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In this paper, I present the interpretations offered by John Rawls and Machiavelli about what the former calls the "problem of envy" in A Theory of Justice. I argue that the differences between Rawls and Machiavelli on this matter express what I call here the liberal and plebeian versions of the problem of envy. Through this comparison, I argue that Rawls's egalitarian project requires the kind of politicization of the many that constitutes the core of the republicanism defended by Machiavelli, particularly in the Discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concordia was a moral tool for the regulation of conflicts and the maintenance of order within the ancient Roman family. This paper focuses on the relationship that Roman ideology established between women and harmony, conceiving them as guarantors of peace. From a perspective of gender and peace research, gender discourses present in texts as well as in the images and legends of Roman coins from the end of the Republic (2nd-1st centuries BC) are analysed. The article aims to answer the questions of how women were made responsible for peace, the symbolic meanings and implications this had, as well as the possibilities for agency and recognition it offered them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The revolutionary protagonist in Twain's Connecticut Yankee, Hank Morgan, is drawn in a way that suggests Samuel L. Clemens possessed a fulsome understanding of Machiavelli. A close reading of Hank's conspiracy in Camelot, viewed through the lens of the Florentine, reveals Hank Morgan to be a daring Machiavellian prince. The novel can be read as an exploration and test of the idea that princely daring of the kind portrayed in Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses can conquer fortune and achieve lasting and positive political change. Hank Morgan is a new prince in an old principality—and an armed prophet—who tries, yet fails, to transform a corrupt monarchy into a virtuous republic. His failure illustrates Twain's thoughtful engagement with Machiavelli's ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People who wrote about Africa had western-mindedness pushing their history back from the real stories all through the years till the twentieth century. The Africans were mentioned by the earlier writers as barbarians and animals. The real history of the black continent is unearthed by African historians and scholars with proper proof and authentication. The bias notion on the African ancient races could be washed off by the significant documents produced from archeological and historical evidence. The objective of this paper is to display the historically hidden treasures of African tradition and the rituals practiced in African regions that could play a different role in rethinking the study of the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents and reevaluates the great and old Romanian political debate: republic vs. monarchy. Starting from the central value of the concept of strategic positioning in a „symbolic geography“, it argues that, by restoring the constitutional monarchy after 1989, Romania and Romanians would have reintegrated much more easily and more durable into the European democratic order of which they had been part for centuries.

This research aims to find out the implementation of regional autonomy in Indonesia in general and also to find out about Fiqh Siyasah's view on the implementation of regional autonomy in Indonesia. A qualitative approach was used in conducting this research and data was obtained through relevant literature studies. The result, Islam provides space for ijtihad in the area of ​​siyasah or state politics provided that it is done to achieve the goals of benefit and justice as well as the welfare of the general public. One of the things related to the siyasah area is related to the implementation of regional autonomy in Indonesia. Basically, the provision of regional autonomy in Indonesia is a space to provide opportunities for each region in this country to explore and develop the potential of each region in order to provide prosperity for regional communities. The conclusion, this article highlights the importance of local government autonomy within a federal structure to encourage grassroots democracy and self-governance. Islamic law does not have specific rules regarding regional autonomy, and this concept emerged during the reform era to promote justice and prosperity. However, Islam still acknowledges the concept of baldatun thayyibatun, which is based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah of the Prophet.

Nüfus sayımları bir ülkenin sahip olduğu sosyal-ekonomik potansiyeli ortaya çıkarması bakımından büyük önem taşımaktadır. Osmanlı Dönemi’nde sayımlar sadece vergi toplamak ve asker almak amaçlı yapıldığı için nüfus yapısıyla ilgili sağlıklı bilgiler mevcut değildi. Bu bakımdan Cumhuriyet döneminde ilk nüfus sayımı 1927 yılında yapıldı. Bu sayımdan sekiz sene sonra 1935 yılında ikinci bir nüfus sayımı yapıldı. Önemli ayrıntılar içeren bu sayımlar sonucunda nüfusun cinsiyeti, yoğunluğu, eğitim durumu, engellilik durumu, doğum yeri, mesleği, yaş grubu, dini ve mezhebi gibi konularda nüfusun sosyal ve ekonomik yapısıyla ilgili önemli sonuçlar elde edildi. Elde edilen bu sonuçlarla bu çalışmada Çankırı vilayetinin sahip olduğu sosyal-ekonomik durum ortaya çıkarılarak Türkiye ortalaması ve 1927 nüfus sayımı verileriyle karşılaştırıldı. Ayrıca çalışmada Çankırı vilayetinin kısa tarihine, idari yapısına, 1935 sayımı için yapılan hazırlıklara ve 1935 sayımının Çankırı vilayeti özelinde sonuçlarına yer verildi. Çalışma, Türkiye İstatistik Kurumu’nun yayınları başta olmak üzere Başbakanlık Cumhuriyet Arşivi belgeleri, dönemin basını, konuyla ilgili telif eserler ve tez çalışmaları incelenerek ortaya çıkarıldı.

This article analyzes how the conceptual relationship between republic and democracy that emerged during the Centenary of the May Revolution still has an impact on Argentinian politics. In those years a sector of the Argentinian political and intellectual field came to identify the republic as an institutional safeguard against plebiscitary democracy. In support of this interpretative hypothesis, we first present the epistemic and methodological foundations of R Koselleck's Conceptual History; then we explain how the appropriation of the republican and democratic traditions by 19th century Argentinian liberalism (Generations of 1837 and 1880) foreshadows some sociohistorical elements that are useful to interpret the political and cultural climate of the Centennial; and finally, we highlight the potential of this conceptual historical analysis to understand why the relationship between republic and democracy operates as a conflictive dichotomy in 21st century Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fragmentary state of Cicero's De Republica makes it difficult to see how it is a unified work. In this article, I argue that Cicero uses ring composition to unify the dialogue as a polemic against the Epicurean prohibition on political involvement. Cicero is following Plato in his use of ring composition, and just as Plato uses ring composition in the Republic to express his views about philosophical method, so does Cicero. Ring composition turns out to be central to a plausible skeptical reading of the De Republica , in which Cicero both tries to induce suspension of belief in the Epicurean prohibition on political involvement, as well as prevent the reader from unreflectively adopting his own provisionally held views, both consistent with his commitment to the pedagogical aims of Academic skeptical philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article replies to five critical comments (along with a substantive introduction) of the monograph by Melissa Lane, Of Rule and Office: Plato's Ideas of the Political, which was published by Princeton University Press in 2023. Topics discussed include the nature of constitutional rule for Plato; Plato's attitude to democratic suspicions of rule; the topics of accountability, motivation, and knowledge, and the extent to which Platonic political thought can adequately address them; and Lane's positioning of her study as a service conception of rule akin to Joseph Raz' service conception of authority, and the extent to which this brings her close to the legal theory of Adrian Vermeule. In the course of discussing challenges and criticisms on these topics, Lane defends her book's criticism of principal-agent analyses of rule; elaborates, in light of other recent scholarship, her thesis that (Platonic) rule is for the good of the ruled; and develops her characterisation of Plato as a realist as well as an idealist, arguing that his political theory is in fact well suited to provide the kind of normatively illuminated realism for which more sophisticated political realists have called. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On October 29, 1923, Türkiye made an important decision regarding the political system of the new state and adopted the Republican form of government. This was not only a change in the political system but also a step that corresponded to a total change in political and social understanding. Over time, the idea and phenomenon of the Republic, with the influence of a number of other components, has come to exist as a political philosophy, or more appropriately as an ideology. The study basically claims that the Republic and republicanism in Türkiye have turned into an ideology. As much as this ideology was inspired/influenced by the idea of republicanism, over time it also incorporated values, concepts and understandings that surpassed it and even did not include it. Thus, republicanism has become an eclectic, idiosyncratic way of thinking and approach that is characterized by some malfunctions. This study aims to analyze the relationship/non-relationship between republicanism as a political system and political philosophy and republicanism as an ideology for certain segments of society in the Turkish context. One of the priorities of this analysis is to examine the problematic of what kind of handicaps and problems this relationship/ discrepancy has produced and may still produce in the political practice of Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Socrates' problematic analogy of reading big and little letters in Book 2 of Plato's Republic. The examination highlights a significant grammatical detail, which has been generally overlooked in contemporary Platonic scholarship: Socrates refers to the justice of the city as 'doing one's own thing' (τὸ αὑτοῦ πράττων), in the singular, but the justice of the individual as 'doing one's own things' (τὰ αὑτοῦ πράττων), in the plural. In terms of Socrates' analogy, the big and little letters of justice are not, in fact, the same. Ultimately, the paper argues that Socrates' analogy of reading big and little letters is intentionally problematic, intended to draw attention to this literal difference between the justice of the city and the justice of the individual. The paper concludes with a discussion of a few immediate implications of this grammatical detail for interpreting the argument of Plato's Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Since the Bon conference in 2001, special vision was considered for Afghanistan by its international supporters and domestic partners. This view can be summed up in achieving security and sustainable development in Afghanistan. However, with the passage of two decades, what was imagined in this vision did not come true and the system that was founded in Bon collapsed. Using the concept of the failed state, this research examines the reasons for the collapse of the Islamic republic of Afghanistan in 2021. Research questions: The main research question is: what factors caused the fall of Islamic Republic or Afghanistan? In order to answer the main research question, the sub-questions have been answered. What role the foreigners played in the collapse of Afghan government? What role did the social factors play in overthrowing the government? What role has the government played in the evolution of the republican system? Research hypothesis: The hypothesis of this research is the bankruptcy of government and factors such as "restricted republic, failure to provide security and management of the country's economy" have caused the fall of government. Many experts believe that phenomena such as terrorism and drug trafficking have their roots in bankrupt governments. Methodology and theoretical framework: To study of the hypothesis of this research, the method of qualitative analysis of variables has been used and the data was collected through library. The authors of this article have used the theoretical framework of the bankrupt government. The restricted republic was formed by narrowing the circle of participation, destroying the structure and mechanisms of elections and also due to the inefficiency of the institutions of the system which was based on the separation of powers caused the fragility of the government. Wide social, religious, and ethnic divisions have made the system out of integrity and made security dependent on foreign powers. The lack of a proper security doctrine and reliance on the foreigner forces caused the government's inability to provide security. The inability to meet the country's economic needs with the convergence of the above two factors and the effect of its increasing fragility disrupted one of the main tasks of the government, which is providing welfare and extensive administrative corruption as well as dependence on foreign aid intensified the inefficiency of the government in providing welfare. Results and discussion: According to the indicators of the theoretical framework of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in the last two decades, it can be considered a clear example of a bankrupt and failed state. People like Koolaee, Samii Esfahani and Akbari, believe that the bankruptcy of the government depends on the destruction of the previous political system. The republic system is not created and example of this issue and of course the fall of political system can be attributed to several decades ago, which has not been repaired yet. This also applies to Afghanistan and the neighboring countries in the north and south have always been influenced by the fragility of the Afghan governments. Among the conducted research, Sadr believes that the concept of Satanic republic in Afghanistan is in consistent with the theoretical framework of this research, one of the factors of the fall of the government in Afghanistan is related to limited participation in the political system. The government's failure to provide public welfare in fragile states, and from this point of view, the results of this research, which is based on a bankrupt government, is one of the indicators of inefficiency. This is due to widespread corruption, dependence on foreign aids and lack of clear economic plan. Several researches have emphasized the irresponsible withdrawal of the United States and its coalition forces from Afghanistan. Although this factor, the fragility of the government and its collapse has been very effective in Afghanistan, but according to the theoretical framework of the research, the withdrawal of the American forces and its allies is not the main cause of the collapse of the government in Afghanistan. Rather, the problem is that the Afghan government has not had the characteristics of an efficient political system in this decade and foreign aid has not been able to empower it. Conclusion: The findings of the research show that the government's inability to provide internal security, maintain territorial integrity and border protection, widespread corruption due to ethnic discrimination, inefficient judicial system, systematic financial corruption, lack of independence in foreign policy can be considered as one of the factors of fragility of states and eventually the fall of the governments. Other factors, such as the widwspread activity of opposition fighters, as well as the irresponsible withdrawal of American and NATO forces should be considered as aggravating factors and catalysts in this matter, not the the main factor. In fact, after the fall of the imperial system in the 50's, the subsequent political systems in Afghanistan can be called as fragile systems, but the republican system can be analyzed as a fragile system from the point of view that even a series of extensive foreign aid could not stabilize and empower it, so the researchers should focus on the internal factors that are hidden in the social and cultural system of Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper I examine Socrates' argument that presupposes an audience familiar with Forms and explains why the sight-lovers are not philosophers. It is divided into three parts: the first part (476a1–6) shows why each Form is one in number; the second part (476a6–9) distinguishes Forms from their sensible appearances; and the third part (476a10–d6) draws an analogy between philosophers – people being awake and sight-lovers – people being asleep. Remarkably, the argument works only for opposites, which are mistakenly identified by the sight-lovers with sensible things. Also in this paper I suggest an alternative interpretation of the so-called 'Two Worlds Theory' which is based on the distinction between the objects of knowledge and opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to look at the ancient city of Athens and some of its political challenges through the eyes of Plato. I will do this by relating two concepts that permeate Plato's political concerns: democracy and misology. Beyond the tragic event of Socrates' death at democratic hands, there is perhaps something even deeper in Plato's struggle to see democracy as something that can work, so to speak. Plato no doubt has a profoundly pessimistic view of the human being. And the city, who was traditionally supposed to educate men, is not delivering anymore (if ever). First of all, Plato clearly identifies the origin of political and social instability in the economic imbalance between πλοῦτος (richness) and πενία (poverty). Secondly, Plato's diagnosis, what his eyes are seeing, is even more perceptive and accurate. He outlines a second source of problem for democracy, one the probably resonate even more dramatically in our very present days: one that Socrates calls misology in the Phaedo: the hatred of discourses. Apart from the fact that there is a significant distance and a radical difference between the democracy of the 5th and 4th centuries, when Plato actually writes his dialogues, the most relevant question that emerges from the investigation is probably that a democracy itself is not something stable, an ontological object, not even today. And Plato was well aware of all this.

From a purely superficial institutional perspective–the Interregnum spanned eleven years (1649-60), and the republican regime proper, the Commonwealth, only lasted three (1649-53) – it may seem that English republicanism was but a brief parenthesis which could be easily forgotten. However, if one considers its intellectual origins, the abundance of theoretical debate at the time of the First English Revolution, the importance of its reception across the British Isles, Europe and America and the manifest or subterranean role it played in transatlantic revolutions and its legacies, it appears as a legitimate object of study for historians of political thought; which is why there has been sustained interest in the history of this intellectual tradition over the past few decades.

Sweden’s dismantling of its semi-constitutional monarchy as a form of government was protracted and messy but not overly violent. The process started c.1718 and ended c.1974. Monarchy was not abolished, however, but sidelined. Its political-cum-administrative function was effectively folded into parliamentary democracy; its symbolic properties, its “true nature,” proved harder to manage. Among monarchists there were two lines of thought on the subject: emphasizing tradition or emphasizing modernity. The solution of choice was to “repurpose” it as protection for the two novelties of the nineteenth century—the nation state and democracy. With the King as a common symbol for the population, monarchy would be protection for the nation state and thereby also protection for democracy, because democracy can only exist within the framework of the nation state. The political-cum-administrative dismantling of monarchy took place 1848-1918, but the cultural wrangle about monarchy’s “true nature” took longer to resolve. Expanding on existing scholarship, this study demonstrates how Swedish monarchy, keeping some traditional veneer, has under the reign of Carl XVI Gustaf been reinterpreted from feudal remain to national symbol and a central part of modern democracy. Being this malleable, I would venture that monarchy has no inherent properties, political or otherwise, but rather adapts to circumstances.

The article is an analysis of the influence of the Platonic concept of the state on the first attempts to build a modern concept of political economy in French. Unlike the English-language economic theories of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the French Traité de l’économie politique by Antoine de Montchrétien is not just an attempt to analyze economic phenomena such as labor productivity, new technologies, or the development of agriculture, industry, and crafts, but is also an attempt to relate the new view of economics with the traditionally Platonic understanding of the state as a three-part structure in which each social group does only its own work. However, the understanding of Platonic justice as each social group doing its own thing is simplified in Montchrétien’s work. The French thinker relies on an archaic form of the social contract, in which individual social groups are dogmatically understood as elements of a fixed and immutable structure, of which the French monarchy system is an expression. On this point, Montchrétien diverges from the author of Republic because the Platonic state - contrary to Popper’s view - is not an example of a closed society along the lines of a feudal or aristocratic monarchy, but a flexible republic in which there is the possibility of passing from one social group to another, provided one possesses adequate personal qualities. It seems that Montchrétien’s attempt to promote the people as a new social class was not successful because his revolutionary demand was not followed by a proposal to build a new social contract through which the goods-producing class could become the real subject and source of the state’s wealth. The new social contract was introduced in Europe as a result of the Industrial Revolution and a series of political revolutions led by the French Revolution while the Montchrétien treatise remained a purely theoretical attempt to build a new concept of political economy.

The essay examines from a rhetorical point of view the narration of the events of the Repubblica di San Marco in the memories of several patriots involved in the revolutionary movements. In this regard, some specific features of the patriotic rhetoric relating to the case of Venice are highlighted, like the myth of the non-violent foundation of the Republic, the obscuring of responsibility of the government in the end of the revolutionary experience, on representation of the personal vicissitudes of Manin and Tommaseo as heroic and decisive facts for the community.

In 2019 I designed and taught two iterations of “Plato and Black Feminist Thought”, a special topics version of a course on Plato. It combined a reading of the Republic with texts from the Black feminist tradition with thematic connections to Plato's dialogue. The course seemed to be highly successful both in promoting student engagement generally and as an approach to teaching Platonic philosophy in particular. In this paper I describe the course in detail and offer an account of my experience teaching it, as well as some student perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work aims to critically portray the first journalistic writings of Euclides da Cunha. To this end, we look at the series "Acts and Words", published by the newspaper A Província de São Paulo, between January 10 and 24, 1889, as representative of the ideas, style and language that marked the entire intellectual trajectory of Euclides. da Cunha. At the time, the future author of Os Sertões had just arrived in São Paulo after the bayonet episode, which had cost him expulsion from the Military School, and at the invitation of Júlio Mesquita, then editor of that São Paulo republican periodical, he began to publish political articles under the pseudonym Proudhon, in allusion to the French philosopher. In this series it is already possible to perceive the Euclidean style of writing guided by dramatic language, a hallmark of all his work, by the use of a wide range of historical and philosophical-scientific references, demonstration of his broad mastery of different fields of knowledge, and by the ardent combat in favor of republican ideals, the political platform of an entire generation of Brazilian intellectuals, to which Euclides da Cunha belonged. The documentary-methodological path of the work deals not only with Euclides' original texts published in the press, but also with studies that address Euclidean critical fortune, such as the works of Walnice Nogueira Galvão (2009), Olímpio de Sousa Andrade (1960) and Roberto Ventura (2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to analyze, based on primary and secondary sources, the historical context involved in the establishment, evolution and extinction of the Geographical and Geological Commission (CGG) of the state of Minas Gerais, created in 1891 and dissipated in 1898. Since Minas Gerais was dependent on other states for the flow of its products and was marked by regional inequality that threatened its unity, it was urgent for the Minas Gerais government to prioritize the geopolitical problem. Prominent among these undertakings was the policy of recognizing and representing the territory through the implementation of the CGG. At the risk of using an anachronistic expression, the text starts from the premise that the first Planning and Development Policies (PPDs) were being developed in the state. Imbued by a scientific perspective and influenced by varied economic and political interests, the CGG would have been an embryonic PPD action that sought to organize the landscape, territorial and population space. As scientific studies on PPDs in Brazil are insufficient, the essay raises new perspectives around aspects that are relevant to understanding the links that involve the creation, maintenance and extinction of a PPD by questioning the idea that the State is a unified and coherent structure to be reified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text analyses the argumentative richness in the «Discourse on the Principles and Advantages of the Federal System», published by Miguel de Pombo in 1811 in New Granada. The analysis suggests that Pombo's discourse contains much more than a proposal for a federal regime for New Granada. Therefore, we examine his definition of political revolution, his discussion of Montesquieu's work, his idea of freedom, and, above all, his ideal of a republic based on the representative system. In this aspect, Pombo appears to share, with the political thought of the American Revolution, an approach to Machiavelli's work and his notion of vivere civile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the presentation of the theme of pleonexia (the desire to always have more) by Thrasymachus, a character in Plato’s Republic. It explores his description of the kratos (predominance) as he observes it in real cities and the normative conclusion he seems to draw from this diagnosis: having more (pleon ekhein) is the path to prosperity. From the point of view of his characterization, we will also note the competitive attitudes that Thrasymachus demonstrates in the dialogue with Socrates, making it seem that persuasion would be a dispute in which persuading is equivalent to winning, while being persuaded is equivalent to losing; but learning by mutual cooperation does not seem to be an option for him. The article is divided into three parts: I) Thrasymachus’ eristic treatment of persuasion, II) the presentation of the theme of the psycho-political motive through the use of the word kratos, III) Thrasymachus’, Glaucon’s and Socrates’ thematization of pleonexia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some regulations, which were considered within the scope of the establishment of the national education system in the first years of the foundation of the Republic of Türkiye and had significant effects on cultural policy, have an important place in the for mation of the legal infrastructure of the tradition of Turkish Librarianship that has survived to this day. The aim of the study is to prove that libraries, which were places where works were preserved and used by certain users in the Ottoman Empire, were used as intermediary institutions in creating national consciousness by re-creating their collections, especially after the Alphabet Revolution, and explaining to the public the reforms made to raise the Turkish people to the level of contemporary civilization. Since the study covers a 20-year period starting from the War of Independence (1920-1940), librarianship activities are mentioned in general, and the contributions of the contemporary steps taken in the field of librarianship realized in the first years of the Republic to the development of Turkish Librarianship are examined. As a method, historical method was used that is referred to reveal past events or examine the relation of a problematic with the past and archival research and literature review methods were used as data collection techniques. In conclusion, in a society that lost a significant part of its educated manpower in wars, it has been found that libraries, which have been regarded as an intermediary cultural institution to increase the literacy rate, to teach reading and writing with new letters, and to familiarize people reading books and using libraries since the first years of the Republic have been successful in achieving this mission. The collective evaluation of these activities, which are important for the history of librarianship, in a study gives it a unique quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Fronteras de la Historia is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sweden's dismantling of its semi-constitutional monarchy as a form of government was protracted and messy but not overly violent. The process started c.1718 and ended c.1974. Monarchy was not abolished, however, but sidelined. Its political-cumadministrative function was effectively folded into parliamentary democracy; its symbolic properties, its "true nature," proved harder to manage. Among monarchists there were two lines of thought on the subject: emphasizing tradition or emphasizing modernity. The solution of choice was to "repurpose" it as protection for the two novelties of the nineteenth century--the nation state and democracy. With the King as a common symbol for the population, monarchy would be protection for the nation state and thereby also protection for democracy, because democracy can only exist within the framework of the nation state. The political-cum-administrative dismantling of monarchy took place 1848-1918, but the cultural wrangle about monarchy's "true nature" took longer to resolve. Expanding on existing scholarship, this study demonstrates how Swedish monarchy, keeping some traditional veneer, has under the reign of Carl XVI Gustaf been reinterpreted from feudal remain to national symbol and a central part of modern democracy. Being this malleable I would venture that monarchy has no inherent properties, political or otherwise, but rather adapts to circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article provides a comparative analysis of the republican system of Estonia and Finland, each of which has certain historical parallels with Ukraine (Finland was part of the Russian Empire during the 19th-early 20th centuries, Estonia was part of the USSR in the 40-80s of the 20th century). It is emphasized that the established experience of solving the problem of stabilization of the domestic and foreign political situation defined by the constitutions of the countries is successful, Finland and Estonia are members of NATO and the EU, therefore there is an opportunity to use their experience in Ukraine. The principles of the organization and functioning of the state bodies of the specified states, the rights and duties of citizens, the peculiarities of the activity of the parliament, the peculiarities of the exercise of executive power, the powers of the country's presidents, the peculiarities of their election and legal status are considered. It is concluded that there are structural and substantive similarities and differences between the republican system of Estonia and Finland. It is shown that such features include the unitary nature of states, a fairly broad list of rights and freedoms of citizens, the provision of the principle of habeas corpus, the appointment of Prime Ministers and ministers by parliaments, the exercise of executive power by governments, the accountability of governments to legislative bodies, the election of the Presidents of both republics for only two terms «consecutive» terms. It is outlined that the differences include different ways of electing Presidents (in Finland ‒ by parliament, in Estonia ‒ by direct elections); different terms of office of presidents (the President of Finland for 6 years, the President of Estonia for 5 years); differences in the form of government (parliamentary republic in Estonia and mixed semipresidential republic in Finland); different number of state languages: one (Estonian) state language in Estonia and two (Finnish and Swedish) in Finland; granting the President of Estonia the status of head of state by the Constitution and the absence of such status in the Basic Law of Finland; exercise of executive power in Finland by the President of the Republic together with the State Council, in Estonia ‒ only by the Prime Minister and ministers. It is emphasized that Estonia and Finland differ in solving the problem of citizenship and the rights of national minorities. Finnish autonomy is not just a special status, but a mini-constitution of the islands, under which a system of counterbalances of state and local (autonomous) interests operates, which is not typical for Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This collection of essays explores the ways in which Iberian cultural production has constructed kings and queens since 1975. Our focus is the royal figure who inherits their status and power through 'blood' and justifies their power invoking the transcendental mystique of monarchic sovereignty. In one way or another, the figures of Juan Carlos I and his son Felipe VI permeate all cultural representations of monarchical rule produced during the democratic period; and these representations shape our political understanding of the two kings and become a site to contest hegemonic understandings of Spanishness, post-Francoist Spain and Iberian political communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Aufklärung: Revista de Filosofia is the property of Aufklarung: Revista de Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences / TÜRKAV Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History & Historian / Tarih ve Tarihçi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Founded in 1923, the Republic inherited many legacies from the Ottoman Empire in terms of institutional, organizational and cultural aspects. It is a tradition inherited from the Ottoman Empire to the young Republic of Turkey that soldiers intervene in the government in case the state security is in danger. Although historical continuity was interrupted by radical political changes and official history was built on the break with the Ottoman Empire, social, political, cultural, economic and philosophical dynamics point to continuity. The purpose of this study; by examining the post-Tanzimat military interventions and coups in the light of secondary sources written on the subject, it is aimed to shed light on today's Turkey's test with coups and to contribute to the literature. In this context, when the coups that the Ottoman Empire faced in the modernization process are analysed, it is seen that the influence of the great powers of the period, especially England and Russia, and the foreign policy preferences of the palace and the Sublime Porte were decisive, as well as the reasons arising from the internal politics and dynamics of the empire. Moreover; although the institutional dynamics of both periods that form the basis for military interventions differ, variables such as political culture, ideology, military training and socio-economic structure are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on the Republic has tended to stress the centrality of the tripartite soul to the Republic's conception of justice. Yet since Socrates's task in the dialogue is to show the desirability of justice in the ordinary Athenian sense, any emphasis on idiosyncratic psychology would render his account of justice fundamentally beside the point. This paper suggests a way out of this dilemma. It argues that Platonic justice in the Republic represents a shrewd twist on the entirely conventional, distributive Athenian notion of justice as refraining from seizing for oneself what belongs to another. Plato's twist is to substitute the performance of one's own activity (πρᾶξις τα ἑαυτοῦ) for the possession of one's household goods (ἕξις τα ἑαυτοῦ) as the proper object of justice. The paper then shows how this account of Platonic justice makes sense both textually and contextually, before concluding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to several scholars, the first explicit formulations of the Principle of Non-Contradiction (PNC) can be found in Plato's works, e. g. in the Republic and the Sophist. The paper defends that, in these two dialogues, the context for that is the discussion of possible consequences of Parmenides' Poem, in which Plato seems to have seen a proto-version of the PNC: it is not possible what is not to be (DK28 B7). In that proto-version, the PNC would present itself as an exhaustive disjunction: either it is, and cannot not be, or it is not, and cannot be; and tertium non datur (DK28 B2, B8, passim). The paper shows the problematic corollaries thereof pointed to by Plato in the Republic and the Sophist, as well as it analyses the solutions that he had presented in each dialogue for those problems, namely, his own versions of the PNC.

Plato’s argument in Rep. 5, 477c1-478a6, proves that knowledge (epistēmē) is a power different from opinion (doxa), and their objects are different in kind, too. This claim by itself would probably have been rejected by the so-called ‘sight-lovers’, i.e. people who deny the existence of Forms, so the argument uses premises that the sight-lovers would admit as true and self-evident, in order to convince them. My paper engages in the debate concerning the appropriate reading of these premises, and explains why the sight-lovers should accept something they previously would not.

This paper argues that the timocracy, the first of the four corrupt cities described in Plato’s Republic, is a fragmented regime ruled by individuals with a fragmented and unstable character. The deterioration of the elements forming the positive cycle that links the good nature of Callipolis’ guardians and the good quality of their education causes three levels of instability in the timocracy: the compresence of elements belonging to three different regimes, the destruction of the guardians’ unity due to the emergency of the oikos, and the split of the oikos in which the timocratic man grows up.

I argue that the Republic IX ‘Authority Argument’ (580d3-583a10) embraces both subjectivity of hedonic experience and objectivity of hedonic character. This combination of views undermines the interpretations of both the argument’s main critics and its main defenders. A more adequate interpretation, drawing on the idea of inapt hedonic experiences which fail to reflect the pleasantness of their objects, points towards a reassessment of the Argument’s place in the sequence ending Bk. IX. On the view presented here, the ‘Authority Argument’ is not a stand-alone argument, but depends on the ‘Olympian Argument’ that follows it.