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Objectives: A country's social welfare system may play an important role in maternal employment. This study compared the labor market participation of mothers of children within the United States (U.S.) and Norway to examine whether the child's age and severity of the ASD affected mothers' employment differently between the two countries. Methods: The 2019 National Survey of Children's Health was used for the U.S. analysis, and the 2019 administrative register data were used for the Norwegian analysis. A logit model was used to analyze the impact of a child's age and ASD severity on maternal employment in the U.S. and Norway. We presented the results as average marginal effects obtained from the logistic regression analyses. Results: After adjusting for mothers' sociodemographic variables and the child's age, U.S. mothers of children with mild ASD and moderate/severe ASD had respectively 12 and 25% points lower probability of being employed than U.S. mothers of children without special health care needs. In Norway, mothers of children with moderate/severe ASD had a 13% points lower probability of employment than mothers without special health care needs. The probability of being employed for mothers caring for a child with ASD was significantly greater as the child got older in both countries. Conclusions for Practice: The employment gap was more substantial in the U.S. than in Norway. A general high employment participation rate among women and an elaborated welfare state and policy package seem to benefit employment among mothers of children with ASD in Norway. Significance: What is Known about this Subject?: Previous research examining the relationship between ASD and maternal employment are dominated by small sample sizes and single-country design. What this Study Adds?: This study examine the implications of childhood ASD on maternal employment in two vastly different welfare regimes, U.S. and Norway using nationally representative large samples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article elaborates on three misconceptions underlying the rationale for making diet quality a core objective and restricting purchases long nutritional lines in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) in the U.S. Topics include hypothesized pathways through which restrictions may exacerbate health disparities and how restrictions fit into a broader historical embodiment of systemic racism in U.S. social welfare policy.

It's now well appreciated that social determinants of health are the strongest predictors of our health and well-being. A good argument could be made that housing is at the top of the pyramid of these determinants. And, surprisingly, housing is also the social determinant that could rapidly turn on a dime–that is, with sufficient political will, creating access to housing could be radically expanded in short order. (Unfortunately, of course, it's true one can also become suddenly homeless, since few protections exist in policy or capitalist economies to prevent it). That alone sets it apart from social factors such as education and racism–conditions that take a long time to change. In contrast to long-term interventions (education) or culturally stubborn and historically rooted problems (racism), housing is rapidly malleable. In this article, we describe the social condition of homelessness in two settings, comparing and contrasting the concepts, causes, and consequences, along with how people are mobilizing to challenge the conditions that create their housing insecurity. As we review the factors that create housing conditions in each setting, we propose some universal international principles for a new approach to the human right of decent and secure housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on two articles on the necessity of a new constitutional convention in the U.S. He explains his support for a new national constitutional convention. He examines the first paper in which the author contrasts the First and Second Amendments as instantiating two completely different visions of politics. He addresses several points raised in the second paper, including the positive value of social welfare guarantees listed in a constitutional text.

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted the scope of health economics literature, which will increasingly examine value beyond health care interventions such as government policy and broad health system innovations. Aim: The study analyzes economic evaluations and methodologies evaluating government policies suppressing or mitigating transmission and reducing COVID-19, broad health system innovations, and models of care. This can facilitate future economic evaluations and assist government and public health policy decisions during pandemics. Methods: The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) was used. Methodological quality was quantified using the scoring criteria in European Journal of Health Economics, Consolidated Health Economic Evaluation Reporting Standards (CHEERS) 2022 Checklist and the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence's (NICE) Cost Benefit Analysis Checklist. PUBMED, Medline, and Google Scholar were searched from 2020–2021. Results: Cost utility analysis (CUA) and cost benefit analysis (CBA) analyzing mortality, morbidity, quality adjusted life year (QALY) gained, national income loss, and value of production effectively evaluate government policies suppressing or mitigating COVID-19 transmission, disease, and impacting national income loss. The WHO's pandemic economic framework facilitates economic evaluations of social and movement restrictions. Social return on investment (SROI) links benefits to health and broader social improvements. Multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA) can facilitate vaccine prioritization, equitable health access, and technology evaluation. Social welfare function (SWF) can account for social inequalities and population-wide policy impact. It is a generalization of CBA, and operationally, it is equal to an equity-weighted CBA. It can provide governments with a guideline for achieving the optimal distribution of income, which is vital during pandemics. Economic evaluations of broad health system innovations and care models addressing COVID-19 effectively use cost effectiveness analysis (CEA) that utilize decision trees and Monte Carlo models, and CUAs that effectively utilize decision trees and Markov models, respectively. Conclusion: These methodologies are very instructive for governments, in addition to their current use of CBA and the value of a statistical life analytical tool. CUA and CBA effectively evaluate government policies suppressing or mitigating COVID-19 transmission, disease, and impacts on national income loss. CEA and CUA effectively evaluate broad health system innovations and care models addressing COVID-19. The WHO's framework, SROI, MCDA, and SWF can also facilitate government decision-making during pandemics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: High‐income countries offer social assistance (welfare) programs to help alleviate poverty for people with little or no income. These programs have become increasingly conditional and stringent in recent decades based on the premise that transitioning people from government support to paid work will improve their circumstances. However, many people end up with low‐paying and precarious jobs that may cause more poverty because they lose benefits such as housing subsidies and health and dental insurance, while incurring job‐related expenses. Conditional assistance programs are also expensive to administer and cause stigma. A guaranteed basic income (GBI) has been proposed as a more effective approach for alleviating poverty, and several experiments have been conducted in high‐income countries to investigate whether GBI leads to improved outcomes compared to existing social programs. Objectives: The aim of this review was to conduct a synthesis of quantitative evidence on GBI interventions in high‐income countries, to compare the effectiveness of various types of GBI versus "usual care" (including existing social assistance programs) in improving poverty‐related outcomes. Search Methods: Searches of 16 academic databases were conducted in May 2022, using both keywords and database‐specific controlled vocabulary, without limits or restrictions on language or date. Sources of gray literature (conference, governmental, and institutional websites) were searched in September 2022. We also searched reference lists of review articles, citations of included articles, and tables of contents of relevant journals in September 2022. Hand searching for recent publications was conducted until December 2022. Selection Criteria: We included all quantitative study designs except cross‐sectional (at one timepoint), with or without control groups. We included studies in high income countries with any population and with interventions meeting our criteria for GBI: unconditional, with regular payments in cash (not in‐kind) that were fixed or predictable in amount. Although two primary outcomes of interest were selected a priori (food insecurity, and poverty level assessed using official, national, or international measures), we did not screen studies on the basis of reported outcomes because it was not possible to define all potentially relevant poverty‐related outcomes in advance. Data Collection and Analysis: We followed the Campbell Collaboration conduct and reporting guidelines to ensure a rigorous methodology. The risk of bias was assessed across seven domains: confounding, selection, attrition, motivation, implementation, measurement, and analysis/reporting. We conducted meta‐analyses where results could be combined; otherwise, we presented the results in tables. We reported effect estimates as standard mean differences (SMDs) if the included studies reported them or provided sufficient data for us to calculate them. To compare the effects of different types of interventions, we developed a GBI typology based on the characteristics of experimental interventions as well as theoretical conceptualizations of GBI. Eligible poverty‐related outcomes were classified into categories and sub‐categories, to facilitate the synthesis of the individual findings. Because most of the included studies analyzed experiments conducted by other researchers, it was necessary to divide our analysis according to the "experiment" stage (i.e. design, recruitment, intervention, data collection) and the "study" stage (data analysis and reporting of results). Main Results: Our searches yielded 24,476 records from databases and 80 from other sources. After screening by title and abstract, the full texts of 294 potentially eligible articles were retrieved and screened, resulting in 27 included studies on 10 experiments. Eight of the experiments were RCTs, one included both an RCT site and a "saturation" site, and one used a repeated cross‐sectional design. The duration ranged from one to 5 years. The control groups in all 10 experiments received "usual care" (i.e. no GBI intervention). The total number of participants was unknown because some of the studies did not report exact sample sizes. Of the studies that did, the smallest had 138 participants and the largest had 8019. The risk of bias assessments found "some concerns" for at least one domain in all 27 studies and "high risk" for at least one domain in 25 studies. The risk of bias was assessed as high in 21 studies due to attrition and in 22 studies due to analysis and reporting bias. To compare the interventions, we developed a classification framework of five GBI types, four of which were implemented in the experiments, and one that is used in new experiments now underway. The included studies reported 176 poverty‐related outcomes, including one pre‐defined primary outcome: food insecurity. The second primary outcome (poverty level assessed using official, national, or international measures) was not reported in any of the included studies. We classified the reported outcomes into seven categories: food insecurity (as a category), economic/material, physical health, psychological/mental health, social, educational, and individual choice/agency. Food insecurity was reported in two studies, both showing improvements (SMD = −0.57, 95% CI: −0.65 to −0.49, and SMD = −0.41, 95% CI: −0.57 to −0.26) which were not pooled because of different study designs. We conducted meta‐analyses on four secondary outcomes that were reported in more than one study: subjective financial well‐being, self‐rated overall physical health, self‐rated life satisfaction, and self‐rated mental distress. Improvements were reported, except for overall physical health or if the intervention was similar to existing social assistance. The results for the remaining 170 outcomes, each reported in only one study, were summarized in tables by category and subcategory. Adverse effects were reported in some studies, but only for specific subgroups of participants, and not consistently, so these results may have been due to chance. Authors' Conclusions: The results of the included studies were difficult to synthesize because of the heterogeneity in the reported outcomes. This was due in part to poverty being multidimensional, so outcomes covered various aspects of life (economic, social, psychological, educational, agency, mental and physical health). Evidence from future studies would be easier to assess if outcomes were measured using more common, validated instruments. Based on our analysis of the included studies, a supplemental type of GBI (provided along with existing programs) may be effective in alleviating poverty‐related outcomes. This approach may also be safer than a wholesale reform of existing social assistance approaches, which could have unintended consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes key findings from a UK/U.S. prison health researcher exchange in September 2023. The aims were to increase familiarity with the research context and to observe the roles of peer caregivers in U.S. prison settings. The researchers identified several differences and similarities in peer caregiving between UK and U.S. sites and detail six recommendations related to policy and practice concerning both sides of the Atlantic. It is believed that the adoption of such recommendations will contribute to improved care and, thereby, the health and well-being of vulnerable people incarcerated in prison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There were 9.7 million Native Americans (American Indian, Alaska Native-AI/AN- these acronyms will be used interchangeably with Native Americans throughout the paper) in 2019 comprising 2.9% of the U.S. population. Native American populations have disproportionately higher rates of mental illnesses compared to other racial groups in the U.S. Mental health is a significant public health concern for this population, impacting different areas of their lives including employment. Additionally, Native Americans continue to experience significant disparities in access to Vocational Rehabilitation (VR) services and have poor employment outcomes. However, little is known about the relationships among demographic factors, vocational rehabilitation services, and employment outcomes of Native Americans with mental illness. Consequently, the current study examined how demographic factors and VR services are related to successful employment outcomes for Native American VR clients with mental illnesses using data from the Rehabilitation Services Administration (RSA) program year (2019) Case Service Report (9–11). Both descriptive analysis and data mining approaches were used to answer the research questions. Chi-square Automatic Interaction Detector (CHAID) analysis was used to determine which of the VR services could best predict the successful employment outcome of Native Americans with mental illness. The findings of the data mining approach revealed that among all the vocational rehabilitation services, job placement assistance was the strongest predictor of successful employment among Native American clients with mental illnesses. The second most important service predicting successful employment for those who received job placement assistance was shown to be maintenance. Implications for rehabilitation counselors and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using qualitative interviews with a panel of parents over two years (n = 33 and 23) and a retrospective biographical framework, I ask how welfare recipients reach their 60-month lifetime limit; specifically, what conditions, experiences, and circumstances keep them from exiting welfare permanently before 60 months? Recipients traversed an array of trajectories based on differing relationships to the labor market, including cycling in and out of the labor market and welfare, navigating the margins of the labor market, and working toward a four-year degree. Despite following different trajectories related to labor force attachment, the analysis shows that these parents who timed out of welfare shared a common set of circumstances which created a snare of undermining conditions—destabilizing events which interacted with the challenges of the low wage labor market, parenting in poverty, and a tattered safety net. Given the challenges of poverty in the U.S. even strong attachment to the labor market did not prevent a third of the sample from exhausting access to cash assistance. My analysis broadens our understandings of how individuals meet their lifetime limits to welfare by looking beyond individual-level characteristics, such as labor force attachment, and highlighting the ways experiences of timing out are situated in race, class, and gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a 2024 study on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program's (SNAP) emergency support of children and low-income families during the COVID-19 pandemic. Topics covered include the critical levels of food insecurity in the U.S., and the factors of high living expenses and housing costs, unemployment, and low-wage jobs. Also noted is SNAP's critical role in mitigating food hardship, especially during economic crises.

In 2021, there were 11.7 million licensed young drivers in the U.S. This is 1.5 million fewer young drivers compared to 2007. The phenomenon of delay in driving licensure among teens has notable implications for opportunities positioning them for life success when transitioning into emerging adulthood and in later life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Federal housing assistance is an important policy tool to ensure housing security for low-income households. Less is known about its impact on residential environmental exposures, particularly lead. OBJECTIVES: We conducted a quasi-experimental study to investigate the association between federal housing assistance and blood lead levels (BLLs) in a nationally representative US sample age 6 y and older eligible for housing assistance. METHODS: We used the 1999-2018 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) linked with US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) administrative records to assess BLLs of NHANES participants with concurrent HUD housing assistance (i.e., current recipients, 푛=3,071) and those receiving assistance within 2 y after the survey (i.e., pseudo-waitlist recipients, 푛=1,235). We estimated BLL least squares geometric means (LSGMs), odds ratio (OR) for BLL ≥3.5 μg/dL, and percent differences in LSGMs by HUD housing assistance status adjusting for age, sex, family income-to-poverty ratio, education, country of birth, race/ethnicity, region, and survey year. We also examined effect modification using interaction terms and stratified analyses by program type [i.e., public housing, multifamily, housing choice vouchers (HCV)], and race/ethnicity. RESULTS: Current HUD recipients had a significantly lower LSGM [1.07 μg/dL; 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.02, 1.12] than pseudo-waitlist recipients (1.21 μg/dL; 95% CI: 1.14, 1.28), with an adjusted OR of 0.60 (95% CI: 0.42, 0.87) for BLL ≥3.5 μg/dL. Some effect modification were observed: The protective association of HUD assistance on BLL was strongest among public housing (-19.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -27.5%, -10.7%), multifamily (-12.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -20.7%, -3.5%), and non-Hispanic White (-20:6% LSGM; 95% CI: -29.8%, -10.3%) recipients. It was weaker to null among HCV (-5.7% LSGM; 95% CI: -12.7, 1.7%), non-Hispanic Black (-1.6% LSGM; 95% CI: -8.1%, 5.4%), and Mexican American (-12.5% LSGM; 95% CI: -31.9%, 12.5%) recipients. DISCUSSION: Our research underscores the importance of social-structural determinants like federal housing assistance in providing affordable, stable, and healthy housing to very low-income households. More attention is needed to ensure housing quality and racial equity across HUD's three major housing assistance programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Housing is essential to health. Governmental rental assistance is one way to increase access to affordable housing, but little is known about how it varies by rural/urban location. This paper seeks to address that gap by examining rural/urban and within‐rural differences in receipt of rental assistance, with particular attention differences by health and disability. Methods: We used data from the 2021 National Health Interview Survey (n = 28,254) to conduct bivariate analyses to identify significant differences in receipt of rental assistance by rural/urban location. We then conducted logistic regression analyses to generate odds ratios of receiving rental assistance, adjusting for self‐rated health, disability, sociodemographic characteristics, and the US Census region. Findings: When limiting the sample to those who rent (20.6% of rural residents and 29.6% of urban residents), rural residents were nearly 5 percentage points more likely to receive rental assistance (13.1% vs 8.2%, P<.001). Rural recipients of rental assistance were more likely to have a disability than urban residents (27.9% vs 20.3%, P<.05) and were more likely to report fair/poor health (41.6% vs 31.4%, P<.05). Conclusions: Rural residents are less likely to rent their homes, but, among those who rent, they are more likely to receive governmental rental assistance. This may be reflective of the greater need for rental assistance among rural residents, who were in poorer health and of lower socioeconomic status than urban renters. As housing is essential to good health, policy attention must prioritize addressing a persistent and growing need for affordable housing in rural and urban areas alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper presents a re-analysis of the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS) data presented by Briggs et al. (2022). Methods: We review five components of that article: The aims, variables, analytic strategy, analysis, and conclusions. Results: We conclude that several of the NCANDS variables used are invalid at the national level, and that this is sufficient to call the research into question. We find concerning issues in analytic strategy and analysis as well, many stemming from a failure to account for the serious underreporting of services in NCANDS, and the wide variability in data quality and consistency across states. We also found what we consider to be issues with their statistical analysis. Discussion: The reanalysis presented in this article shows no pattern of disparate within Child Protective Services (CPS) outcomes by race and, therefore, no support for the Briggs et al. claim of pervasive anti-Black racism within the CPS system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge of the history of the social work profession and of the historical forces that shape the development of social welfare is critical to developing competence in social work. Study of history helps students develop a critical perspective on current controversies within social welfare and the social work profession. The study of local history allows social work students to consider the economic, political, social, and cultural origins of the problems that have shaped and often constrained the lives of people they serve. Using examples from the history of Detroit, Michigan, this paper shows how local history can animate social welfare history, provide students with important context about the practice environment, including relationships between diverse populations, and give specific, meaningful examples of historical trends presented in social welfare history and policy textbooks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prison abolition has emerged as a new framework for critical analysis, policies, and practices with implications for social welfare. Mobilized through a series of social movement events and formations from the late 1990s, prison abolition has taken on public prominence since the summer of 2020 and unprecedented U.S. and global protests of racialized police violence. While proponents of abolition have called for the dismantling of the carceral state or that sphere of the state represented by policing, jails, and prisons, the implications for the welfare state have been less clear. This conceptual article provides an overview of the welfare state and its development since the New Deal, outlining critical debates regarding its contributions to well-being as well as its punitive functions. Building upon David Garland's categories of welfare state sectors, the article offers an initial framing and set of analytical questions for further inquiry into abolitionist informed frameworks and strategies with regard to the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A long sociological tradition has examined how state coercion undergirds the "free market" for labor. In the contemporary prison, however, there are signs this relationship has been turned on its head. Whereas in the past, state coercion helped prisons generate profit for private markets, today market ideas are increasingly used within prisons to facilitate state control. I draw on an analysis of seven waves of the Survey of Inmates in State Correctional Facilities, as well as 61 interviews with state prison administrators, prison industry advocates, and formerly incarcerated people. Although the market for the products of prison labor has declined, and incarcerated people, on average, are working less than ever before, inequality in the distribution of work and rewards for this work has sharpened. This changing structure of prison labor is associated with a changing understanding of it. Prison administrators, and to some extent incarcerated people themselves, use market ideas to explain the new organization of prison labor and justify people's places within it. This organization and these ideas solve managerial problems within the prison and are suggestive of parallels between prison and social welfare policy in the contemporary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The proposal to administer cuts for the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program forWomen, Infants, and Children (WIC) could create deficiencies in nutrition for already food insecure, low-income Black, Indigenous, and Persons of Color (BIPOC) pregnant, postpartum women, and children. WIC is a US Department of Agriculturefunded nutritional program for women, infants, and children. The current proposal is to cut the funding by $800 million for the 2024 fiscal year, affecting 75% of its low-income recipients and predominantly BIPOC. Methods: Relevant websites and journal articles were analyzed to determine how the proposed cuts would create barriers within the social determinants of health that contribute to disparities in health outcomes of WIC recipients. Results: Many studies have demonstrated that nutrition in the first 1000 days is critical for the healthy development of newborns. Prior research suggests that maternal health outcomes for BIPOC populations are contingent upon the increased allocation of nutritional support programs such asWIC and SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program). Nutrients provided by the cash benefit voucher have been proven to contribute to participants' health outcomes, and allotment increases can benefit maternal and infant health outcomes. Conclusion and future directions: Neonatal nurses can help advocate for more robust policies that support the health of their patients. Future directions call for systematic changes in policies and legislation that directly affect maternal health outcomes, supportive breastfeeding policies, and applied research on solutions to improve maternal health outcomes of BIPOC populations in addition to increased awareness, education, and implementation of VeggieRx programs, investment in affordable, sustainable grassroots urban agriculture solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, which overturned the federal constitutional right to abortion, states have begun to recriminalize the procedure. These abortion bans raise important questions about the political and social status of women and pregnant people in the United States. Moreover, restrictions in social welfare programs such as the Special Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for Women, Infants, and Children and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, which serve low-income pregnant people and parents, raise similar questions. The regulation and administration of all three are framed by race, class, and gender. To understand how these restrictions (a) claim to protect women but ultimately function to control, police, and surveil and (b) rely on imagined, stereotype-laden psychological states such as vulnerability, irresponsibility, or irrationality, we turn to the British Common Law doctrine of coverture, which subsumed a married woman's legal, financial, and political identities under her husband's. The American colonies, and later, states of the United States, drew from British Common Law to craft laws that regulated relationships between men and women. Taken together, this analysis can provide a more comprehensive accounting of the cumulative harms experienced by women, poor people, people of color, and pregnant people in today's health and social welfare landscape. We conclude with recommendations for psychologists and other mental health providers to address, in practice and advocacy, the ethical dilemmas and obligations raised by the reach of coverture's logics in people's lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Use of e-cigarettes have become an important public health concern in the US, particularly among those with health issues like asthma, which has remained high over the last decade. We examined associations between lifetime e-cigarette use and traditional cigarette use, cannabis use, and related health factors among community members with a history of asthma in North Central Florida. Data came from HealthStreet, a University of Florida community engagement program. Adults with a history of asthma (n = 1,475) were interviewed between 2014 and 2021. Bivariate and logistic regression analyses were conducted to examine differences between participants with and without a history of lifetime e-cigarette use. In this sample, lifetime prevalence of e-cigarette use was 19.9%. Over half of the sample reported ever smoking traditional cigarettes (54.4%) or cannabis (55.4%). Compared to those who identified as White, those who identified as Black/African American had lower odds for lifetime e-cigarette use (aOR = 0.30, 95% CI: 0.22, 0.42). Those reporting lifetime traditional cigarette use (aOR = 10.60, 95% CI: 6.93, 16.68) or cannabis use (aOR = 1.81, 95% CI: 1.27, 2.61) had higher odds for reporting lifetime e-cigarette use. Overall, among a community sample of adults with a history of asthma, nearly a fifth reported lifetime e-cigarette use. The use of e-cigarettes was most common among those with lifetime traditional cigarette use and cannabis use. Findings can inform prevention and intervention efforts in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, we demonstrate that trends in the likelihood of child support agreements differ by marital history (i.e., never-married vs. ever-married) and by whether measures rely on the stock of families (i.e., allthose in which children live apart from a parent) or the flow (i.e., those that include children who newly live apart from a parent) in a given year. While previous research has highlighted difference by marital history, the contrast between stock and flow is a new contribution. Trends are typically measured with reference to the stock of cases, even while the flow of cases, which more immediately reflects concurrent policy changes, is more relevant in many contexts. Interpretations of recent declines in child support agreements in the stock of cases--referenced as evidence for both mandating participation and the impracticality of requiring child support-- may be better informed by considering the flow of cases. We find the flow of previously married mothers increasingly likely to have child support agreements while the likelihood is relatively consistent over time for nevermarried mothers. For both groups, using the flow measure, we find notable increases in agreements without payments due in the most recent period. These findings underscore the importance of differentiating stock and flow, and by marital history, in considering the proportion with agreements as an indicator of the effectiveness of current policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social service programs in the United States increasingly focus on giving individuals and families more "choices." The approach is exemplified by "choice programs," where people receive services through various forms of market participation. Examples of choice programs include defined contribution retirement plans, housing vouchers, charter schools, and health insurance marketplaces. Individuals across the socioeconomic spectrum have become accustomed to choice programs, and one's social status greatly affects the types, qualities, and prices of services people receive. The importance of the conversation around choice programs for providing access to resources is immense. Yet, despite contentious debate about their utility, we lack a comprehensive understanding of the institutionalization and widespread adoption of choice programs across a diverse range of social service domains. This article synthesizes stratification literature on retirement, healthcare, education, and housing to document the historical rise of choice programs. Particular attention is given to explaining how behavioral patterns and routines become second nature, altering who benefits, who is left out, and the overall effectiveness of the social welfare system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The non-regression principle is a budding international jurisprudential precept holding that legal protections of public welfare and individual rights, once established, cannot be subjected to erosive roll backs. Over the last decade, several international jurists began to apply the doctrine in the more specific context of environmental law. France has explicitly incorporated the principle by statute, while Brazil has similarly adopted it by Supreme Court decision. Implementation of environmental non-regression comes at a crucial time. The nonregression principle is a promising tool for achieving climate solutions and, given the existential threats posed by human climate disruption, implementing the principle, domestically and abroad, is of crucial importance. It is particularly critical the United States acts decisively--it is the second largest polluter on earth. An important question, then, is whether the non-regression principle could take root in the United States. This Note uses a potential methane pollution restriction as an example of how an anti-backsliding provision could realistically be made part of this nation's post-Paris Agreement efforts to limit climate change. Statutes like the Energy Policy and Conservation Act and Clean Air Act already contain limited restrictions on regression, known as anti-backsliding provisions. These are first steps, but wider implementation is necessary to achieve the goals of the 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change. Broad constitutional and regulatory adoption of the non-regression principle in the near term are likely politically impractical in the United States. A statute codifying environmental non-regression may have the necessary legal foundation to withstand political challenges in court and become a significant legal tool in achieving crucial climate and environmental protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We compare efficiency-enhancing cooperation and its underlying motives in Iceland and the US. The two countries are distinct along all measures of national culture known to us. They are however both developed democracies with similar GDP/capita (PPP adjusted). These similarities make it possible to hold constant aspects of culture related to wealth and institutions. In an experimental Voluntary Contribution Mechanism (VCM), we prime the participants with different social foci, emphasizing either their directly cooperating team or their wider social unit. With a team focus, cooperation levels do not differ between the two cultures, but this superficial similarity masks deep-seated differences: When the focus is on the wider social unit cooperation increases in Iceland and declines in the US. Both when the contribution levels are the same and when they differ, members of the two cultures differ in their motives to cooperate: Icelanders tend to cooperate unconditionally, and US subjects conditionally with a strong emphasis on reciprocity. Our findings indicate that different cultures can achieve similar economic and societal performance through different cultural norms and suggest that cooperation should be encouraged through culturally tailored persuasion tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the War on Poverty in the 1960s, the U.S. social safety net has shifted away from direct cash assistance for the lowest-income households and toward tax-based transfers targeted at working families with children. Previous research has assessed this shift by evaluating its effect on the national poverty rate. Doing so, however, overlooks how it may also have led to increased inequality among low-income households. We apply a decomposition framework to measure how changes in taxes/transfers and composition have affected trends in inequality below the poverty line from 1967 to 2019. Income inequality among the poorest households has been volatile since the 1960s, and changes to the American welfare state played a decisive role in expanding or reducing inequality below the poverty line. Unlike in previous decades, after the mid-1990s, the policies that most reduced poverty were also those that most increased inequality among the poor. These findings challenge standard theories regarding the effectiveness of income transfers in reducing poverty by revealing that recent state-led antipoverty efforts have placed the near poor and the deeply poor on divergent paths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study published in the issue which investigated the association between state government expenditure and infant mortality in the U.S. Topics include one method that can be used to address unobserved heterogeneity and unobserved differences between states that affected the outcome of interest that were also correlated with state spending on different social programs.

We examined the impact of COVID-19 on Black barbershops and their potential role as public health extenders. A 30-item survey was distributed to predominantly Black barbershop owners and barbers across 40 different states/territories in the US between June and October 2020. The survey addressed the impact of COVID-19 on Black barbershops, and barbers' interest in engaging in health outreach programs. The majority reported that stay-at-home orders had significant to severe impact on their business; few were prepared for the financial impact and less than half thought they qualified for government assistance. The majority were already providing health education and outreach to the Black community and showed interest in continuing to provide such services, like information on COVID-19. Barbers in Black-serving barbershops, a well-documented effective place for public health outreach to the Black community, show promise as public health extenders in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does the public decide who is deserving of welfare benefits? To shed light on this question, we investigate whether the CARIN principles of deservingness—specifically the ideas of control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need—impact the public's perception of American welfare target groups. We draw contrast between traditional welfare programs and pandemic‐related programs to gain a more comparative understanding of the principles' effects as well as to determine what role the pandemic may play in shaping welfare perceptions. We report that positive, deserving social constructions exist for recipients of both traditional and pandemic‐related welfare programs, and we find evidence that the distinction between traditional and pandemic‐related programs is important for deservingness perceptions in the US. Overall, these results suggest the importance of the CARIN criteria in an American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cost of HIV preexposure prophylaxis (PrEP) medication and care is a key barrier to PrEP use. Using population-based surveys and published information, we estimated the number of people with uncovered costs for PrEP care among US adults with PrEP indications, stratified by HIV transmission risk group, insurance status, and income. Accounting for existing PrEP payer mechanisms, we estimated annual uncovered costs for PrEP medication, clinical visits, and laboratory testing based on the 2021 PrEP clinical practice guideline. Of 1.2 million US adults with PrEP indications in 2018, we estimated that 49,860 (4 percent) of them had PrEP-related uncovered costs, including 32,350 men who have sex with men, 7,600 heterosexual women, 5,070 heterosexual men, and 4,840 people who inject drugs. Of those 49,860 people with uncovered costs, 3,160 (6 percent) incurred $18.9 million in uncovered costs for PrEP medication, clinical visits, and lab testing, and 46,700 (94 percent) incurred $83.5 million in uncovered costs for only clinical visits and lab testing. The total annual uncovered costs for adults with PrEP indications were $102.4 million in 2018. The proportion of people with uncovered costs for PrEP is less than 5 percent among adults with PrEP indications, but the magnitude of costs is significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy PointsThe historic 2022 Supreme Court Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization decision has created a new public policy landscape in the United States that will restrict access to legal and safe abortion for a significant proportion of the population.Policies restricting access to abortion bring with them significant threats and harms to health by delaying or denying essential evidence‐based medical care and increasing the risks for adverse maternal and infant outcomes, including death.Restrictive abortion policies will increase the number of children born into and living in poverty, increase the number of families experiencing serious financial instability and hardship, increase racial inequities in socioeconomic security, and put significant additional pressure on under‐resourced social welfare systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firearm injuries are the leading cause of death for youths 19 and younger in general and the third leading cause of death for non-Hispanic Black youths. Child Access Prevention (CAP) laws have been explored concerning their impact on firearm mortality reduction among heterogenous groups of youth, but not specifically among non-Hispanic Black youths. We analyzed data related to non-Hispanic Black youth firearm mortality, non-Hispanic Black poverty rates, firearm dealer density, and CAP laws for each state to ascertain the impact of CAP laws from 2015 to 2019. During the study period, a total of 6778 non-Hispanic Black youths died due to firearm trauma with the leading causes of death being homicides (85.8%); mostly seen among males (96%), and in the South (53.2%). When compared by CAP laws, the states with the strongest laws had statistically significantly lower rates of firearm mortality than states with the weakest laws. After adjusting for state poverty and firearm dealer density, the differences were not statistically significant but still, stronger CAP laws were associated with lower rates of firearm mortality among non-Hispanic Black youth. CAP laws alone can have a modest impact on non-Hispanic Black youth firearm mortality. To adequately reduce firearm mortality among non-Hispanic Black youths, the state and local governments should, along with CAP laws, enact policies to reduce poverty, crime, access to firearms by criminals, and neighborhood dysfunction among non-Hispanic Black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY Goal: We examined the variation in community benefit and charity care reporting standards mandated by states to determine whether state-mandated community benefit and charity care reporting is associated with greater provision of these services. Methods: We used 2011–2019 data from IRS Form 990 Schedule H for 1,423 nonprofit hospitals to create a sample of 12,807 total observations. Random effects regression models were used to examine the association between state reporting requirements and community benefit spending by nonprofit hospitals. Specific reporting requirements were analyzed to determine whether certain requirements were associated with increased spending on these services. Principal Findings: Nonprofit hospitals in states that required reports spent a higher percentage of total hospital expenditures on community benefits (9.1%, SD = 6.2%) compared to states without these requirements (7.2%, SD = 5.7%). A similar association between the percentage of charity care and total hospital expenditures (2.3% and 1.5%) was found. The greater number of reporting requirements was associated with lower levels of charity care provision, as hospitals allocated more resources to other community benefits. Practical Applications: Mandating the reporting of specific services is associated with greater provision of certain specific services, but not all. A concern is that when many services must be reported, the provision of charity care might be reduced as hospitals choose to allocate their community benefit dollars to other categories. As a result, policymakers may want to focus their attention on the services they most want to prioritize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses newly collected data on county-level unemployment relief recipiency in 1933 with an OLS with fixed effects and a cross-sectional border-county research design, to examine the correlation between Depression-era public assistance and contemporaneous mortality. The paper finds that in counties where the government tended to support more unemployed families, mortality was lower, particularly for white families. Overall, the unemployment relief program accounted for around 2.5 percentage points of the mortality decline. This cross-sectional finding, is robust to a range of specifications, including an instrument variable design. The largest mortality reductions came from drops in communicable and infectious diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty is unevenly distributed within the United States – – a fact demonstrated by a rich literature on inequality in the US. By ignoring such variation, research runs the risk of overlooking the geographical distribution of poverty and risks that increase the likelihood of poverty. In this article, I address this by: (1) building on the prevalence and penalties framework, developed in cross-national scholarship, and applying it to the U.S. case given state autonomy in poverty policy; and (2) conducting longitudinal analyses using high-quality data derived from the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey Annual Social and Economic Supplement (CPS-ASEC). Through these analyses, I examine the extent of interstate variation in poverty and in the prevalence of risks and the penalties associated with those risks. Results confirm interstate variation in poverty similar to that seen across rich democracies – the focus of much cross-national comparative work – and demonstrate sizable differences in risks and their associated penalties that have grown rapidly since the welfare reforms of the 1990s. These findings have substantial implications for scholars and policymakers interested in understanding poverty and vulnerability in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Scholars continue to call for social work students to be better prepared in the areas of family violence. In this study, we gathered information on the inclusion of intimate partner violence (IPV), child maltreatment, and elder abuse content in accredited baccalaureate and master's level social work programs across the United States. A survey invitation was sent to 538 baccalaureate and 306 master's level social work program directors in the summer of 2020. The final sample consisted of program directors representing 177 baccalaureate and 79 master's level social work programs. Survey data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. Findings: Data revealed that 12.43% of baccalaureate social work programs had a course on elder abuse, 25.42% had a course specific to IPV, and 60.45% had a course focused on child maltreatment; however, few programs required these courses. Master's program directors reported that 6.33% of their programs had a course on elder abuse, 34.18% on IPV, and 46.84% on child maltreatment; yet only three programs required a course on child maltreatment and none required courses on IPV or elder abuse. Applications: Social workers will likely work with client systems who experience family violence and it is critical that social work programs look for ways to improve the quantity and quality of family violence content into their curricula. It is also important for state licensing boards to require content on family violence at the initial and renewal stages. These educational efforts will enhance the knowledge and abilities of the social work workforce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This note compares the training of police officers and its consequential effects in the United States versus that of Norway. In the United States, the lack of national training standards, in conjunction with an emphasis on technical skills and weaponry, has further perpetuated the "Warrior mindset." The "Warrior mindset" reflects the rhetoric that officers are akin to combatants in a war, in which they have a duty to safeguard the rest of civilization against criminals that can strike at any moment. Contrastingly, the training programs for police officers in Norway include a consolidated and robust three-year education program that emphasizes a service-oriented philosophy. This has helped garner public engagement and lasting community partnerships. While by no means is the Norwegian police system one without faults, this Note explores why over one thousand people were killed by police shootings in the United States in 2021, and during that same year in Norway, police shootings of civilians did not seem to be an issue. Further, this Note will contemplate what the United States can learn from Norway to successfully foster a better relationship between police officers and civilians and to better support the general welfare of the public. This note was completed in 2022 and the data and figures cited in this article reflect the information available at the time of writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rising poverty in suburbs has led to increased interest in how well suburban safety nets function. Apart from public assistance programs, community-based nonprofit health and human service organizations play a central role in suburban efforts to address racial and economic inequalities. Understanding how nonprofit services are distributed across the suburban and urban landscape, therefore, is critical to assessing how communities may be able to address need. In this paper, we examine the presence and volatility of nonprofit health and human service expenditures in suburban and urban counties across the United States from 2000 to 2017. We find the nonprofit safety net to be more responsive in urban centers than in suburban places, and less robust in suburban areas experiencing high rates of poverty or with a larger share of residents who are Black. Nonprofit health and human service spending also appears less countercyclical than is commonly understood. Suburban-urban disparities in nonprofit health and human service spending persist after controlling for several county-level demographic and socioeconomic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical, feminist scholarship demonstrates that the welfare state underwrote the work of social reproduction, enabling procreation, socialization, sexuality, nurturance, and family maintenance. Carried out by families and other public and private social institutions, social reproduction includes making food, clothing, and shelter available for immediate consumption; ensuring the health and productivity of the current and future labor force; providing for people too old, too young, or too sick to care for themselves; and socializing family members. Historically, social reproduction includes both women's unpaid labor in the home and low-paid labor in the market and converts the wages of paid workers into the means of subsistence for the entire household. The economic crisis of the mid-1970s marked the end of the "golden age" of capitalism, and yielded neoliberal politics that sought to undo the redistributive elements of the New Deal and the Great Society. It called for a smaller state, greater reliance on market forces, and reduced expenditure on family maintenance. This article, a reprint of a 2017 book chapter, explores the crisis in social reproduction in the United States that surfaced with the rise of neoliberalism and the "carceral state." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US Congress temporarily expanded the Child Tax Credit (CTC) during the COVID-19 pandemic to provide economic assistance for families with children. Although formerly the CTC provided $2,000 per child for mostly middle-income parents, during July-December 2021 it provided up to $3,600 per child. Eligibility criteria were also expanded to reach more economically disadvantaged families. There has been little research evaluating the effect of the policy expansion on mental health. Using data from the Census Bureau's Household Pulse Survey and a quasi-experimental study design, we examined the effects of the expanded CTC on mental health and related outcomes among low-income adults with children, and by racial and ethnic subgroup. We found fewer depressive and anxiety symptoms among low-income adults. Adults of Black, Hispanic, and other racial and ethnic backgrounds demonstrated greater reductions in anxiety symptoms compared to non-Hispanic White adults with children. There were no changes in mental health care use. These findings are important for Congress and state legislators to weigh as they consider making the expanded CTC and other similar tax credits permanent to support economically disadvantaged families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a state-level model of recovery and a comprehensive set of tax- and expenditure-related variables to explore the effect that the states' fiscal policy decisions had on their recoveries after the Great Recession in the United States. In addition, we combine those findings with our resistance results from two earlier studies to identify the structural and fiscal-policy factors that consistently strengthened or weakened the states' economic resilience entering, during, and exiting that recession. Although our analysis indicates that resistance and recovery are distinctly different economic resilience phenomena, states that avoided sales and corporate income taxes, and that committed a greater share of their resources to public welfare expenditures, fared better than others throughout. This knowledge may aid state governments' fiscal policy decision making as they prepare for future recessionary shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

85 Background: Despite growing awareness that stable and affordable housing is a key social determinant of health, little research has examined the role of federal housing assistance in cancer outcomes. This study uses a novel data linkage to examine the association of federal housing assistance (i.e. various rent subsidy programs) on stage at diagnosis for the 4 most common cancers in the US. Methods: Individuals aged 66-95 years newly diagnosed with breast, colorectal, non-small cell lung (NSCLC) or prostate cancer in 2006-2019 with fee-for-service coverage were selected from SEER-Medicare Housing and Urban Development (HUD) administrative data. After identifying individuals with housing assistance at diagnosis, controls without housing assistance at diagnosis were propensity score matched in a 3:1 ratio by cancer site, age, sex, race/ethnicity, marital status, registry, year of diagnosis, area-level Yost socioeconomic status index, dual Medicaid eligibility, rural/urban residence, reason for Medicare entitlement, and pre-diagnosis comorbidity. Associations of housing assistance and diagnosis stage (SEER summary stage: localized vs. regional/distant) were examined with separate logistic regression models by cancer type. Results: A total of 7335 individuals with breast, 5660 with colorectal, 7399 with NSCL and 4309 with prostate cancer received housing assistance at diagnosis (Table). Compared to matched controls, a smaller percentage of individuals with housing assistance were diagnosed with regional/distant breast (36% vs. 33%), colorectal (59% vs. 57%), and NSCL (71% vs. 69%) cancers. Individuals receiving housing assistance were less likely to be diagnosed with later-stage breast (OR: 0.87; 95% CI: 0.83, 0.92) and NSCL (OR: 0.93; 95% CI: 0.88, 0.99) cancers. Housing assistance was not significantly associated with stage for individuals with colorectal or prostate cancers. Conclusions: Federal housing assistance is associated with earlier-stage breast and NSCL cancer diagnosis, highlighting its potential role in mitigating the adverse effects of housing insecurity on cancer outcomes. Housing assistance and cancer diagnosis stage. No Housing Assistance at Dx, N (%) Housing Assistance at Dx, N (%) OR [95% CI], P Breast Localized 14291 (64) 4890 (67) 1.0 (ref) Regional/Distant 8179 (36) 2445 (33) 0.87 [0.83, 0.92] P<0.001 Colorectal Localized 7046 (42) 2422 (43) 1.0 (ref) Regional/Distant 9934 (59) 3238 (57) 0.95 [0.89, 1.01] P=0.09 NSCLC Localized 6572 (30) 2298 (31) 1.0 (ref) Regional/Distant 15625 (71) 5101 (69) 0.93 [0.88, 0.99] P=0.02 Prostate Localized 10293 (80) 3401 (79) 1.0 (ref) Regional/Distant 2634 (20) 908 (21) 1.04 [0.96, 1.14] P=0.33 Dx=Diagnosis; OR=Odds Ratio; CI=Confidence Interval. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, which was established in 1996 and renewed in 2005, constituted a major reform of the US welfare system. Since its renewal, few studies have examined its effects on children. We used instrumental variables, two-way fixed effects, and event studies to examine the associations between state-level TANF policies, Child Protective Services involvement, and foster care placement during the period 2004-16. We found that each additional TANF policy that restricted access to benefits was associated with a 13 percent reduction in TANF caseloads. Using TANF policies as an instrument, we found that increases in TANF caseloads were associated with significant reductions in numbers of neglect victims and foster care placements. In two-way fixed effects models, restrictions on TANF access were associated with more than forty-four additional neglect victims per 100,000 child population and between nineteen and twenty-two additional children per 100,000 placed in foster care. Our findings suggest that additional research using data that capture the nuances of maltreatment should be used to investigate the relationships among TANF policies, child maltreatment, and foster care placement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. To systematically identify and analyze US state-level legislation concerning people who were undocumented during the COVID-19 pandemic, from January 2020 through August 2021. Methods. Using standard public health law research methods, we searched Westlaw's online database between November 2021 and January 2022 to identify legislation addressing COVID-19 and people who were undocumented. We abstracted relevant information, analyzed the data, and identified primary themes for each bill and resolution. Results. Sixty-six bills and resolutions, from 13 states, met the inclusion criteria. Legislation addressed 5 primary themes: eligibility and access to health-related services (n = 16), health and personal information (n = 10), housing assistance (n = 13), job security and employment benefits (n = 14), and monetary assistance (n = 13). Conclusions. Approximately one quarter of state legislatures introduced bills or resolutions regarding people who were undocumented and COVID-19. State-level laws are an important tool to mitigate the disproportionate impact of public health emergencies on vulnerable groups. Public Health Implications. As states shift attention away from the exigencies of COVID-19, this research provides insight into how law might be used to protect those who are undocumented throughout the full cycle of future public health emergencies. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(12):1757–1764. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307090) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unemployment rates soared at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in the US, increasing financial stress that can affect physical and mental health. Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) is the primary cash assistance program for low-income families in the US, with benefits conditional on work activities and subject to suspension. However, many states loosened requirements during the pandemic. Using TANF policy data and data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System from the period January 2017-December 2020 with a triple- difference design, we found a general protective effect of supportive changes to TANF on poor physical and mental health days and binge drinking during the COVID-19 pandemic for likely TANF participants. For example, providing emergency cash benefits to those not already participating in TANF, waiving work requirements, waiving or pausing sanctions, and automatically recertifying benefits were associated with reductions in the number of mentally unhealthy days. This study provides support for increasing generosity and easing administrative burdens in safety-net programs to buffer against negative impacts of public health and economic crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1997 the US established the Child Tax Credit (CTC), which offers payments to parents of dependent children to help defray child-rearing costs. In 2021 a temporary expansion to the CTC increased the size of payments, extended payments to families with low or no earnings, and distributed payments monthly instead of annually. Quasi- experimental evidence from the US and experimental evidence from low- and middle-income countries shows that moderate-to-large cash transfers improve subjective well-being and mental health. We estimated the CTC's expansion's effects on the subjective well-being and mental health of adult recipients, using data from the Understanding America Study, a nationally representative survey with more than 7,000 respondents and more than 2,700 unique respondents with children. We found no evidence that the CTC expansion had a significant short-term impact on measures of life satisfaction, anxiety, and depression symptomology among adult recipients. We speculate that the null effects may be due to the expansion's temporary nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment is frequently desired by persons who experience homelessness yet is often elusive. Little is known about the range and effectiveness of employment‐based interventions evaluated in existing literature on key psychosocial outcomes including employment participation, mental well‐being, housing tenure, community integration and substance use. To identify and synthesise existing studies, we conducted a systematic review of effectiveness using the methodology proposed by the Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) following Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta‐Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Following the removal of duplicates, we screened 13,398 titles and abstracts, and reviewed 79 studies at the full‐text review stage using two independent raters. A total of 16 studies met criteria for inclusion in a narrative synthesis and were subjected to critical appraisal. The majority of studies were conducted in the US (n = 14; 87.5%) with other studies published in Canada (n = 1; 6.3%) and Australia (n = 1; 6.3%). Interventions evaluated in existing studies included combined substance use and vocational skills interventions (n = 7; 43.8%), supported employment (n = 6; 37.5%), and integrated supports including an employment component (n = 3; 18.8%). The effectiveness of these interventions on employment, mental well‐being, housing tenure, community integration, and substance use is presented. Findings suggest that research evaluating employment interventions for persons who experience homelessness is in an early stage of development. Researchers and practitioners may consider collaborating with persons with lived experiences of homelessness and practitioners in co‐designing and modifying existing approaches to target key outcomes more effectively. Policymakers may consider allocating resources to such initiatives to further the development of practice and research aimed at supporting persons who experience homelessness to secure and sustain employment during and following homelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Delayed medical care is a negative consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic for families with young children. Our study used data from the Accessing California Communities' Experiences with Safety net Supports (ACCESS) survey, a cross-sectional study that assessed experiences with safety-net programs among working families with low incomes (n=491). From August 2020 to May 2021, we conducted interviewer-administered surveys of low-income families with young children (ages zero to eight) in California and asked questions about whether participants had delayed medical care for their children or themselves. We found that delaying care for children was associated with lack of childcare and with the child having pre-existing conditions. Delaying parental medical care was associated with lack of childcare, experiences of racism, government mistrust, and perceptions of welfare stigma. These results suggest that health care access may be improved through a focus on supporting childcare systems and addressing structural racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]