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Within the recognized borders of Israel, in the shadow of the West Bank settlement enterprise, a new frontier is in the making. Central planning has designated the space as a burgeoning metropolitan region, and, in a parallel process, a network of Jewish-only settlements has been established. This study asks how the settlement push is narrated to the Israeli public, and thereby adds the Naqab to previous studies exploring the link between colonial settlement and suburbia, and more specifically with the community-settlement model. It analyzes audiovisual material produced by two Zionist organizations and finds that the new frontier is narrated as a space for reenactment of the mythic pioneer trope, and that this ideal is mediated in relation to the new neoliberal ethos of Israel as the "start-up nation." The study moreover expands on the interplay of geographic scales, thus adding an important contribution to scholarly understanding of contemporary settler-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Against Zionism - Portrait of a Colonial and Racist Doctrine" by Breno Altman, an anti-Zionist journalist of Jewish origin. The book addresses the genocide in Gaza and the ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, presenting exhibitions made by the author on the program "20 Minutes" of the channel World Tensions. Altman describes Zionism as a brutal, racist, and colonial regime, and highlights the legitimate resistance of the Palestinian people. The author also discusses the transformation of Gaza into a ghetto and the normalization of Israel with Arab regimes. The book is a call to fight for the liberation of Palestine. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Oriental Studies (Al-Farabi Kazakh National University) / Kazahskij Nacional'nyj Universitet Imeni Al'-Farabi Vestnik Seriâ Vostokovedeniâ is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2018, the State of Israel enacted a new constitutional law: 'BASIC LAW: ISRAEL-THE NATION STATE OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE'. The Law reflects diverse Zionist ideologies which were nevertheless all 'land-centered' rather than state-centered from an early stage; it reformulates that intellectual tradition, however, promoting Jewish settlements in conditions of occupation and celebrates, for the first time, settlement as the prime and exclusive goal of the state. Partly to facilitate this goal, and to further blur borders, the law also contracts the meaning and status of Palestinians' citizenship in Israel, thus at least symbolically narrowing the (still significant) political-legal gap between these citizens and the Palestinians living in the West Bank. Finally, the Law seems to vacate the state from its ethical dimension and commitments as defined by its Declaration of independence (1948) — including its commitments to the democratic principles of political liberty for all and equality — thus manifesting the influence ruling and subjugating others through military government is having on Israel's constitutional framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Israel's Security Agency (Shabak) launched a new psychological warfare arena with an Arabic language Facebook page addressed to Palestinians, alongside more precisely targeted pages monitored by regional field officers (the so-called "Captains"). The messaging is nearly identical to the kind of propaganda the Zionist media has aimed at Palestinians for over a century: Israel is here to stay, Israel desires co-existence, but those who defy its authority suffer the consequences. The difference is that this time the messages are targeted, personal, illustrated with documentary footage of youths detained, homes demolished, calls for collaborators and informers, and preachy holiday greetings. These Facebook pages have acquired a huge following, but their comments show that the Palestinians are not buying the message. Some signal an interest in the dangled benefits, some respond with a slew of curses, while others use the platform to send political counter-messages. Social media has so far not succeeded in winning over the hearts and minds of Palestinians, though it may discourage them from joining the struggle against the occupation [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Paz y Conflictos is the property of Revista de Paz y Confilictos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines Arabic works that were translated into Hebrew between 1931, when the first modern Arabic novel was translated into Hebrew, and 1993, when the Oslo accords were signed. I study the characterization of the Arab and his culture in the translation of long narratives, novels and novellas. The translational work shall be divided into three phases; each phase shall be determined in accordance with the appearance of innovative translations that present new translational norms. The first phase begins with the appearance of the first Hebrew translation of the Egyptian novel The Days by Taha Hussein in 1931 and continues for about four decades. Since these translations were all colored by Zionist ideology, their approach tends to be Orientalist, portraying Arabic culture as backward, Other, and inferior. In some of the works, the original text shows sympathy for Western culture and even an attempt to collaborate with it. At the same time no novels and novellas by Palestinians authors are translated, as this culture was intentionally ignored. The second phase begins in the mid-1970s and continues for about a decade, with the translation of the Palestinian novel The Sabar by Sahar Khalifeh (translated into English as 'Wild Thorns') at the outset. This novel deals with the lives of Palestinians in the West Bank following the Israeli occupation in 1967. The publication of this translation shows some acknowledgement of the Palestinian suffering under the Israeli occupation. This is an intermediate period as it paves the way for changes that took place in the Hebrew translation of Arabic works during the 1980s. The third phase begins in 1984 as The Pessoptimist by Emil Habibi is translated into Hebrew. This period is characterized by openness and the penetration of marginal voices into Hebrew literature. Works expressing the Palestinian narrative of the 1948 war, which challenge the Zionist consensus, are translated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how 'dialogue initiatives' function as the psychic extension of Israel's Apartheid closure system and as an act of 'extractive introjection.' The article pays particular critical attention to the political and psychological fallacies offered by the theoretical concept (or phantasy) of 'third space,' which purportedly provides a possibility for 'co-created' space that extricates victim and victimized from their binary relationship. Rather, the author proposes that 'third space' facilitates Israelis' theft of Palestinian individual and collective psychic life. In response, the author posits that sumud, or acts of refusal and 'stalwartness,' functions as a psychological means of defending against these assaults within the dehumanizing spatial, material, and social realities of Israel's closure system in the West Bank and Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article raises the question of the international legitimacy of the state of Israel. It highlights the debate on the idea of a Jewish polity in Palestine and the role of the Zionist movement in the creation of the state of Israel. Also discussed are the implications of Israel's occupation and settlement of the West Bank in the 21st century for its commitment to partition and its legitimacy in the international arena.

The Israeli occupation in Palestine led to a huge wall being built to separate the West Bank from other Palestinian territories, causing devastating consequences on the life of Palestinians in all aspects. As a means of resistance against the occupation and the destruction of the wall, Palestinian artists depict various images of different genre of art on the wall. Several foreign artists also participate in the demonstration to show their solidarity with the Palestinians and to display the Palestinian' sufferings to the world. These works of art are called 'direct artwork'. Many Palestinian, Arab and foreign artists have produced similar artwork, but not directly on the separation wall; such artwork is called 'indirect artwork'. This paper aims to analyse several examples of artwork that were displayed in the period from 2002 to 2015. These examples were selected because they participated in international exhibitions and competitions and were awarded prizes and high ratings. Some of them use visual and printed media. This article combines the works produced using different media in a single study to discuss their collective contribution to the Palestinian cause. The analytical approach was utilised to analyse the selected artworks. The analyses indicated that the indirect artistic works make a significant contribution to the Palestinian resistance against the occupation in general and the construction of the separation wall in particular. The artists have creatively presented their work, which mimic the separation wall by showing the wall in its real and original grey colour, shape and size. The indirect artistic works send political messages through the lens of culture and modernisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite increasing attention to Palestinian territorial dispossession, there is inadequate attention paid to how this dispossession is gendered in its legitimising discourses and practices. Inattention to gender results in a failure to understand the power relations at play in the processes through which Palestinians are dispossessed of their land, the discourses that serve to support that dispossession and the impacts of that dispossession. This article examines the roles of Israeli hegemonic militarised masculinity as deployed in discourses and practices of 'security' as well as idealised Zionist femininity and idealised Zionist masculinity as deployed in discourses and practices of 'God-given Righteousness'. It finds that both are effective means of dispossessing Palestinians of their land, and that in settlements in the West Bank, the hegemonic militarised masculinity is often subsumed under idealised Zionist femininity and masculinity when it comes to settlement expansion and the violent dispossession of Palestinian land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyses back issues of the journal to find out whether historians have addressed the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Topics discussed include construction of Zionism and essays on civil wars, state of historiography to reveal modern history, impact of the occupation of the West Bank in stimulating Palestinian nationalism, history of Arab-Zionist conflict, and viewpoints on the questions of Zionism and Israel put up by professional organization.

An essay is presented on the popular reference in Israel to the Zionist Left, who support a two-state solution and a political view that favor secular aspects from its territorial compromises the Palestinians over the West Bank. It offers the existence of the alternative Left, an anti-Zionist and its impacts which depends on its rival group. The author states the three disadvantaged groups in Israeli society such as Mizrahim Jews, Palestinians and ultra-Orthodox Jews which were subsidized.

Collective memory is a product of ideological construction that can be used as a key element in the elaboration of collective identity. This research will use the case study of Nekuda, the principal bulletin of the Jewish settlers in the West Bank, to explore the role played by a community paper in the construction of the community’s historical memory. This study is concerned with two main questions: first, which historical periods are reconstructed in the newspaper? The discourse deals with the continuity of Jewish presence in Israel since biblical times and reinforces the image of the Jewish victim in the Diaspora. The second question is how settlers’ historiography characterizes their collective identity. Settlers’ historical memory portrays a wide-ranging movement that includes unique features as well as a willingness to lead the whole nation together in search of an ordinary middle-class ambience. Collective memory situates the movement at the heart of the Zionist consensus, as a conservative rather than a revolutionary movement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article critiques the Jewish victimization narrative that legitimates Israel's Gaza and West Bank occupation through the theories of Jewish philosophers Gillian Rose, Hannah Arendt, Martin Buber and Emmanuel Lévinas. Rose believes Zionism has fascist implications for a New Jerusalem, to which Arendt ascribes a misplaced love for Torah and justice for a malformed love of the Jewish people. Buber and Lévinas push for Zionism as ethical Messianism, an Israel in spiritual rebirth.

Immediately after the 1967 war and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza the national religious youngsters (Gush Emmunim settlers) reached out to settle the new frontier of the biblical places. By thus, they have developed a Messianic myth. The interpretation of Gush-Emmunim settlers' experience of landscapes reveals a complex and contradictory structure of sense of space. Settlers' mythical sense of space may be understood in two strata - imagined and material. The imagined stratum is conceived mainly in transcendental romantic terms while the material is reified according to classic conceptions. Two main contradictions are outstanding: first, between the romantic representation of Jewish landscapes and the classic representation of Palestinian landscapes in the imagined stratum; second, between the romantic representation of the Jewish home space in the imagined stratum and the classical representation of the suburban Jewish home landscape in the material stratum. The first contradiction is inherent in frontier societies as a means to pseudo-rationalize the colonisation of the land, although in general there may be a mixture of romantic and classic attitudes towards the natives. The settlers pioneering myth is highly subsidised by the government and aggressively backed by military force. This enables them to tolerate the surrounding fear, antagonism and hatred. Thus, the landscape they build represents power and domination with no regard to local nature and to the Palestinian landscapes that are perceived by the settlers as part of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in the international, regional and domestic arenas in the late 1990s resulted in discursive change with regard to interpretation of the Al Nakba in the political and civil societies of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel. Apart from fuelling a discursive challenge to the Israeli dominant discourse about the 1948 events, this reinterpretation allowed the Palestinian Arab citizens to discuss the historical roots of the problems they experienced within the Israeli political and civil societal spheres. This article analyses the nature and significance of discursive change of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel on the Nakba by referring to its impact on their identity politics as well as their political and civil societal activities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Palestinians in Israel are those Palestinians who remained on their land during the Nakba in 1948, and later became Israeli citizens. The political discourse of Palestinians in Israel has moved during the last two decades, since the Oslo agreement, from the individual achievements level to the politics of rights on the collective level, and to the politics of identity. This discourse is considered of utmost importance in the politics of indigenous marginalized groups within colonial entities. Similarly, it represents a change in the evolution of the political discourse of Palestinians in Israel throughout the last two decades. In the following article we will analyze the main political changes that occurred among the Palestinian minority in Israel since 1948 and the main challenges that they raise for the Palestinians in facing the “Jewish state”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although Israel’s constructed wall in the West Bank has been discussed in a voluminous literature, some basic questions have largely remained unanswered. This paper tackles two such questions: Firstly, what is the relationship between Zionism and the conception of the wall? This question follows an assumption that the wall’s idea is neither new, nor was it solely triggered by immediate security considerations. Secondly, why do European countries (in addition to the U.S.) oppose the imposition of sanctions against Israel for breaching international law by building the wall? A post-colonial perspective has been employed to discuss the role that borders (particularly hard ones) have assumed in the colonial encounter in the stages of expansive and contraction colonialism. Moreover, through this perspective, the common experience of Israel and the European colonial heritage with regard boundaries is considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most analyses and commentary surrounding the construction of Israel's security barrier or fence have focused on the adverse impact this has had on bilateral relations with the Palestinian Authority, its institutions and people. For most Israelis, such concerns voiced by the Palestinians themselves as well as the wider international community denies agency to their physical security in the face of an Islamist nemesis that apparently brooks no compromise. But while the perceived role of the barrier in reducing terrorist attacks inside Israel has enjoyed widespread approbation among Israelis, less attention has been devoted to the impact that the barrier has had upon competing ideas and identities over the very nature of Zionism itself. As such, this paper argues that the true impact of the barrier is as much about ensuring the coherence of Israel's ideological boundaries as it is about enhancing the physical protection of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the stages of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. It describes the establishment of the settlements from 1967 until 1992, differentiation from 1992 until 2005, and normalization beginning from 2006 when Ehud Olmert assumed office. The idea that Jewish control of the Land of Israel would be achieved through slow constructed settlement contiguity was conceived from modern Zionism's early waves of immigration to Palestine.

Focuses on the drive by Zionism to reorganize the material resources of Palestine for its own propagation, and the complex relationship that has evolved between the Jewish and Arab economic sectors. Forms of economic transactions between the two communities; Discussion on the division of Palestine into Israel, the West Bank and Gaza during the period 1948-1967; Reintegration of the Palestinian economy under Israeli occupation; Economics of tolerance and coexistence.

Explores political and economic perspectives in Israel. Zionist movement in Israel; Political and economic structure of the country; History of the 1977 election; Israeli interest in West Bank.