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Women workers in the informal economy are in extremely vulnerable situations, with no protection through labour laws, no effective policy measures to address their situations, and lack of access to social security schemes. This paper underlines the need for a broader interpretation of social security in a state like Uttar Pradesh (UP) characterised by a high degree of deprivation and vulnerability of a large section of the unorganised workforce. In this paper, we intend to examine the coverage of protective social security in urban unorganised labour market in UP by different groups of unorganised workers, viz., domestic workers, construction workers, tailors and garment workers. We confine our analysis here only to the examination of protective measures prevalent in the labour market, that is employees' provident fund, gratuity, pension, maternity benefit/leaves, sickness allowance, among others to the wage paid informal workers. To examine the status of social security among urban women informal worker SSI (Social Security Index) has been computed, which reveals the fact that the level and status of social security enjoyed by the urban women informal workers is not satisfactory. An attempt has also been made in this section to examine the relationship between explanatory variables and dependent variable (SSI). This issue needs attention minimum social security net be ensured for all workers irrespective of wage, enterprise size, and place of origin. It is also imperative to clearly define national policy for informal workers, including a national social protection strategy for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The extensive research on waste management has primarily remained confined to metro cities and focused on economic and environmental issues. The present study explores waste management in smaller urban areas from an institutional standpoint, mapping formal and informal players onto a two‐dimensional framework: institutional type and institutional strength. The analysis is based on data accumulated through in‐depth interviews and focus group discussions in three towns of India. Despite the absence of formal acknowledgment, it establishes a continuum between formal and informal actors whose efforts to collect waste and provide public goods and services are mutually supportive. Although the informal sector is ranked lower, there is little variation in institutional strength between the formal and informal sectors. A formal‐informal hierarchy hinders informal waste collectors from moving up the value chain. The paper argues against separating the formal and informal actors in urban policy and planning. A waste management system that is formally integrated is required to extract greater economic value from waste and to strengthen the informal‐formal continuum. This should enhance both the wages and working conditions of waste workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most developing countries have large and persistent informal sector. Historically, the literature was dominated by strict duality viewpoint, where the formal and informal sectors are treated as two separate entities. However, in recent times, a new approach has developed where the formal and informal sectors are not binary but they often co-exist and feed into each other. Most academic work on agglomeration economies is based on developed countries where almost all production takes place in the formal sector. Apriori, there is no reason to believe that agglomeration economies do not extend to the informal sector. Hence, in this paper, we hypothesize that agglomeration economies can arise from the interaction between formal and informal firms as well. To check the validity of the hypothesis, we study the geographic distribution and Coagglomeration pattern between formal and informal manufacturing firms in India. Using the firm level National Sample Survey for unincorporated enterprises and Annual Survey of Industries data, we calculate the Ellison and Glaeser Coagglomeration index at 2-digit NIC level. Further, using the Marshall's theory of agglomeration, we create four kinds of linkages to capture the nature of interdependence between formal and informal firms, i.e. Buyer, Supplier, Labor and Technology. We find that there is heavy clustering of both formal and informal manufacturing firms in India, however, mostly in different areas, with few exceptions like Western Uttar Pradesh and Southern Tamil Nadu. Out of 22 major industries, we find high coagglomeration only in 7. The average value of coagglomeration index at aggregate level decreases from 0.00536 in 2000-01 to -0.0027 in 2015-16. This indicate towards reduced interdependence over time, however in few industries it remains high. The average value of labor linkage increased from 0.1889 in 2000-01 to 0.3651 in 2015-16, during the same period buyer linkage remained constant around 0.2481 and supplier linkage fell from 0.5755 to 0.2749. The technology linkage remained low throughout in the range of 0.02-0.03. Strong buyer and labor linkage mean subcontracting of inputs is the main motive driving the interaction between formal and informal firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of skills has been eclipsed in the transition from an agrarian-craft economy rooted in hand-labour in small households to a modern political economy where productive work takes place outside the household, in offices and factories. Yet the ideological erasure of skilled work should not be confused with its actual disappearance. Precisely because such work was typically construed as private and unimportant, the embedded hierarchies and skills that shaped the handloom weaving industry in the North Indian province of United Provinces under colonial rule could escape systematic conversion to capitalist structures. Skill as human capital constituted the capitalist labour processes in the modern handloom industry, not as an abstract act, but as a historical experience. Handloom workers were reproduced, generationally, socially, and hierarchically, through the passing on of skilled labour within the unorganized informal sector of handloom weaving. Thus the stuff of community skills should move beyond its projection as either 'endangered' or 'regressive' to explore its access to capitalist structures and the exploitative networks that contain, transmit, and enable the production of skills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper examines the trends, patterns and growth in informal and formal employment by sex, sector and place of residence in the state of UP, using the data of 61st (2004-05) and 68th (2011-12) rounds of NSSO's Employment and Unemployment Surveys. To examine the overall trend and pattern of employment in general and female employment in particular in the formal and informal sector, across industries this paper also focused on the distribution of workers across industrial categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between the state and India's rural informal sector by focusing on the collective mobilizations of middle-sized agricultural producers in Western Uttar Pradesh. These cultivators are involved in an economic sector which is at the same time capitalist, largely informal but also, to some extent, state-regulated. Through their mobilizations organized by the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU), they have attempted to influence state regulation of agricultural markets, obtaining increased input subsidies and better procurement prices for their produce, and thus an increase in the rates of return and profitability of their farming activity. The paper conceptualizes the modality of production of these farmers as 'subsidized capitalism', alluding to the self-employed and self-funded producers with holdings large enough to support a pair of bullocks defined as 'bullock capitalists' by Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph (1987), while denoting the crucial role of public subsidies in preserving this faction of informal agrarian capitalism. The paper also points to the ambivalent relationship between the 'subsidized capitalists' of Western Uttar Pradesh and the state: although they seek protection from the central government in the context of globalization, they confront and contest local state institutions by deploying collective strategies to distort local regulations of agricultural markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]