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English abstract: This thesis is an examination of black magic and how it relates to natural philosophy and early scientific practices in three dramas: The Tragical History of Doctor Faustus (ca. 1589-1592) by Christopher Marlowe, the romantic comedy The Honourable History of Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (ca. 1590) by Robert Greene and the comedy The Alchemist (1610) by Ben Jonson. The thesis examinates the web of connections between early natural philosophy, black magic/alchemy and heresy as well as the polemic discourse that Christianity has used against these practices. The thesis analyzes how these elements are expressed in the three dramas and how it plays a role in how the magic is performed and perceived. The thesis explores the different forms of magic and how it can be divine and gimmicky at the same time. In relation to this, the thesis also explores the performative aspect to magical practices and rituals. The thesis analyzes the potential as well as consequences that the different forms of magic have for the characters and draw in the historical and theological context of the late renaissance in England. In the first plays it is dangerous for to the two characters to perform magic because it connects do damnation from God. In the Alchemist we side with the criminal who uses alchemy as a scam. All acts will have consequences but the real black magic of the two first plays connects with the devil and open up for an examination of the religious impact of the time whereas the last play ironizes the performance of magic. The thesis explores this irony in an analysis of the genres that shows how the genres as well as the historical context affects the fate of the magic/alchemistic characters. The thesis concludes that the magic and the consequences or potential it is has for the characters is an expression of the Elizabethan era. The thesis concludes how the ancient wonder of nature is within these early signs of scientific practices that can answer questions

The aim of my Master’s thesis is to examine how the topos of the absent beloved has changed from Petrarch to Ronsard, and Labé by focusing on the figure of the apostrophe. Although scholars have already attempted to show how the French Renaissance poets break with Petrarchan tradition, research has not thoroughly stressed the importance of the apostrophe in the representation of the absent beloved in the sonnets of Petrarch, Ronsard, and Labé. As will be seen, the concept of the absent beloved is not reduced to one single concept of love. The three poets focus on the same phenomenon but conceptualize it differently. The topos of the absent beloved is a dynamic topos, which produces other topoi in the poetry of Ronsard and Labé, such as the androgynous human, the abandoned woman, and the abduction of the beloved. When examining the poetry of Ronsard and Labé, it thus becomes clear that the concept of the absent beloved has changed from a platonic to an erotic love. The different topoi have an impact on how the lyrical I addresses the absent beloved. In Petrarch’s Canzoniere (1337), the lyrical I is subordinate to the powers of Amor, which means that in many of the sonnets of Petrarch, the lyrical I does not directly address the beloved. In the sonnets of Ronsard and Labé, the relationship between the lyrical I and God is not important. What is important is the relationship between the lyrical I and the beloved. The lyrical I is interested in the interaction with the beloved where he/she is considered to be a subject just as the lyrical I is a subject. The beloved is an active agent in the representation of the absent beloved in the poetry of Ronsard and Labé. The beloved in the sonnets of Ronsard may be absent, but the lyrical I makes many attempts to be close to her. He transforms the platonic notion of the androgynous human into an erotic love by addressing the beloved’s navel, which unites the two separated halves of the humans into a sexual union. I

Jeg vil undersøge hvilke motiver der kan have ligget bag opførelsen af de overdådige kirker i Danmark? Jeg vil gennemgå fire stilperioders kirkebyggestil hhv.: Middelalder, renæssance, barok og nyklassicisme, med udgangspunkt i fire konkrete eksempler: Fraugde Kirke, Frederiksborg Slotskirke, Bregentveds Herregårdskapel og Vor Frue kirke i København. De middelalderlige kirker blev oprindeligt opført i romansk stil, men ved senere tilføjelser, såsom tårne og spidsbuer, fik de et mere gotisk præg. Kirkerne var skabt i en høj kunstnerisk kvalitet, med eks. kalkmalerier, søjler og udhuggede figurer. Fraugde Kirke repræsenterer et typisk eksempel på denne udvikling: Først opført i romansk stil, men som ved senere tilføjelser fik et gotisk præg. Der var altså tale om en arkitektonisk udvikling, der gik i retning af at blive mere og mere storslået. Et motiv for at bygge de middelalderlige kirker så overdådige kunne være, at bygherren ville ære Gud gennem kirkearkitektur, og skabe æstetisk værdige rammer for gudsdyrkelsen. Et andet motiv kunne være at herremanden ville vise sin fromhed ved at skænke endog hele kirker til Gud. Et motiv kunne også være at kirkerne var prestigeprojekter for eliten og brugt til at positionere sig gennem. Andre motiver kunne være at ville udbrede bibelhistorierne. Dette kunne ske gennem kirkekunst, såsom kalkmalerier, som vi så det i Fraugde. Men kirkernes overdådighed kunne også være for at overbevise om Guds storhed, og skabe den rette underdanige stemning hos kirkegængeren. I renæssancen var det største nybrud inden for protestantisk kirkebyggeri, at fyrsterne opførte slotskapeller, samt at aristokratiet brugte kirkerne til at positionere sig selv gennem. Frederiksborg Slotskirke kan stå som et eksempel på den lutherske fyrstekirkes magtudfoldelse. Den var gennemsyret af kongens tilstedeværelse og guddommelige forbindelse. Et motiv for at bygge så storlåede kirker, som Frederiksborg Slotskirke, kunne være for at ære Gud og, I will investigate which motives may have based the foundation for the construction of the sumptuous churches in Denmark. I will discuss the architectural style in churches of four cultural movements: The medieval times, the renaissance era, the baroque era and the neoclassicism based on four particular examples: Fraugde Kirke, Frederiksborg Slotskirke, Bregentveds Herregårdskapel, and Vor Frue Kirke in Copenhagen. Originally, medieval churches were built in romanesque style, but later additions, such as towers and gothic arches, gave them a gothic appearance. These churches were built with very high artistic quality, including frescoes, columns, and carvings. A typical example of this is Fraugde Kirke, which started out in a romanesque style, but later acquired a gothic appearance through later additions. Therefore, architectural development went in the direction of increasing grandiosity. Among the motives to build medieval churches in such a lavish manner might have been, that the builders wanted to glorify God through the architecture of the churches, and provide aesthetically pleasing surroundings for the worship of God. Another motive could be that the nobility wanted to demonstrate their devotion by donating entire churches to God. Yet another motive could be that the churches may have been regarded as prestigious projects by the elite, and thus used to position themselves. An additional motive may have been that it was used to disseminate bible stories occuring through church art, such as frescoes, as seen in Fraugde. However, the opulence of the churches could also be used to convince the churchgoer of God’s greatness, and to create a humble state of mind in the churchgoer. The royals construction of castle chapels was one of the most significant architectural breakthroughs of the protestant churches during the Renaissance. Additionally, the aristocracy used the churches to position themselves. Frederiksborg Slotskirke can be

In this thesis, an analysis and evaluation of bird bones from Kongens Nytorv was performed, to gather information about the economic, social and cultural relations between humans and domestic birds in post-medieval Copenhagen. The analysis was carried out by examining the bird bones in relation to contemporary agricultural and urban contexts. It turned out that the domestic birds, found on Kongens Nytorv most likely, were bred in the countryside around Copenhagen, i.e., at T˚arnbyg˚arden on Amager and was then sold at the city markets. The amount of goose bones found (compared to chicken bones) increases during the 15th century and onwards, indicating a decisive expansion of kept geese, probably driven by a change in culinary preference. It was investigated whether bird material can reflect the prosperity of Kongens Nytorv’s citizens. Some factors, such as many cockerels, suggested prosperous consumption patterns. Other factors, such as a minor presence of wild animals and relatively many poultry (compared to domesticated mammals), did not indicate the consumption of affluent citizens. New ways of interpreting archaeological data were used, inspired by zooarchaeologists such as Tyr Fothergill, Terry O’Connor, Nick Overton and Yannis Hamilakis. These scientists try to incorporate some of the innovative theoretical currents, seen in general archeology, into their work and illuminate the world through the lens of non-human animals, as opposed to the common anthropocentric approach. Usually it is asked how humans exploited the animals and what they meant to humans. It is rarely examines what humans meant to the animals. With this perspective, the faunal record can be considered as a materialised form of the temporal and spatial interaction and relationship that existed between the birds and the people who killed, ate, and then deposited them. For the last 2000 years, the domestic birds h, In this thesis, an analysis and evaluation of bird bones from Kongens Nytorv was performed, to gather information about the economic, social and cultural relations between humans and domestic birds in post-medieval Copenhagen. The analysis was carried out by examining the bird bones in relation to contemporary agricultural and urban contexts. It turned out that the domestic birds, found on Kongens Nytorv most likely, were bred in the countryside around Copenhagen, i.e., at Tårnbygården on Amager and was then sold at the city markets. The amount of goose bones found (compared to chicken bones) increases during the 15th century and onwards, indicating a decisive expansion of kept geese, probably driven by a change in culinary preference. It was investigated whether bird material can reflect the prosperity of Kongens Nytorv’s citizens. Some factors, such as many cockerels, suggested prosperous consumption patterns. Other factors, such as a minor presence of wild animals and relatively many poultry (compared to domesticated mammals), did not indicate the consumption of affluent citizens. New ways of interpreting archaeological data were used, inspired by zooarchaeologists such as Tyr Fothergill, Terry O’Connor, Nick Overton and Yannis Hamilakis. These scientists try to incorporate some of the innovative theoretical currents, seen in general archeology, into their work and illuminate the world through the lens of non-human animals, as opposed to the common anthropocentric approach. Usually it is asked how humans exploited the animals and what they meant to humans. It is rarely examines what humans meant to the animals. With this perspective, the faunal record can be considered as a materialised form of the temporal and spatial interaction and relationship that existed between the birds and the people who killed, ate, and then deposited them. For the last 2000 years, the domestic birds have been a regular part of the environment of Denmark, and

Archaeological and archaeometallurgical investigations of two smithies in eastern Jutland – one Medieval, the other Early Modern Recent excavations undertaken by Vejle­Museerne have revealed remains of two smithies, one Medieval and the other Early Modern. Although the state of preservation, finds circumstances and methods of excavation were different and, in some ways, less than ideal, it proved possible to gain important and significant information from both.A farmhouse with two small outhouses was found adjacent to a substantial Medieval settlement at Kristinebjerg Øst, located southwest of Fredericia, between Taulov and Erritsø. The farm’s main house, which measured c. 26 x 6 m and was dated to c. AD 1250-1350, appeared to be located separately from the main settlement. The building contained clear traces of a smithy in its eastern part, and the working space was estimated to have been about 6 x 6 m. Numerous plano-convex pieces of slag were found, together with some iron objects. SEM analysis of the slag suggests that they represent the primary smithing of local iron blooms, and the smithy has even been interpreted as a specialist forge with the sole function of refining impure domestic iron. No iron bloomery slags or furnaces were, however, found adjacent to the smithy or within the entire excavation area. The term “local iron” must therefore be viewed in a larger perspective, i.e. derived from the northern and eastern parts of Jutland. (figs. 1-4)Traces of Medieval and Early Modern houses, two wells, some refuse pits and refuse layers were found in the village of Stouby, between Vejle and Juelsminde. Remains of a smithy were found, although the excavation was limited by an existing paved path, and it was therefore not possible to uncover the entire building. The smithy was 14C (AMS) dated to AD 1486-1573, while an adjacent refuse pit, A242, gave three rather different dates, namely AD 1415-1435, 1474-1521 and 1648-1664. The postholes of the smithy, A1, contai, Archaeological and archaeometallurgical investigations of two smithies in eastern Jutland – one Medieval, the other Early Modern Recent excavations undertaken by Vejle­Museerne have revealed remains of two smithies, one Medieval and the other Early Modern. Although the state of preservation, finds circumstances and methods of excavation were different and, in some ways, less than ideal, it proved possible to gain important and significant information from both.A farmhouse with two small outhouses was found adjacent to a substantial Medieval settlement at Kristinebjerg Øst, located southwest of Fredericia, between Taulov and Erritsø. The farm’s main house, which measured c. 26 x 6 m and was dated to c. AD 1250-1350, appeared to be located separately from the main settlement. The building contained clear traces of a smithy in its eastern part, and the working space was estimated to have been about 6 x 6 m. Numerous plano-convex pieces of slag were found, together with some iron objects. SEM analysis of the slag suggests that they represent the primary smithing of local iron blooms, and the smithy has even been interpreted as a specialist forge with the sole function of refining impure domestic iron. No iron bloomery slags or furnaces were, however, found adjacent to the smithy or within the entire excavation area. The term “local iron” must therefore be viewed in a larger perspective, i.e. derived from the northern and eastern parts of Jutland. (figs. 1-4)Traces of Medieval and Early Modern houses, two wells, some refuse pits and refuse layers were found in the village of Stouby, between Vejle and Juelsminde. Remains of a smithy were found, although the excavation was limited by an existing paved path, and it was therefore not possible to uncover the entire building. The smithy was 14C (AMS) dated to AD 1486-1573, while an adjacent refuse pit, A242, gave three rather different dates, namely AD 1415-1435, 1474-1521 and 1648-1664. The postholes of the smithy, A1, contai

Skjern Castle – an archaeological investigation of a castle through the Middle Ages and RenaissanceIn the very middle of the river Nørreå’s extensive meadowlands, 15 km west of Randers, lies the striking castle mound of Gammel Skjern. During the Middle Ages and Renaissance period this site was the centre of a manorial complex which at times was one of the largest in Denmark and some of the country’s most influential noble families resided here. Its location, where the highway between Viborg and Randers crosses the river today, was one of the few good crossing points over Nørreå (fig. 1). A major transport junction such as this was of strategic interest; here it was possible to both display and exert power.Concentrated around this ford location we find two rune stones, the parish church, the significant fortification of Gammel Skjern itself and its successor, the manor Skjern Hovedgård. In addition, there was also settlement here during Viking times and the Middle Ages, as well as a mill. Skjern parish extends along both sides of Nørreå. This is unusual as watercourses often form boundaries, and it must be presumed to reflect the family’s strong position of power in the area during the Late Viking period and Early Middle Ages. The area’s cultural topography shows that very extensive changes took place in settlement structure during the course of Viking times and the Middle Ages.Skjern Church is a small Romanesque ashlar building from around AD 1200. Today, it stands alone, but metal detector finds and aerial reconnaissance show that there was a settlement here from the 8th to the 14th century (fig. 2). This settlement can presumably be linked to the high-ranking farming family which, in the Late Viking Age, permitted itself to be commemorated on two rune stones. These stones stand today by the church: a monumental and well-preserved stone bearing a mask (fig. 3) and a slightly smaller fragment on which only a few words can be deciphered. The large mask stone was foun

Skjern A mighty manor and center of power from the 14th to the 17th centurySkjern Castle is mentioned for the first time in a document from AD 1340, where it appears under the name ‘Karmark.’ This wasthe name later given to an important subordinate (home) farm. In 1340, the castle was the property of the powerful nobleman Peder Vendelbo, but under the control of the counts of Holstein as part of the ongoing struggles concerning control over Denmark. Peder Vendelbo regained his castle shortly afterwards, and it very probably remained in his family for the remainder of the century, even though nothing is directly known about the castle and estate during this period. The family remained extremely powerful and held very high office.In AD 1400 or 1401, Hans Podebusk, a member of a very powerful family, inherited Skjern through his previous marriage to the late Arine Vendelbo. Another of Peder Vendelbo’s heirs made claims and in 1409 it was arranged that Hans’ son Henning Podebusk and Kirsten Falk, heir to the other claimant, should marry and have Skjern. This arrangement provides us with the information that the estate must have comprised c. 100 tenant farms plus property given to Henning’s sister Johanne.Contrary to his father and the Vendelbos, Henning Podebusk held no high political position. During a war with Holstein, he was taken prisoner in 1431 or 1432 and a very high ransom was demanded. This was probably the primary reason for a drastic decline in the position of the family. After the death of Henning Podebusk, both his widow and four daughters married men of the lower gentry, despite their aristocratic descent, and their properties crumbled. They also lost Skjern, but we do not know how this occurred.From 1464, one of the mightiest men of the time, Lord High Steward Erik Ottesen Rosenkrantz, is known to have been in possession of Skjern. But the actual change of lord very probably happened some years before. In 1474 the king recognised Erik Ottesen as sole pro

Bogen tager udgangspunkt i den spanske baroks tilsyneladende ’ostrakisme’ af tragedien, mere præcist den terminologiske pudsighed, at comedia i løbet af de første årtier af det 17. århundrede bliver almindelig genrebetegnelse for det seriøse drama. Denne forbløffende udvikling, der ikke har noget samtidigt europæisk sidestykke, belyses ud fra kulturhistoriske, teologiske og æstetiske perspektiver. Det kulturhistoriske udgangspunkt for bogens analyse er den grundantagelse, at 1600-tallet var en skismatisk periode. På den ene side peger de socialøkonomiske og politiske forandringer samt udviklingen inden for bl.a. den politiske teori, videnskaberne, filosofien og kunsten på 1600-tallet som begyndelsen på det, vi i dag forstår som moderniteten. På den anden side præges perioden af en tendens til at anskue denne historiske udvikling ud fra et kristent moralsk synspunkt, der peger tilbage på et middelalderligt historiesyn. I den optik blev den nyere historiske udvikling, hvis oprindelse man fandt i renæssancekulturens ’nyhedenskab’ og dettes problematisering af det middelalderlige verdensbillede gennem videnskab og kritik, opfattet som symptom på et moralsk forfald. Det samme gjorde sig gældende for det spanske imperiums accelererende dekadence, den nationale bankerot og indenrigspolitiske opløsning i løbet af den første halvdel af det 17. århundrede. Barokken oplevede en omfattende kulturkrise, og svaret på problemerne søgtes i den moralske gennemlysning af historien. Denne strategi var ikke uden forbillede. Kristne forfattere havde siden oldtiden fortolket ikke blot Skriften, men også historiske personer og begivenheder som figurer for en ’højere’ moralsk realitet, i.e. allegorisk. Det er en af bogens grundteser, at det allegoriske boom, der kendetegner den barokke kultur på alle niveauer, peger på den modreformatoriske revitalisering af den kristne tradition gennem en tilbagegriben til den senantikke og middelalderlige kristendom. Samtidig undersøges imidler, The point of departure of the present study is a consideration of the Spanish Baroque’s apparent ostracism of tragedy, more precisely the terminological peculiarity of comedia having become the generic designation of serious drama during the first decades of the seventeenth century. This surprising development, which has no contemporary European equivalent, is discussed from various cultural-historical, theological, and aesthetic angles. The cultural-historical hypothesis informing the analysis of this development is that the seventeenth century was a deeply ambiguous period. Socioeconomic and political developments as well as developments in crucial cultural areas such as political theory, science, philosophy, and aesthetics suggest the Baroque as the beginning of what is today referred to as modernity. However, the period was simultaneously characterized by a pronounced tendency to interpret these historical developments through the grid of a Christian morality, which seemed to owe quite a bit to the medieval conception of history. According to this conception, recent historical developments — as crystallized in the Renaissance questioning of the Christian worldview through science and criticism — was seen as a symptom of moral corruption. The same applied to the decadence of the Spanish empire, national bankruptcy, and the internal dissolution that occurred during the first half of the seventeenth century. The Baroque experienced a profound cultural crisis and the answer to this experience was the moral scrutiny of history. This redemptive strategy wasn’t without antecedents. Since Antiquity, Christian writers had not only interpreted Scripture, but also the agents and events of the historical world as figures of a higher moral reality, that is, allegorically. It is a central hypothesis of the study that the allegorical boom characterizing Baroque culture on all levels was intrinsically intertwined with the Counterreformation revitalization of the Chris

Tile production in the Danish Middle Ages and RenaissanceEveryday life in the Renaissance and Early Modern times has long been a neglected area in archaeology and much evidence has been lost. When the Department of Medieval Archaeology at the University of Aarhus, Moesgård added Renaissance Studies to the teaching curriculum in 2005, this provided an opportunity, together with new Danish museum legislation, to redress this situation.In the Renaissance, fundamental changes took place in housing, due in part to the introduction of the tile stove as a “bilægger”, i.e. a stove fed from an adjacent room. This provided an opportunity for the creation of a private, comfortable living room. In rural areas, however, the tile stove was also seen in direct association with a bread oven or as a smoke oven. Among the upper echelons of society – royalty, the Church and the aristocracy, with their strong links to European culture south of the Baltic – the tile stove became known as early as the 13th century. The earliest evidence of this is from the Cistercian Monastery at Sorø. Here, sherds have been found ofhandmoulded deep beaker-shaped vessel tiles. The outer surfaces of these were decorated with wavy lines and encircling grooves, as seen on typical 13th century Baltic-ware pottery from Zealand (fig. 1). When built into an oven, the decoration would not have been visible (fig. 2). From the episcopal/royal castles of Søborg and Gurre there are thrown, glazed beaker-shaped vessel tiles from the 14th century (fig. 3). The handmade, unglazed vessel tiles with a square rim from the royal castle ofVordingborg are broader and shallower (fig. 4); on some the base is rounded. Similar tiles were manufactured as late as the 19th century as “jydepotter”, i.e. black pots from Jutland (fig. 5). In the houses of wealthier citizens, such as Kragsnap’s House in Nykøbing Falster and Branda Huset in Helsingborg in Scania, there were stoves constructed of Late Gothic deep vessel tiles with specia