist reforms could make criminal courts a venue to unmask, and therefore aid in dismantling, police and prisons. Such reforms could complement the broader abolition movement and reduce the churn of people through the criminal legal system. Ultimately, the goal is to abolish criminal courts as sites of coercion, violence, and exploitation and to replace them with other social institutions, such as community-based restorative justice and peacemaking programs, while investing in the robust provision of social, political, and economic resources in marginalized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the significance of Edward Gibbon Wakefield's theory of 'systematic colonisation' within the transition from Caribbean slavery to settler colonisation to reveal the sequential relationship of these two imperial systems. In the context of industrialisation and social unrest, the anti-slavery movement performed an important purpose for Britain's ruling classes by simultaneously accruing moral authority and sanctioning oppressive new forms of disciplined labour, including the treatment of Australian convicts as slaves. During the 'ameliorative' 1820s phase of the anti-slavery movement, experimental colonial schemes combined both abolitionist principles and pro-slavery interests, particularly visible in the form of arguments against free labour and the advocacy of racial, as well as class, labour hierarchies. Wakefield's theory embodied principles of labour discipline drawn from the plantation, allied to new techniques of land commoditization, offering a solution to the looming problem of abolition. These principles were invoked in debating the emancipation bill introduced in May 1833, as all sides agreed on the need for freed slaves to work for wages; they were subsequently applied in the Caribbean after emancipation by planters attempting to maintain productivity during and beyond the apprenticeship period. After 1833, the abolitionists' zeal could be turned to other causes, and reformers seeking to end transportation and develop the settler colonies deployed an entwined discourse of anti-slavery and systematic colonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deaths of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and countless other African Americans have ignited a new wave of social activism throughout the United States. Notwithstanding the existence of one of the most infectious diseases of the twenty-first century, racist and unrestrained police violence continues to plague American society. The unprecedented national uprisings resulting from the brutal killings of African Americans have positioned the United States on the precipice of immense social and political change. This period is marked by an amalgamation of social, political, and cultural influences. However, the continued exhibition of Confederate monuments stymies the ability to remedy the brutal injustices resulting from this country's racist and oppressive past. In a time where public health and safely are at the forefront of American news and politics, the ongoing Confederate monument controversy and the inability of governments to uniformly decide the fate of these divisive objects undoubtedly impacts the public's health and safety. Various localities have declared Confederate monuments as "public" nuisances," and despite legal challenges, have been successful in the removal of these of offensive objects. Within this context, this Article proposes that the doctrine of public nuisance may be utilized as a vehicle for the removal of Confederate monuments in public spaces. This Article Another argues that the memorialization of the Confederacy, slavery, and the subordination of Black Americans through Confederate monuments continues the significant "cultural trauma" sustained by Black Americans for centuries. Ultimately, the removal of Confederate monuments serves to erase the false narrative propagated by Lost Cause enthusiasts, and most notably, to begin to cure the deep fissures of systemic racism and oppression in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the names and symbolism of slave ship vessels between 1750 and 1755. Undertaking trans-oceanic travel in the eighteenth century was a perilous venture. Sea storms threatened vessels and their crew members, who were near defenceless in the face of such violent natural elements. First, merchants sought to name their vessels for traits that bespoke speed. A vessel that remained for long stretches of time in any port lost capital by the day. Consequently, ships stayed for short periods of time in Atlantic harbours whenever possible. Second, force was also central to merchants' naming patterns. Through christening their vessels after absolute monarchs, saints, classical deities and heroes, merchants sought appellations that represented a symbolic, or in many instances, real protection against the elements at sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on abolition of modern police and prisons as instruments of racial capitalism. Topics include American exceptionalism and universalism informing the interaction between domestic policing and international violence; and premodernity playing a role in the global development of racial capitalism; and contributing most significantly to emancipatory movements like abolition.

The article discusses the highlights of the virtual conference Empire, Sovereignty, and Labor in the Age of Global Abolition held by the McNeil Center for Early American Studies in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in February 2021. The event focused on researchers who are committed to writing revisionist social, economic and political histories of the 19th-century Atlantic and Pacific Worlds. Topics discussed include the connections between free labor ideologies and state-building in the Americas.

The article argues that the revisionist account of federal powers is inconsistent with the constitutional history of slavery. It mentions constitutional objections to federal power blocked federal initiatives that would be at the core of the commerce power such as the construction of interstate roads and canals. It also mentions the legal community to reverse the rising influence of originalism and constitutional history of slavery should shape constitutional interpretation.

Through a hauntological analysis of Boots Riley's Afrosurrealist comedy, Sorry to Bother You (2018), we explore how fiction can empower sociologists to think beyond the limits of empiricism to better encounter experiences of erasure and senses of temporal disjuncture that characterise capitalist realism. The panoramic power of cinematic world-building enables representations of the ontologically reified but empirically elusive atmosphere of capitalist realism. Sorry to Bother You, we argue, rearticulates through Afrosurrealism the absurdity of capitalist realism's whitewashing of its innately racialising violence. Drawing upon the thought of Mark Fisher (1968–2017) we examine the film's central allegorical spectres: the code-switching comedy of the insidious White Voice, the body horror of the Equisapien human–horse hybrids, and the reality warping influence of shadowy megacorporation Worry Free. By resisting the empirical trappings of capitalist realism, hauntology is able to critique the wavering repression of the no longer and the not yet – the ignored legacies of unresolved traumas and a nostalgia for a future we were promised but never arrived. In response, Sorry to Bother You re-presents to a mass audience the spectre of a positive abolitionism and brings into focus an acid communist horizon using hauntological techniques that visualise experiences denied a presence under capitalist realism. This article aims to highlight the ontological and political potentialities of such works of art and their analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though less discussed in the literature, slave patrols played a significant role in continuing and sustaining the system of slavery. While few scholars have dedicated attention to exploring the history of slave patrols in the United States (US), there remains a dearth of research analyzing the slave patrol system in Brazil, despite the existence of slavery in this area of the African Diaspora. Using a historical perspective, this article compares and examines the establishment, function, expansion of slave patrols in the US and Brazil between the 18th and 19th centuries. This article adds to the scholarly discourse and historical literature on the experiences and conditions of enslaved people in the African diaspora (i.e., US and Brazil) under the brutal watch of slave patrols. Future research and investigation is needed to gain nuanced understanding of slave patrols not only in these two specific geographical regions, but globally across the African diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the first measures taken by the Greek Revolution was the abolition of slavery. According to the Constitution approved by the First National Assembly of Epidaurus, by decree of February 22, 1822, slavery was abolished. In this matter, the Revolution was a pioneer. In other European countries, abolition occurred in the mid-nineteenth century and in the Spanish colonies, the United States, and Brazil, slavery lasted until 1886, 1863, and 1888, respectively. In Cuba, one of the Philohellenes, the poet Plácido, who sang to the Greek Revolution, was shot in 1844, accused of participating in the programming of a slave rebellion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Mielke explores, the answer to this question is not straightforward, as the era's theatrical and oratorical spheres engaged antislavery debate with plays and orations that were incendiary, progressive, placatory, and/or problematic, sometimes all at once. Scholars in theatre/performance history, English literature, and communication studies/rhetoric will appreciate Mielke's close textual analysis. [Extracted from the article]

It is well-established that African-Americans have sought allies abroad as a way to weaken opposition at home. In stentorian tones, Douglass - during his repeated journeys across the Atlantic - launched a "blistering attack on American hypocrisy. An exception to this trend is the anti-lynching crusader Ida B. Wells, who - like Douglass - published widely in the United Kingdom. [Extracted from the article]

This article conceptualizes contemporary abolitionism as a commodifying cause characterized by multiple processes of marketization. It demonstrates how concerns about the unethical commodification of labour form the basis of a variety of marketization projects and processes. Three processes of marketization in this arena are identified: making relations of advocacy and activism more market‐like; seeking to rehabilitate and/or reform markets in the face of 'supply chain slavery'; and pursuing abolitionism through commodification. Drawing on project data, and supplemented with empirical observations, interventions to address 'slavery', human trafficking and/or forced labour in supply chains are identified and analysed. Marketization is employed as a lens to understand the diverse field of contemporary abolitionism and its relationships to (ideas of) the market. The article highlights how ongoing efforts to reconcile 'slavery' and the market posit ethical markets as the solution to the unethical commodification of labour. These efforts are marked by tensions and contradictions, however, necessitating discursive work to position 'slavery' as emerging from outside the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the compatibility of the international human rights regime with penal abolition as a body of critical social thought as well as a social movement seeking the abolition of prisons. The international human rights regime recognises and legitimates the existence of penitentiary systems while at the same time being noticeably active in areas related to prisoners' rights and the scrutiny of conditions of detention. This allows in some, admittedly limited, circumstances to pursue and advance alternative frameworks that seek to reduce reliance on the prison system. The increased scrutiny and questioning of the use and legitimacy of detention, even for serious criminal behaviour, provide the normative premises for the abolition of prisons as the dominant form of punishment. However, a human rights approach to imprisonment is not enough from a penal abolitionist standpoint, unless grounded in and supported by a wider social justice programme tackling structural inequalities. In this respect, it is submitted that the multi-facetted international human rights regime provides some legal and normative tools. The IHR regime's equality dimension and its social, economic, and cultural rights tradition, may contribute to a broad view of justice beyond the narrow and punitive confines of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do prison studies not explain notorious phenomena such as institutional violence in the most secure places in the world, the very different criminalization of sexes and social classes, the declared and unfulfilled intentions of states of respect of human rights? Why, in this regard, do ideological prejudices dominate? Prison sentences are modern phenomena, alongside wage labor. Prison and capitalism abolitionisms have separate histories. What they have in common is that they were both recovered by the system, and are now out of the game. Prison secrets are accompanied by other cognitive black holes, such as the social need to organize human sacrifices, both in penitentiaries and at work. Including the sacrificial economy in the analysis can help to overcome current epistemic limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]