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In recent years, news media have increased reporting about alleged foreign interference in universities worldwide. A flurry of new policies has followed. This article reviews discourse and policy on foreign interference in higher education in select countries. It identifies the alleged perpetrators and victims, the victims' concerns and responses, and the voices shaping the narrative about foreign interference. We combine the concepts of sharp power and right-wing authoritarianism to inform a discourse analysis and comparative policy analysis of a data set of 161 news articles and related media sources spanning a 30-month period of 2019-2021. Our findings highlight how government actors within the United States and Australia drive the international English-language discourse about Chinese foreign interference in a polarized media environment. We observe well-founded fears of China's exploitation of international students and research collaborations to the detriment of national security. At the same time, a resurgent worldwide authoritarian movement is also exploiting these concerns to augment longstanding assaults on higher education. Our study helps to bridge the gap between the primarily positive framing of the internationalization of higher education in scholarly discourse and the negative focus on foreign interference in higher education in the media, government, and other public discourse. It also serves as an important introduction to this phenomenon and call to action for scholars of the internationalization of higher education to conduct further research and actively engage in the broader discourse around this topic.

Cold War strategic priorities led the United States to establish an enduring military alliance with General Francisco Franco's dictatorship in Spain between 1953 and 1975. This article examines the educational diplomacy carried out by the US government during the 1960s and early 1970s to foster Spain's stable modernization through the training of national development elites and the dissemination of US educational ideas. The work surveys US educational, informational, and cultural programs aimed at shaping an educational framework conducive to the expansion and legitimization of a US-oriented socioeconomic liberalization in Spain. On the one hand, this US soft power strategy sought to attract those groups who could play an important role in the capitalist modernization of the educational and economic structures of the Iberian country. On the other hand, it sought to reduce the identification of the United States with Franco's dictatorship and to link the image of the American superpower to the hopes for progress of the Spanish people. All of this was pursued in order to preserve US defensive interests in Spain. The piece also discusses US assistance to the crucial 1970 Spanish General Education Law, which allows us to explore how the US ideology of development and education was received by Spanish educational audiences. Thus, by delving deeper into the intersection between cultural diplomacy, international development, and the history of education, we aim to contribute to the integration of education into the histories of modernization and to deepen our understanding of US educational foreign policy in the Cold War.

This oral history describes the memories of a young German girl growing up during the Nazi Era and the end of World War II in a village in the Bavarian Alps of southern Germany. The narrative is based on her lived experiences and stories shared by her father about the horrors of the Nazi regime. Her memories include shrieking bells and imminent bombing attacks, boy soldiers inducted in the "Wehrmacht," the sabotage activities of her dissident father, and the despair of villagers when death notices came for sons and husbands killed at the front. She also describes the white-flag welcome her father and grandfather gave troops from General Patton's Third U.S. Army 10th Armored Division when they arrived at the edge of their village, and her experiences meeting White and Black soldiers who threw fruit and candy to the village children from their tanks. Concluding with her immigration to the United States at the age of 22 and her discovery of profound racism and discrimination against African Americans, this oral history gives teachers and teacher educators a rich, personal resource to use as an adjunct or alternative to textbook readings about a devastating time in Germany history.

This study shows which contacts and events were decisive for the publication of essays by John Dewey and William Kilpatrick as a German book in connection with Kilpatrick's ensuing discussion after 1918 of the project method - in the middle of the Nazi era. The volume was edited in 1935, by Peter Petersen, at the University of Jena, the founder of the Jenaplan (Jena Plan). A number of previously unknown letters, information from various archives and Kilpatrick's diaries, which are now available in digital form, were used. It was not possible to clarify all the details. However, it is certain that personal contacts and the educational exchange in American-German relations were not completely broken off with the beginning of Nazi rule in Germany in 1933.

As a postsecondary educator with most of my experience teaching in colleges, but with some also in undergraduate and postgraduate studies both in Canada and the United States, I have been teaching politics and government for close to fifty years. That time has been spent not only undertaking empirical analyses of political behaviour and the normative analysis of political theory, but also in the practical activity of promoting understanding of what is frequently called "civic life". The authorities who develop broad educational goals seem to have it in mind that promoting ideas of good citizenship and suggesting ways in which this citizenship can be enacted should be among the several goals of faculty members involved in "general education." As we live in a liberal democracy, it follows that a good part of that mission should involve the both cognitive knowledge (how governments work, issues of policy development, elements of the political process, etc.) and what are sometimes called affective and behavioural traits--habits of attitude and action that encourage and exemplify good citizenship. Specifically, we are expected to teach something about democracy.

Postsecondary teacher, Howard Doughty, has been teaching politics and government for close to fifty years. That time has been spent not only working with the empirical analysis of political behaviour and the normative analysis of political theory, but also in the practical activity of promoting understanding of what is frequently called civic life. In line with current standards and educational goals for faculty members involved in "general education," Doughty asserts a good part of that mission should involve the both cognitive knowledge (how governments work, issues of policy development, elements of the political process, etc.) and what are sometimes called "affective" and "behavioural" traits--habits of attitude and action that encourage good citizenship. More specifically, these educators are expected to teach something about democracy. Herein, Doughty discusses the historical controversy that follows the concept of democracy in theory and in practice. Next, he highlights four primary concerns about the current state of democracy and electoral system. Doughty goes on to explore briefly one set of criticisms of contemporary democratic politics as they are practiced in the United States of America, Canada and the United Kingdom. A description of the First-Past-the-Post (FPP) electoral system and its overall flaws are then discussed. Three cases are then presented to illustrate why some people regard FPP as an unfair and even an undemocratic way to elect presidents, prime ministers and legislators of various descriptions. Doughty concludes with several arguments demonstrating why FPP should be replaced with the Proportional Representation (PR) electoral system.

This study focuses on the cultural characteristics of Ahiska Turks in Wheaton, Illinois in the United States. By trying to understand the culture of the participants, I sought to shed light on how the Ahiska Turks managed to cope with the hardship they experienced and yet preserved their ethnic identities. In this multicase study, I interviewed six male Ahiska Turks. As a result of my analyses, eight themes emerged: family, religion (i.e., Islam), language (i.e., Turkish), communal life, endogamy, authoritarianism, oppression against the preservation of culture and identity, and education for upward mobility. The Ahiska Turks' agrarian way of life, the preservation of their language, and their preference of integration to the larger society for acculturation make them who they are today.

This historical study explores how educators in the United States responded to the rise of fascism between the World Wars. By considering and then ultimately rejecting the fascist approach to education and philosophy, American educators defined democratic education in contrast to fascist/totalitarian approaches to education by rejecting indoctrination and propaganda. The author argues that fascism provided a catalyst for pushing epistemological issues surrounding propaganda, indoctrination, relativity, and absolutism to the center of their collective consciousness in ways that parallel the controversies of today over "fake news" and "alternative facts."

More than half a century has passed since the horrific events of the Holocaust took place, but images of the state-sponsored, systematic persecution and annihilation of European Jewry by Nazi Germany are no less shocking than they were 60 years ago. Any discussion of the Holocaust inevitably leads to questions not only of how and why this event occurred in the modern era but, more importantly, how the legacy of the Holocaust can continue to raise international awareness of human rights abuses and genocide. One way of achieving this awareness is by providing holocaust education to the nation's young people. While this objective has obtained widespread support, there has been an absence of reliable nationwide information on how the Holocaust is actually taught in U.S. schools. This article attempts to fill that gap by presenting the results of a yearlong study commissioned by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum of teaching practices in Holocaust education in the nation's secondary public schools in 2003-04. The study assessed secondary teaching practices in middle and high schools in the field of Holocaust education, and investigated teachers' rationales for teaching about the Holocaust. (Contains 3 tables.)

Investigated relationships between parenting style and adolescents' academic achievement in Hong Kong, United States, and Australia. Found cultural differences in general and academic authoritarianism and general authoritativeness. Academic achievement was negatively related to academic authoritarianism and was positively related to general authoritarianism in Hong Kong and among U.S. and Australian children whose parents lacked college education. (Author/KB)

Uses data from surveys conducted in 1964 in the United States and 1978 in Poland to compare the association between occupational self-direction, social status, parental values, and self-concept under two different political systems. (GC)

Surveys carried out in the United States in 1966 and 1978 and in West Germany in 1945 and 1979 showed significant decreases in authoritarianism scale scores in adolescents over time. Although the degree of attitude change was greater in West Germany, American adolescents appear somewhat more authoritarian (in relation to school, family and society) than their German contemporaries. (Author/GC)

Motivation: A decade has passed since the outbreak of the so‐called Arab Spring, which led to regime changes in several Arab countries. However, these public protests demonstrated their ineffectiveness in bringing about political and economic improvements, nor did they facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy in Arab countries. Purpose: This article attempts to discuss the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries and the methods that should be followed to achieve democratic transformation, along with showing the international community's response to the Arab Spring. Approach and methods: This article relies on a descriptive, methodological, and analytical approach to the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries by analysing the events and results of the Arab Spring. Findings: The democratic transformation in Arab countries does not require as much concerted effort to protect the right to peaceful assembly as it does to safeguard other rights from violations resulting from certain practices. This is primarily due to significant differences between ideological, intellectual, and political groups within society. Furthermore, democratic transformation in Arab countries necessitates the collective efforts of the international community, particularly Western nations such as the United States, employing a credible and transparent approach free from political or economic interests. These external factors are crucial when it comes to either facilitating or hindering the democratic transition and the implementation of democratic reforms. Policy implications: The Arab Spring showed that peaceful democratic transitions and the conditions for the continuation or replacement of authoritarian regimes require the approval and support of some countries that are devoid of political or economic interests, as they are external factors that can influence and hinder the democratic transition or ensure democratic reforms. This is especially true because public protests are no longer simply a sign of resistance to the regime but rather are rather a potential advance warning of rebellion and the overthrow of said regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deciding whose words to trust profoundly impacts children's knowledge acquisition. In evaluating informants' trustworthiness, children are attentive to their social dominance. Previous studies have shown that children's trust preferences may differ across cultures based on the dominance of the informant: children in Western cultures prefer to trust in testimony from dominant informants, whereas children in Eastern cultures prefer to trust subordinate informants (Bernard et al., 2016; Charafeddine et al., 2019). We aim to investigate the potential cultural difference in the trust preferences of European American children (in the United States) and Chinese children (in China) from informants of varying levels of dominance, using a more refined method to assess children's trust preferences. We propose that different levels of authoritarianism – advocacies to obey authorities – in Western and Eastern cultures may explain the potential difference in children's selective trust. Specifically, as impacted by societal cultures, Chinese parents may possess a higher level of authoritarianism than European American parents and may place a higher emphasis on obedience in their parenting. Consequently, Chinese children may show stronger trust preferences from subordinate informants over dominant informants than European American children. Our research will offer insights into the potential mechanism underlying children's different learning preferences across cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on an expansive archive of internal government records obtained using the US Freedom of Information Act to examine federal, state and local police practice within the United States' 100‐mile border zone. Analysis of this archive reveals a large number of "border" enforcement events that involve the arrest of US citizens, lawful permanent residents and others with deep roots in US communities. It further shows how, regardless of where US Border Patrol agents operate, those whom they target overwhelmingly tend to be persons of Latin American origin. Reflecting on these enforcement patterns, the paper argues for the troubling of categorical distinctions between "border" and "interior" enforcement that permeates scholarly, popular and journalistic accounts of the contemporary geography of mass deportation in the United States. As an alternative, the paper calls for greater attention to the "intensity" of immigration policing, as a way to account for multiple overlapping pathways of enforcement and to diagnose how the networked interconnectivity of agencies, personnel, resources and infrastructures involved in these activities amplifies the risks of racial profiling, arrest, and a host of related downstream consequences (family separation, financial hardship, diminished educational performance, and adverse health outcomes) for US citizens and noncitizens alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women bring many benefits to policing but represent only 14% of sworn police in the United States. Researchers have examined different recruitment strategies, yet few have sought insight from women officers themselves. We explored women officers' perspectives on recruiting and retaining more women in policing. Using semi-structured interviews, we asked 40 current and retired women officers how police agencies can better target women to increase their representation. Responses were analyzed using open coding techniques. Participants noted difficulty hiring amid a larger police staffing crisis. They also discussed the structure and culture of police work as barriers to the recruitment and retention of women and suggested outreach and mentorship as strategies to increase integration. These findings have policy and practice implications related to increasing the integration and entrance of women in policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminal defamation and insult laws are increasing in implementation and utilization around the globe. In the last two decades: a private individual has been charged for insulting a police chief by calling him crooked; a mayoral candidate was charged for writing a critical op-ed of a public official; and a political candidate was charged for insulting their opponent. It might come as a shock that all three of these incidents occurred within the United States where fifteen states still criminalize defamation. Scholars describe criminal defamation in the United States as dormant, archaic, and anachronistic, but nonetheless criminal defamation persists. The rise of authoritarianism in other democracies might prove to be writing on the wall for how criminal defamation could be exacerbated within this country. This article analyzes the conflict between criminal defamation and democratic values and provides a solution for courts to find that criminal defamation violates the First Amendment. There are two methods proposed: the first is to use the Charming Betsy canon to interpret the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights into the First Amendment, and the second is to And that criminal defamation statutes are void for vagueness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the imposition of the US embargo, sixty years ago, Cuba became a laboratory for different strategies of democracy promotion implemented by Washington to change the regime and by Brussels to promote a reform from within. The maintenance of the one-party-system confirms not only the failure of these policies but their contribution to the consolidation of the revolutionary regime in place since 1959. The article asks why both actors maintain their policies towards Cuba. Through a qualitative and comparative analytical framework, it explores the dynamics between instruments and results of US and European Union (EU) strategies towards Cuba. It includes theoretical debates on political regimes, transitions and democracy promotion strategies through constructive engagement in case of the EU and through sanctions on behalf of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, American democracy set an example for the rest of the world, having proved its resilience to the authoritarian regime of the USSR during the Cold War. However, in recent years, China, which has adopted a different model of governance, a mixture of political authoritarianism and economic capitalism, has directly challenged the quality and credibility of American democracy. The more Beijing grows economically, the more it challenges Western institutions and the international order. It believes that there are alternative paths to prosperity. Russia, a classically authoritarian regime, agrees with China, with which it has developed close political and economic relations. The inherent problems of American democracy, especially under the Trump administration, have been used by Beijing and Moscow to support their arguments. The Russo-Ukraine war, aside from other interpretations, can be characterised as a dispute between democratic and authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump presidency generated concern about democratic backsliding and renewed interest in measuring the national democratic performance of the United States. However, the US has a decentralized form of federalism that administers democratic institutions at the state level. Using 51 indicators of electoral democracy from 2000 to 2018, I develop a measure of subnational democratic performance, the State Democracy Index. I then test theories of democratic expansion and backsliding based in party competition, polarization, demographic change, and the group interests of national party coalitions. Difference-in-differences results suggest a minimal role for all factors except Republican control of state government, which dramatically reduces states' democratic performance during this period. This result calls into question theories focused on changes within states. The racial, geographic, and economic incentives of groups in national party coalitions may instead determine the health of democracy in the states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many factors contributed to support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, among them media influences. Morgan and Shanahan (2017) found that television viewing was associated with support for Trump, mediated through authoritarianism. In light of the changes in the political and media environments during Trump's presidency, our study examined whether Morgan and Shanahan's (2017) findings still held in the 2020 US presidential election. Replicating their findings, we found that authoritarianism still mediates the relationship between television viewing and Trump support. As in the original study, the indirect effect is moderated by political ideology and gender, with stronger indirect effects among liberals and females. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policing in the United States is currently undergoing a serious workforce crisis. Drawing on Van Maanen's police socialization theory, we suggest that police recruiting videos provide an opportunity for departments to send clear signals to recruits about their attitudes and values that will improve recruiting. We employ a randomized vignette survey design to test the effectiveness of recruiting videos. Our findings demonstrate that college students indicate a greater willingness to become a police officer when recruiting videos focus on police officers' service to the community. This effect is particularly strong for students who indicate they desire to make a positive change in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of January 6th were a clear example of threats to American democracy. De-democratization is a process that preceded Trump's election and that can still be seen in the United States and around the world. Social theorist Charles Tilly wrote about how becoming a democracy is not a unidirectional, one-time event or goal, but a non-linear process. This paper analyzes developments in the United States that signal rises and falls in the level of democracy over the last several decades. It discusses Donald Trump's rise to power, the insurrection on January 6th, 2021, and the state of inclusion of ethnoracial minorities in the United States. It uses Tilly's proposed processes of democratization and de-democratization. This more nuanced understanding of democracy and state–society relations helps avoid celebratory stances about the promise of electoral politics as well as pessimistic assessments about the imminent arrival of fascism and authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The immediate post–Cold War era was defined by the material and ideological dominance of the United States. Thirty years on, challenges to both types of dominance proliferate. What explains the systemic change currently underway? The conventional wisdom of a shift to bipolarity or multipolarity ignores the possibility of changes within unipolarity. Recent instability is better explained by the decreased dominance of liberal-democratic ideology and the re-emergence of ideological competition. Building on Raymond Aron's analysis of homogeneous and heterogeneous international systems, we propose a typology exploring the intersections of systemic distributions of power and ideological topographies. Homogeneous topographies operate on a principle of collusion, reducing uncertainty while promoting restraint, transnational society, and gatekeeping against challenger ideologies. Heterogeneous topographies follow a crisscrossing logic, raising the stakes of relations, contributing to breakdowns in norms of nonintervention, enabling subversion by splitting loyalties, and encouraging repression and the fragmentation of transnational society. Applying this framework, we reappraise the 1990s as a unipolar-homogeneous moment. The emergence of heterogeneity in the mid-2000s, with the rise of authoritarianism and transnational illiberalism, put greater pressure on US unipolarity. This work has implications for debates about US foreign policy, the stability of unipolar systems, and the consequences of systemic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attack on the written word is not new. It has happened many times through history, especially in modern times as the availability of books has grown so rapidly. It is most often in authoritarian regimes that books are deemed a potential threat, and the elimination of this threat a means to maintain control of a potentially rebellious population. Probably the most heinous of book banning and burnings occurred during Nazi rule, prior to and during the Second World War. To witness, recently, in the United States the ugly head book banning and their removal from libraries is a sad commentary on the state of some senior politicians, including Governors and Judicial leaders. Fortunately, there is vigorous opposition to these efforts and notable successes in the quest for universal access to the world of books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this cross-sectional, quantitative, non-experimental study was to examine if African Americans' fear of the police varied based on age, gender, geographical location of the country, and community of residence. In addition, the research also explored why Blacks were fearful of police and if the reasons for fear differed based on the independent variables. The data was collected from a sample comprising 206 United States male and female citizens identified as Black or African American and 18 years of age or older. Data was collected through closed-ended electronic surveys distributed through Survey Monkey online web-based platform. The results suggested Black men between the ages of 35-44, residing in the South Atlantic Region of the United States in suburban neighborhoods primary reason for fearing the police was due to personally having had negative experiences with American law enforcement. The primary reason for fear of the police for women was due to having witnessed Black people having negative experiences with the executive branch of the government (law enforcement). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral foundations theory (MFT) has provided an account of the moral values that underscore different cultural and political ideologies, and these moral values of harm, fairness, loyalty, authority, and purity can help to explain differences in political and cultural ideologies; however, the extent to which moral foundations relate to strong social ideologies, intergroup processes and threat perceptions is still underdeveloped. To explore this relationship, we conducted two studies. In Study 1 (N = 157), we considered how the moral foundations predicted strong social ideologies such as authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) as well as attitudes toward immigrants. Here, we demonstrated that more endorsement of individualizing moral foundations (average of harm and fairness) was related to less negative intergroup attitudes, which was mediated by SDO, and that more endorsement of binding moral foundations (the average of loyalty, authority, and purity) was related to more negative attitudes, which was mediated by RWA. Crucially, further analyses also suggested the importance of threat perceptions as an underlying explanatory variable. Study 2 (N = 388) replicated these findings and extended them by measuring attitudes toward a different group reflecting an ethnic minority in the United States, and by testing the ordering of variables while also replicating and confirming the threat effects. These studies have important implications for using MFT to understand strong ideologies, intergroup relations, and threat perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent electoral successes of right-wing and far-right actors in different parts of the world have prompted discussion on various topics: the causes of their rise, their characteristics and strategies, the motivations of electorates and the depth of the right-wing shifts in a range of societies. This paper proposes key themes for systematising this debate and some clues to understanding the rise of the right in such diverse and heterogeneous national realities. It also suggests recovering a constructivist conceptualisation of "authoritarian traditions" in order to analyse the mobilisation strategies, behaviour and coordination of right-wing groups from a perspective that highlights their dynamic and innovative nature. This approach allows us to (re)think authoritarianism as the result of symbolic practices and discourses that are assembled, (re)invented and updated to serve various purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western democracies have lost their compass. They are cold and with no appeal; not looked upon as an efficient and effective model of governance. The Biden Doctrine might be defined as Joe Biden’s worldview divided between democracy and authoritarianism, as well as his attempt to make democracy attractive by having it deliver effectively on people’s concerns and needs. The Doctrine is also characterized by a commitment to the respect of human rights: its concern is not spreading democracy but showing that liberal democracy can effectively deliver at home and abroad more efficiently than authoritarian systems. The Biden Doctrine must not only focus on the revival of democracy but also face the challenge posed by authoritarianism’s appeal. The Doctrine must stand up against authoritarian rule, to promote liberal democratic government and respect for human rights as a solution to the distrust of democracy, in the era of cold democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural tightness is characterized by strong norms and harsh punishments for deviant behaviors. We hypothesized that followers in tight (vs. loose) cultures would more strongly prefer muscular leaders. This hypothesis was confirmed across seven studies ( N = 1,615) employing samples from the United States, the United Kingdom, and China. Using actual political leaders, we demonstrated that the tighter the state's culture was, the more muscular the elected governor was (Study 1). Temporarily situating participants in a tight (vs. loose) culture made them select a leader higher on muscularity but not on body fat, and the effects obtained occurred for both male and female leaders (Studies 2-3B). In addition, we demonstrated the mediating role of authoritarianism and a preference for a dominant leadership in this process (Studies 4-5B). These results demonstrate the importance of considering the interface between culture and the physical appearance of leaders., Competing Interests: Declaration of Conflicting InterestsThe author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Robert (Bob) Anthony Altemeyer (June 6, 1940-February 7, 2024) was an influential social psychologist who also shaped personality and political psychology. Born in St. Louis, Missouri, Bob was educated at Yale (undergraduate) and Carnegie-Mellon (graduate). Following a 2-year stint at Doane College in Nebraska, he established his career at the University of Manitoba (Winnipeg, Canada) from 1968 to 2008. In 1986, Bob was awarded the prestigious American Association for the Advancement of Science Prize for Behavioral Science Research, largely for his development of the right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) construct. Whereas the authoritarian personality construct developed by Adorno and colleagues in the 1950s was rooted in psychodynamics, Bob drew on social learning principles and conceptualized authoritarianism as both an attitudinal orientation and trait. Not all of Bob's ideas held true, such as the social learning underpinnings that he proposed for RWA. But true to his inquisitive nature, he wrote that he would be excited to learn of RWA's strong heritable components if uncovered (as they later were). An anticonformist to the core, Bob published almost exclusively in books despite the field prioritizing journal articles, typically as sole author and working with few collaborators, and writing about complex ideas with rather informal and unconventional language. His legacy is proof that fighting the odds and remaining authentic, rather than chasing conventions and norms, can leave an indelible mark on science. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Authoritarianism, an individual-level predisposition that favors security, conformity, and certainty, has been powerfully linked with cultural conservatism and support for "strongman" politicians but weakly and inconsistently linked with public opinion toward economic issues. In examining this latter relationship, past work has tended to pose a dichotomous question, is authoritarianism associated with economic liberalism/conservatism or not? Here, I diverge from this approach and argue that authoritarianism is associated with support for one specific program—Social Security. I argue that the unique framing of this program, which emphasizes rule-following, certainty, and deservingness, should resonate with authoritarian-minded individuals. I test this with survey data, primarily from the American National Election Studies (ANES). Overall, I find a positive and substantively significant relationship between authoritarianism and support for Social Security but not for other types of domestic social welfare spending. These findings help us better understand the correlates of mass support for Social Security as well as the policy consequences of authoritarianism. These findings also suggest that Social Security will likely remain popular in an increasingly authoritarian Republican Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses conversation analysis to investigate how participants in emergency telephone calls in the United States use racial/ethnic categories to describe persons of interest such as suspects, victims, or persons needing assistance. It problematizes the use of racial/ethnic categories in these calls by first analyzing an instance of a caller's racial profiling (in which racial categories are used to justify the call). This instance of racial profiling is then compared with 15 routine emergency service calls to reveal how callers and call takers routinely introduced racial/ethnic categories. I describe how both deviant and routine uses of these categories could lead to racial profiling and/or displace information that might be more effective in creating useful descriptions of persons of interest. The conclusion addresses ideas for further research and practical implications for emergency telephone call takers and those working to transform the way race is tied to policing in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Well-known predictors of prejudice toward Muslims include social dominance and authoritarianism. However, a gap exists for variables reflecting a rejection or mitigation of ideological motivations associated with prejudice toward Muslims. We examined if quiet ego was related to positive attitudes toward Muslims, and whether this could be explained by lower levels of authoritarianism, social dominance, and the motivation to express prejudice. We explored this possibility across two studies of adults in the United States (N = 376; N = 519). In Study 1, regression results showed quiet ego was directly associated with positive attitudes toward Muslims. Study 2 utilized path analyses and found that the direct relationship between quiet ego and positive attitudes toward Muslims was explained by associations between quiet ego and lower endorsement of authoritarianism, social dominance, and the internal motivation to express prejudice toward Muslims. Moreover, these associations held when accounting for several correlates of intergroup attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]