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We examined how potential job candidates react to a hiring organization that requests diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) statements, which conservatives in the United States and elsewhere have criticized as being unrelated to job function and inappropriately political or ideological. Across three studies (two of which were pre‐registered), we compared reactions to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork or conservative values) statements as a function of race (Black vs. White), political conservatism and symbolic racism (Total N = 1108). When a DEI (vs. teamwork or politically conservative values) statement was requested, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative perceived the organization as less just, expressed less interest in the job, and expected poorer person‐organization fit, even when a job‐related rationale was provided. Further, participants who were more (vs. less) conservative evaluated a request for a statement consistent with conservative values more favourably. Thus, criticisms that DEI statements are overly political are not applied to other statements that might elicit similar concerns. Moreover, an internal meta‐analysis suggested that the relationships of conservatism to justice and interest (but not person‐organization fit) in response to requests for DEI (vs. teamwork) statements were not independent of racism. Findings were consistent with social dominance theory; racism may underlie seemingly race‐neutral backlash to DEI statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberalism is based on the dogma that free‐market capitalism serves the public better than governmental programs (e.g., public universities). In this research, we first asked what psychological orientations and beliefs predict support for one of the fundamental tenets of neoliberalism: the belief that government interferes with the smooth functioning of public life and the free market. Second, we examined how these predictors function across economic contexts and political regimes by collecting data in the United States and Turkey. We find that in two U.S. samples, high levels of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and the belief in personal wherewithal (i.e., anybody can move ahead if they work hard enough) predicted people's support for neoliberalism. In the Turkish sample, we found that RWA and personal wherewithal significantly predicted support for neoliberalism, but unlike the US, in Turkey, higher levels of RWA were related to the rejection of neoliberalism. Our research highlights the flexible relationship authoritarianism has with neoliberalism and the importance of a belief in personal wherewithal in justifying neoliberalism. This research illuminates differences between US neoliberal logic and populist neoliberalism in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expanding upon Duckitt's dual‐process motivational model of ideology and prejudice (DPM; Duckitt, 2001), this research explores the psychological underpinnings of the approval of hostile design (AoHD) measures. Hostile design measures are interventions designed to deter undesirable behaviours and specific social groups in urban areas. Across three correlational studies (N = 798) conducted in Germany and the US, we investigated the relationship between AoHD, Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), as well as dangerous and competitive worldviews. AoHD was positively associated with RWA and SDO, as well as with dangerous and competitive worldviews. In line with the DPM, the relationship between a competitive worldview and AoHD is mediated by SDO in Studies 2 and 3. In addition, the relationship between a dangerous worldview and AoHD is mediated by RWA in Study 2 but not in Study 3. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Upper‐middle‐class Chinese families send children to the United States for high school to exit what some perceive as an ‘unhappy’ educational environment in China or in pursuit of a ‘better education’ in the United States. However, for some students, the American high school experience itself may be marked by ‘unhappiness’, endured in the pursuit of ‘success’. Based on ethnographic interviews with Chinese youth attending private American high schools, this study illustrates how narratives of unhappiness surrounding such transnational educational choices result in multiple success frames among students, categorized as ‘pragmatists’ and ‘rebels’. Those who downplay happiness or experience unhappiness in the US context tend to adopt the ‘pragmatic’ frame, while those emphasizing their exit from an ‘unhappy’ situation are more likely to align with the ‘rebel’ frame. Despite slight deviations from parental expectations, the relative economic security of these families enables Chinese youth to develop ambivalent success frames based on their familiarity with both US and Chinese contexts, questioning the dominance of a singular success narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extreme precipitation events are projected to increase in frequency across much of the land‐surface as the global climate warms, but such projections have typically relied on coarse‐resolution (100–250 km) general circulation models (GCMs). The ensemble of HighResMIP GCMs presents an opportunity to evaluate how a more finely resolved atmosphere and land‐surface might enhance the fidelity of the simulated contribution of large‐magnitude storms to total precipitation, particularly across topographically complex terrain. Here, the simulation of large‐storm dominance, that is, the number of wettest days to reach half of the total annual precipitation, is quantified across the western United States (WUS) using four GCMs within the HighResMIP ensemble and their coarse resolution counterparts. Historical GCM simulations (1950–2014) are evaluated against a baseline generated from station‐observed daily precipitation (4,803 GHCN‐D stations) and from three gridded, observationally based precipitation data sets that are coarsened to match the resolution of the GCMs. All coarse‐resolution simulations produce less large‐storm dominance than in observations across the WUS. For two of the four GCMs, bias in the median large‐storm dominance is reduced in the HighResMIP simulation, decreasing by as much as 62% in the intermountain west region. However, the other GCMs show little change or even an increase (+28%) in bias of median large‐storm dominance across multiple sub‐regions. The spread in differences with resolution amongst GCMs suggests that, in addition to resolution, model structure and parameterization of precipitation generating processes also contribute to bias in simulated large‐storm dominance. Plain Language Summary: As global temperatures rise, there's growing concern about an increase in the frequency of extreme precipitation events. However, projections of future changes to large‐magnitude precipitation events often rely on coarse‐resolution models which simulate meteorology on a spatial scale larger than most storms. To address this, we explored the potential of higher resolution models from the Coupled Model Intercomparison Project HighResMIP ensemble to improve the fidelity of simulated precipitation variability across the western United States. We compared four HighResMIP models with their coarse‐resolution counterparts from 1950 to 2014 and found that coarse‐resolution models consistently underestimated the dominance of large storms compared to observed data. While some HighResMIP models showed improvement, others remained unchanged or even showed increased bias. This suggests that besides spatial resolution alone, factors like model structure and numerical representation of fine scale precipitation processes play a role in accurately simulating intense storms. These findings highlight the importance of considering both resolution and climate model structure in predicting future extreme precipitation events, especially in regions where precipitation is generated by processes that operate on a wide range of spatial scales. Key Points: Increasing spatial resolution of general circulation models (GCMs) does not consistently improve simulation of large‐storm dominance across the western United StatesCoarse resolution GCMs simulate large‐storm dominance well in regions where the largest daily precipitation events are due to synoptic scale precipitationModel structure and parameterization of precipitation generation appear to be equally as important as resolution in the simulation of large‐storm dominance [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The techniques used to interrogate individuals suspected of a crime can profoundly impact their decisions to confess, cooperate, or disclose information. Research using different methods suggests that two prevailing interrogation approaches—accusatorial and information-gathering—differentially impact interrogation outcomes. However, confession, cooperation, and information disclosure are ultimately the suspected person's decision, yet few studies directly examine their perspectives about how interrogation techniques affect their decisions, and none examine a U.S. sample. This study assessed how interrogation strategies characterized by humanity, rapport, confrontation, and dominance/control predicted interrogation outcomes in a sample of 249 individuals incarcerated in two U.S. jails. Respondents who reported experiencing humane strategies were more likely to confess, cooperate completely, and disclose incriminating information. Dominance/control-oriented strategies predicted partial confession (but not cooperation or disclosure), and rapport-based and confrontational techniques did not predict outcomes. Findings highlight humane interrogation strategies as likely the most productive strategies to adopt in criminal interrogations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deciding whose words to trust profoundly impacts children's knowledge acquisition. In evaluating informants' trustworthiness, children are attentive to their social dominance. Previous studies have shown that children's trust preferences may differ across cultures based on the dominance of the informant: children in Western cultures prefer to trust in testimony from dominant informants, whereas children in Eastern cultures prefer to trust subordinate informants (Bernard et al., 2016; Charafeddine et al., 2019). We aim to investigate the potential cultural difference in the trust preferences of European American children (in the United States) and Chinese children (in China) from informants of varying levels of dominance, using a more refined method to assess children's trust preferences. We propose that different levels of authoritarianism – advocacies to obey authorities – in Western and Eastern cultures may explain the potential difference in children's selective trust. Specifically, as impacted by societal cultures, Chinese parents may possess a higher level of authoritarianism than European American parents and may place a higher emphasis on obedience in their parenting. Consequently, Chinese children may show stronger trust preferences from subordinate informants over dominant informants than European American children. Our research will offer insights into the potential mechanism underlying children's different learning preferences across cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivated by emerging research that connects officer psychological orientations to policing outcomes, we examine how Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), i.e. preference for group-based social hierarchy, is related to officer attitudes toward democratic policing practices. Analysing survey data collected from officers in a state-level police organization in the United States, we find that high SDO officers are more willing to use force and less willing to report peer misconduct than low SDO officers. High SDO officers are also less supportive of procedurally fair policing practices. These findings contribute to research on factors that may inhibit officer support for democratic policing. We discuss the implications of these results for organizational efforts to inculcate democratic values among frontline officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gun violence is a serious problem in the United States and elsewhere and more so among men than women. We conducted an experiment to examine if men whose masculinity was threatened are more attracted to guns than non-threatened men, presumably to compensate for the threat. After completing a gender knowledge test, men (N = 168) randomly received either false masculinity threatening (experimental condition) or masculinity affirming (control condition) feedback. Subsequently, we measured men's attitudes toward guns and their choice of a gun-range voucher. Men whose masculinity was threatened (vs. affirmed) showed more positive attitudes toward guns and were more likely to choose the voucher. Both effects were statistically significant when the whole sample was analyzed and when very strict exclusion criteria were applied. However, when data exclusions were based on a suspicion check, effects were statistically significant only when a covariate was included (i.e., social dominance orientation, patriotism, or experience with guns). We discuss reasons for this mixed evidence, including the possibility that suspicion regarding the masculinity feedback could itself be a compensatory reaction to threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dominance and prestige reflect different forms of power and can affect relationship outcomes. Whereas dominance is a conflict-oriented way of dealing with people and grabbing status, prestige is derived from respect and esteem that is granted by others due to superior skills and knowledge. In this research, we tested three partially competing perspectives on potential associations of dominance and prestige with relationship quality (RQ). Sociobiological perspectives suggest that both concepts ensure the provision of valuable resources, and thus predict that both dominance and prestige would be positively linked to RQ. From a sociocultural perspective, men are expected to be dominant and prestigious whereas being dominant (and perhaps being prestigious) would violate the feminine gender-role stereotype; thus, both variables should relate positively to RQ only for men. From a personality perspective, dominance is characterized by undesirable attributes, whereas prestige is characterized by more desirable attributes; as such, only prestige should be positively related to RQ. We conducted four studies with individuals in romantic relationships in three different countries (Germany, Israel, and the US; N total = 2,010 participants). The participants completed measures of dominance-prestige (as general attributes, as relationship-specific attributes, or in comparison with their partner) and measures of RQ. Although not entirely consistent across studies, our results were most consistent with the personality-based perspective. Prestige seems to benefit a relationship for both actors and partners whereas dominance is detrimental to relationship happiness. Yet, as some results showed that the negative link between dominance and RQ was stronger for women than for men, and the positive link between prestige and RQ was weaker for women than for men; thus some weak support for the sociocultural perspective was also found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on construal level theory, results from a survey based on a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (N = 1000) indicate an indirect effect of social distance and temporal distance perception on emotional response, policy support, and vaccination intention through risk perception. This study also reveals that social dominance orientation contributes to perceived psychological distance of the monkeypox outbreak. These results suggest that communication about a public health crisis such as monkeypox needs to emphasize its broader community impact, rather than focusing on the primary population affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global imaginary contributes to the perpetuation of neo-colonial and neoliberal mentalities, which reinforce the political, cultural, and social dominance over international students. Through an exploration guided by interrelated theories of agency and transnational social fields, this study employs a narrative inquiry methodology with a constructivist research approach to comprehend and investigate the agency of international graduate students of Color amidst transnational mobility during the COVID-19 pandemic within a four-year public research institution in the United States. The research findings demonstrate that specific contexts and spaces shape the agency of international graduate students and (trans)form their present and future. This article reveals four distinct forms of agency: agency as negotiation in uncertainties, agency as resistance to forms of (neo)racism, agency for personal growth and (trans)formation, and agency within transnational futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research is limited in the study of correspondence between online and in-person forms of sexual harassment (SH) among adult men as well as correlates of these behaviors. The present study assesses whether social dominance orientation (SDO; i.e., the tendency to reject equality and support hierarchy-legitimizing myths and behaviors) might be associated with increases in SH perpetration both online and in-person, perhaps through increases in perceived social support for SH and masculine gender role discrepancy stress. Among a sample of U.S. adult men (N = 167), results indicated that there were indirect effects of SDO on both in-person and online SH through increases in perceived social norms but not through masculine gender role discrepancy stress. A competing model, in which SDO mediates these associations, was not supported. Results support the use of social norms approaches to target perceived social norms, if these results are replicated within temporal designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a matter of arithmetic, the trends of US government debt and deficits will eventually result in an outrageously high government debt-to-GDP ratio. But when exactly will the United States hit the constraint of infeasibility and how exactly will policy adjust to it? This article considers fiscal dominance, which is the possibility that accumulating government debt and deficits can produce increases in inflation that “dominate” central bank intentions to keep inflation low. Is it a serious possibility for the United States in the near future? And how might various policies change (especially those related to the banking system) if fiscal dominance became a reality?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, sexual assault (SA) is a significant problem that has adverse psychological impacts on women. Scholarship has shown that when survivors choose to disclose their experiences, the way their networks react has a powerful impact on their well-being, but literature on response to SA disclosure has not extensively explored variation among women, who are likely recipients of these disclosures. This study explored variation among perceptions of and blame attribution for SA within a geographically and politically diverse but primarily White sample of women. Participants were assigned one of four vignettes, each of which described a non-stereotypical SA. The vignettes differed in two ways: (1) the social status of the perpetrator of the assault and (2) the length of time the victim waited to report. Results showed that being older and more politically conservative was associated with assigning less blame to the perpetrator and more blame to the victim, but neither education level nor where the participant lived were linked with blame attribution. While women's own experiences of SA were unrelated to their responses, having a loved one who had experienced SA was associated with less victim blaming. With respect to attitudes, women endorsing higher levels of social dominance orientation (SDO) and sexism also reported higher levels of victim blame and lower levels of perpetrator blame. Further research should explore the role of specific personal experiences and knowledge of others' SA in assignment of blame, investigate the predictors and moderators of SDO, and should extend these findings to more racially/ethnically diverse samples of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bondage/discipline, dominance/submission, and sadism/masochism (BDSM; "kink") are frequently pathologized as derivatives of abuse. Although the link is unsubstantiated, some kink-identified people who happen to be survivors of trauma may engage in kink, or trauma play, to heal from, cope with, and transform childhood abuse or adolescent maltreatment. The present study sought a thematic model (Braun & Clarke, Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101, 2006) of trauma recovery through kink using a critical realist, inductive approach to inquiry. Participants were eligible if they had experienced early abuse, were adults, and practiced kink. Six superordinate themes were generated from semi-structured interviews with 20 participants from five countries: cultural context of healing (e.g. using BDSM norms and previous therapy to reframe kink and trauma), restructuring the self-concept (e.g. strengthening internal characteristics which had been harmed or distorted), liberation through relationship (e.g. learning to be valued by intimate others), reclaiming power (e.g. setting and maintaining personal boundaries), repurposing behaviors (e.g. engaging in aspects of prolonged exposure), and redefining pain (e.g. transcending painful memories through masochism). Notably, participants only reported retraumatizing experiences prior to learning about the structural safeguards of BDSM. Research and clinical implications are discussed by drawing on general models of trauma recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse bibliometric-based male dominance with the keyword "male dominance" as search input. The Scopus.com web link is used in searching document databases with the type "article" about dominance studies worldwide. Bibliometric data were analysed using VOSviewer Type 1.6.18 software to visualise the network of authors, years, countries, keywords, and study depth related to the issue of male dominance. An analysis conducted on December 18, 2022, found 704 documents between 2000 and 2023. The research results show that, first, in the last six years (2017–2022), the number of publications about domination has grown significantly. Second, the United States is a country that contributes the most significant and productive number of publications in the world related to dominance studies. Third, the main keywords often used in dominance articles are women, state, murder, crime, violence, family, Islam, society, women's status, and gender. Furthermore, fourthly, the latest keywords used are relationship, west, historian, religion, Islamic law, and Christianity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many factors contributed to support for Donald Trump in the 2016 US presidential election, among them media influences. Morgan and Shanahan (2017) found that television viewing was associated with support for Trump, mediated through authoritarianism. In light of the changes in the political and media environments during Trump's presidency, our study examined whether Morgan and Shanahan's (2017) findings still held in the 2020 US presidential election. Replicating their findings, we found that authoritarianism still mediates the relationship between television viewing and Trump support. As in the original study, the indirect effect is moderated by political ideology and gender, with stronger indirect effects among liberals and females. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks guidance from the planned risk information avoidance model to explore drivers of risk information avoidance in the context of COVID‐19. Data were collected early during the pandemic. Among our most notable results is that participants who are more oriented toward social dominance and are more skeptical of scientists' credibility have (1) more supportive attitudes toward risk information avoidance and (2) feel social pressure to avoid risk information. The findings of this study highlight how the role of skepticism in science and intergroup ideologies, such as social dominance, can have important implications for how people learn about health‐related information, even in times of heightened crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, the armed forces in Western countries such as Canada and the United States have accepted women into virtually all military occupations. Despite this, a growing body of research confirms that female service members face prejudiced treatment while conducting their work in these organizations that continue to be predominately masculine and male-dominated. In particular, women attending the Canadian Military Colleges (CMCs) experience gender-related conflicts arising from the dissimilar fitness test standards between male and female cadets. There have been, however, few studies that scrutinize the psychological mechanisms of these tensions. The aim of this study was to unpack the existing biased perceptions against women pertaining to physical fitness through ambivalent sexism, social dominance orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism. Officer and naval cadets (n = 167, 33.5% women) at the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC) completed survey measures. Indirect effect analyses showed that cadets who viewed the fitness standards to be unfair expressed more hostile rather than benevolent sexist outlooks against women, and these negative feelings were connected to greater levels of social dominance and right-wing authoritarianism. These results indicate that sexist beliefs, competitive worldviews, and authoritarianism are underlying attitudes that should be addressed by militaries striving to fully integrate women into their forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Questions about men and masculinities have arisen in psychology before, but it is only recently that a distinct research field has emerged. This field has made use of the concept of "hegemonic masculinity"; but in what way? The 26 papers published in Psychology of Men & Masculinities (PMM) from 2000 to early 2022 that mention this concept were examined. Over this period both the pattern of authorship and the balance of methods have changed. Most of the empirical work involves either quantitative scale-based studies or, increasingly, qualitative studies with smaller groups but more intensive methods. Considered as a whole, this literature convincingly documents the diversity of masculinities to be found among groups of men within the USA. There is a tendency to define hegemonic masculinity as a set of personal traits, rather than as a position in a structure of gender relations involving the subordination of women. Problems arise about the relation of hegemony to violence, and about the costs versus benefits of occupying a hegemonic position among men. Some directions in which the research field might develop are suggested, including greater attention to postcolonial perspectives in psychology. Public Significance Statement: Research on men and masculinities has value for education, health work, counseling, and public policy. For this knowledge to be most effective, careful conceptualization and links with other fields of knowledge are needed. This article reviews all the research about hegemonic masculinity published in Psychology of Men & Masculinities, brings together its findings, corrects some misunderstandings, and suggests useful directions for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hostile masculinity and its components (i.e., sexual dominance, hostility toward women, adversarial sexual beliefs, rape myth acceptance, and acceptance of interpersonal violence) have received considerable research attention as predictors of male-perpetrated sexual aggression toward women. The current systematic review sought to synthesize and organize the extant literature. Studies were included in the systematic review if they were published in a peer-reviewed journal between the years 1990 and 2020, contained a male sample within the United States, analyzed quantitative data, and examined at least one component of hostile masculinity and its association with sexual aggression. Literature searches were conducted in three academic databases, and additional records were identified through references sections from known hostile masculinity research. A total of 95 articles met inclusion criteria and were integrated into the overview of results. The reviewed literature provided broad support for the association between hostile masculinity and sexual aggression, including evidence for the theoretical framework posited by the confluence model of sexual aggression. Prevention efforts are likely to find success by modifying hostile masculine characteristics among men, particularly within problematic environmental contexts. However, the review also highlighted the need for a uniform conceptualization and operational definition of hostile masculinity. Additionally, empirical work with diverse samples is necessary to determine the scope of generalizability and potential subcultural distinctions. Future research that addresses these limitations will contribute to the understanding and prevention of sexual aggression beyond what is provided by the extant literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the attacks on 9/11, Muslims in the United States were the targets of increased surveillance by law enforcement on the basis of their religious identity, often resulting in mistreatment and unjustified imprisonment. The current study examined ideologies that are associated with Islamophobia and support for police surveillance of Muslims, as well as specific types of intergroup threat perceptions that mediate these relationships. Participants (N = 603) completed a survey measuring Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right‐wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Nationalism, intergroup threat perceptions, Islamophobia, and support for an anti‐Muslim police surveillance policy. Results demonstrated that higher levels of SDO, RWA, and Nationalism were each independently associated with Islamophobia through increased realistic, symbolic, and terroristic threat perceptions. Further, higher levels of Islamophobia mediated the relationships between each type of perceived threat and support for a Muslim surveillance policy. This comprehensive model of anti‐Muslim bias highlights the relative, independent effects of ideology and threat perceptions on anti‐Muslim prejudice and discrimination. Findings hold implications for the use of threat‐based language and stereotyping in policy decisions, particularly among those high in SDO, RWA, and Nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Well-known predictors of prejudice toward Muslims include social dominance and authoritarianism. However, a gap exists for variables reflecting a rejection or mitigation of ideological motivations associated with prejudice toward Muslims. We examined if quiet ego was related to positive attitudes toward Muslims, and whether this could be explained by lower levels of authoritarianism, social dominance, and the motivation to express prejudice. We explored this possibility across two studies of adults in the United States (N = 376; N = 519). In Study 1, regression results showed quiet ego was directly associated with positive attitudes toward Muslims. Study 2 utilized path analyses and found that the direct relationship between quiet ego and positive attitudes toward Muslims was explained by associations between quiet ego and lower endorsement of authoritarianism, social dominance, and the internal motivation to express prejudice toward Muslims. Moreover, these associations held when accounting for several correlates of intergroup attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction of carotid stenting (CAS) has led to numerous comparative trials with carotid endarterectomy (CEA). The objective of the study was to review real-world volumes, outcomes, and complications following CEA versus CAS over an extended period to identify durable changes in practice. Data were extracted from the National Inpatient Sample. Trends were assessed by annual percent change (APC), and adjusted risk ratios were calculated across the last 5 years of the study period. During 1997–2015, 199,330 symptomatic and 1,995,637 asymptomatic patients underwent carotid revascularization. In symptomatic patients, CEA declined (1997–2004; APC = −7.68%, P < 0.001) and CAS rose (1997–2008; APC = 15.48%, P < 0.001) during the first decade, subsequently becoming more muted. In asymptomatic patients, CEA decreased, whereas CAS initially increased (1997–2006; APC = 20.27%, P < 0.001) and then decreased (2007–2015; APC = −4.52%, P < 0.001). Routine discharge after symptomatic revascularization declined in CEA after 2003 and in CAS after 2006 (APC = −1.72% and −3.11%, respectively, P < 0.001 for both), corresponding to increasing patient comorbidity; similar trends were seen in asymptomatic patients. Death decreased after CEA (symptomatic and asymptomatic; APC = −4.85% and −3.53%, respectively, P < 0.001 for both) and CAS (asymptomatic only, APC = −2.53%, P = 0.04). CAS remained associated with a higher adjusted risk ratio for death, venous thromboembolism, and seizures in all patients and stroke and nonroutine discharge in symptomatic patients, during the last 5 years of the study period. Mortality has improved, but routine discharge has decreased following both CEA and CAS, congruent with increasing patient comorbidity. Trends in volumes, outcomes, and complication rates continue to favor CEA in real-world practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Masculine facial morphology (e.g., larger jaw, prominent cheekbones) have been linked to a suite of social outcomes—including greater wealth, career progress, romantic desirability, and even greater political success. A leading explanation for these links is that dominant facial structures represent honest cues of physical dominance and fighting ability. Třebický et al. (2013) published the first study to demonstrate that masculine facial cues (e.g., large nose, deep-set eyes) similarly predict both dominance judgments and real-world fighting success, but no studies have replicated these popular findings that a large and specific assortment of masculine facial structures are implicated in both fighting ability and dominance perception. Thus, we conducted a pre-registered direct replication and extension of Třebický et al. (2013). Two separate samples of United States MTurk participants rated 516 UFC fighters' facial photographs on perceived aggressiveness (N = 500) and fighting ability (N = 500). Results showed that perceived aggressiveness was associated with masculine facial morphology (e.g., large nose, deep-set eyes) independent of bodily size. There was also some evidence that perceived fighting ability was associated with masculine facial morphology, which disappeared after controlling for bodily size. There was no support for the relation between facial structure and fighting success, and there were often negative relations between perceived aggressiveness and fighting ability on fighting success (i.e., more successful fighters were perceived as less successful and aggressive). We argue that our evolved psychology differentially processes the distinct avenues to victory that constitute overall fighting success (e.g., knockout versus submission wins). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the salience and rise of anti-immigrant sentiments in the United States, Mexican immigrants who are not integrated into the American cultural system, are undocumented, or are men may be particularly susceptible to negative treatment. Moreover, people who are high in social dominance orientation (SDO) endorse social hierarchies and are more likely to perceive groups from a lower status less positively. Using a 2 × 2 × 2 between-subjects experimental design, we presented participants (N = 243) with a vignette describing a Mexican immigrant who differed on acculturation strategy (assimilated or separated), documentation status (documented or undocumented), and gender (woman or man). We then asked participants to answer questions about the Mexican immigrant and complete an SDO scale. Overall, participants had more negative perceptions of separated (vs. assimilated) and undocumented (vs. documented) Mexican immigrants, and they felt less positively about Mexican immigrant women (vs. men). Participants with high SDO felt more negatively about separated (vs. assimilated) Mexican immigrants. Additionally, participants perceived the separated (vs. assimilated) Mexican immigrant as being more representative of Mexican immigrants as a group, but they identified more with the assimilated (vs. separated) Mexican immigrant. We also assessed participants' attitudes toward Mexican immigrants in general and found that they perceived greater competitiveness toward undocumented (vs. documented) Mexican immigrants. These findings provide important insight into factors that impact U.S. perceptions of Mexican immigrants—a starting point to better understand and improve relations between the U.S. public and Mexican immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work separately applies two psychology frameworks—the three dimensions along which people are evaluated (competence, morality, and warmth) and individual sociopolitical attitudes (modern sexism [MS], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and social dominance orientation (SDO)—to explore voter evaluations of Donald Trump and Joseph Biden both prior to (Study 1), and in the month following (Study 2), the 2020 U.S. presidential election. At both time points, Democrats and Republicans rated their own party's candidate similarly on the three trait dimensions and overall favorability. They differed, however, in evaluations of the other party's candidate. Republicans viewed Biden more positively both overall and on the trait dimensions than Democrats viewed Trump. Favorability ratings and trait perceptions for one's own party candidate were comparable pre‐ and postelection but were more negative postelection for the opposite party's candidate. RWA predicted favorability toward Trump, above and beyond political affiliation and sociodemographic factors, at both time points in addition to MS preelection and SDO postelection; RWA negatively predicted favorability toward Biden pre‐ but not postelection. Moreover, RWA predicted a vote for Trump versus Biden above and beyond political affiliation, highlighting the importance of considering sociopolitical attitudes in political decision‐making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why some people, and not others, exhibit aggression remains unknown. Research points to certain personality traits being linked to either proactive or reactive aggression, or both. The current study attempts to address these gaps from the perspective of revised Reinforcement Sensitivity Theory (rRST). Using 146 participants, results revealed Behavioral Approach System (BAS)-Impulsivity and the Behavioral Inhibition System (BIS) predicted proactive and reactive aggression. Defensive Fight predicted reactive aggression. BAS-Impulsivity predicted proactive aggression partially mediated by Social Dominance Orientation. These findings suggest proactive and reactive aggression are motivated by a combination of anxiety and rapid, approach-motivational personality traits. This study provides further understanding of the specific relations between rRST and aggression, is integrated into the general aggression model, and has implications for treatment of aggressive individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward life extension among college students (N = 484). Older age and male gender were associated with more positive attitudes toward life extension, while religious commitment was not. Authoritarian aggression/submission and social dominance orientation were associated with more positive attitudes toward life extension. The results suggest older people, men, and individuals higher in authoritarian traits and social dominance orientation may be more likely to use life-extending biomedical technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how old age may have impacted Southern American slave owners. Topics include the importance of old age within social hierarchies and interpersonal relations, the authority and dominance of slave masters, and how slaves could be used within intergenerational white family conflicts.

We examined how racial‐ethnic identity centrality, or the importance of race/ethnicity in people's self‐perceptions, affected peoples' support for the Democratic and Republican candidates in the 2020 US election. We explored this association by examining the mediating role of trust in important social institutions. In Study 1, we examined these effects by comparing the pattern of relationships among people of color (POC) and white people, using a sample of 177 Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) participants. In Study 2, we expanded our focus on different racial‐ethnic groups, by comparing effects for Black, Latinx, Asian American/Pacific Islander (AAPI), and white participants, using a sample of 530 MTurk workers. Although there were a few findings that ran contrary to our expectations, the two studies generally found that trust in institutions that challenge the status quo, such as the media, explained the relationship between identity centrality and support for candidates among POC, especially Black and Latinx participants. We also found that trust in institutions that uphold the status quo, such as police and courts, explained the relationship between racial‐ethnic identity centrality and support for candidates among white people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent evidence suggests that majority group members in immigration-receiving societies express differential levels of prejudice and stereotyping toward various immigrant origins. However, there is little research on whether this tendency to differentiate between more vs. less liked immigrant groups is informed by essential psychological motivations and systematically related to individual differences. In this paper, I test whether majority group members' propensity to express greater differences in affect toward immigrant origins is associated with social dominance orientation. Using survey studies carried out in the Netherlands, the United States, and Britain, I demonstrate that majority group members' tendency to express differential affect toward immigrant origins holds across national contexts. I also show that individual-level inclination to differentiate between more and less liked immigrant groups is consistently related to social dominance orientation in all three countries. Overall, my findings confirm the group-specific character of anti-immigration attitudes and highlight the role of social-dominance motivations in prejudice toward immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research examined the degree to which symbolic and realistic threat perceptions of documented and undocumented Mexican immigrants predicted support for willingness to provide basic resources (e.g., food, water) in detention centers and agreement with policies that restrict Mexican immigration through detention and deportation. Our study recruited 191 participants online via Amazon Mechanical Turk. Results showed that undocumented immigrants were more realistically, but not symbolically threatening than their documented counterparts. Intergroup threat predicted lower willingness to provide basic resources in detention centers and greater support of punitive policies. This finding was not moderated by whether participants evaluated documented or undocumented immigrants. Once we accounted for social dominance orientation (SDO), political attitudes, and contact with Mexican immigrants, only SDO remained a significant predictor of attitudes toward resources in detention centers, while all variables predicted more support for punitive policies. These findings highlight the roles of symbolic and realistic threats, SDO, political attitudes, and intergroup contact in endorsing punitive immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined cross-cultural similarities and differences in antecedents and appraisals of triumph. Participants in the U.S., Serbia, Russia, and Japan provided open-ended descriptions of previous antecedent events that elicited experiences of triumph, and completed a standard appraisal questionnaire about those events. Events that elicited pride were also included for comparison. The open-ended responses were coded using a framework that delineated theoretical characteristics of triumph based on previous research. Findings indicated cross-cultural similarities in the antecedents and appraisals of triumph-eliciting events. Cultural variations were also found, especially between Japan and the other cultural groups and with regard to self-evaluations, which suggested the role of culture in triggering and appraising emotion-eliciting events. These findings extended empirical evidence about these important components of triumph, further contributing to its possibility as a discrete emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Prevailing theories posit some party activists are amateurs, driven primarily by purposive benefits, while other activists are professionals, motivated mostly by material benefits. The decline of patronage and the rise of polarization suggest re‐examining the relevancy of this distinction. Methods: The study uses data from a 2019 survey of 1,060 local party chairs in the United States, covering 49 states. Results: Most respondents are motivated by purposive benefits, while career motivations are relatively rare. Those who do derive material benefits are only slightly more centrist than their peers and are no more pragmatic and no less likely to derive purposive benefits. A substantial segment of local chairs are interested in seeking elective office, but the motivations of these individuals with ambitions connected to party activism are dominated by purposive benefits as much as those of the unambitious. Conclusion: The study demonstrates the professional–amateur typology no longer accurately characterizes local party activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that violence in romantic relationships is a serious social and public health problem throughout the world among young adults. College students, as a vulnerable group, experience high rates of dating violence, irrespective of gender and nation. Yet, we still know relatively little about whether dating violence shows gender similarities or differences in different cultural settings. United States and China are both patriarchal societies but have diverse cultural background. There may be different gendered patterns of dating violence across these two countries. This study examined the gender differences in physical assault victimization and perpetration among college students in the United States and China, while controlling for dominance, jealousy, violence approval, and a number of demographic factors. Logistic regression analyses were conducted for a total of 5,631 individuals from the United States and China who participated in the International Dating Violence Study from 2001 to 2006. Results demonstrated that male and female college students in China were significantly less likely to be victims of minor physical assault compared with students in the United States. In addition, female students, both in the United States and China, were more likely to perpetrate minor and severe physical assault against their partners than male students in this sample. But Chinese females had a higher percentage of assault against their dating partners than females in the United States. This study contributes to the research on dating violence by exploring cross-cultural gender differences in both victimization and perpetration of physical violence among college students. The implications of findings and future research direction were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We addressed whether narcissism and self-esteem synergize to enhance assertive responses and deter aggressive responses to ego-threatening provocation. Participants (N = 448) completed measures of narcissism and self-esteem, imagined ego-threatening provocation, and indicated their aggressive and assertive responses. Participants also completed individual difference measures of agreeableness, openness, status/dominance motivation, and endorsement of the notion that aggression begets power. Narcissism and self-esteem interacted to reduce aggressive responses but enhance assertive responses to ego-threat; moreover, this interaction related to enhanced agreeableness, openness, status/dominance motivation, and reduced endorsement of the belief that aggression begets power, and these relations accounted, in part, for relations between the interaction and aggressive and assertive responses. Broadly, the findings contribute to the contentious issue of how self-evaluation influences responses to ego-threat; specifically, we would suggest that this issue be conceptualized in terms of synergistic effects of narcissism and self-esteem and distinguish between assertive versus aggressive responding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political protests cannot succeed without public support. Extant studies point to weaker average support among ideological conservatives, but researchers have yet to consider the extent to which such apparent ideological asymmetry is (a) an artifact of the particular protest cases that researchers have tended to investigate, and/or (b) conditioned by the precise meaning of "ideological conservatism." In this investigation, we address these gaps. Specifically, we analyze public perceptions of protest legitimacy after exposing survey respondents to one of a series of experimental treatments that randomize the specific ideological and issue contents of the particular protests under consideration. In iterative models, we observe how political ideology, social dominance orientation and authoritarianism condition the effects associated with these experimental treatments. The data suggest that that the notorious ideological asymmetry that is often associated with support for protests is authentic, but it is also conditioned in important ways by these other factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Undoing, a miniseries on the cable channel HBO, is a crime melodrama that presents unannounced background content reflecting the changing multicultural situation in the United States. A dominant white Euro-American group is becoming merely another group in a crowded field of American subcultures. Although multicultural issues are not explicity referred to, details of the series invoke current controversies about the white European culture that has been dominant in America. Recent political events highlight the status anxiety of white people and their alarming responses to the prospect of an America where they are not automatically seen as the proprietors of the nation's identity. White people now face the same challenges as subordinate subcultural groups do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary aims of this project were to estimate levels of agreement or opposition with immigrant family separation at the U.S.–Mexico border and to identify psychological variables that account for variability in attitudes toward immigrant family separation. In Study 1, a sample designed to be representative of Americans in the United States responded to a question about the zero‐tolerance policy that resulted in immigrant family separation. In Study 2, participants in two convenience samples completed online surveys with measures of perceived threat posed by immigrants, dehumanization, social dominance, political ideology, religiosity, and immigrant family separation. Across samples, the majority of respondents opposed separating immigrant families. Conservative political ideology was a consistent correlate of support for immigrant family separation. Dehumanization of immigrants and social dominance orientation also accounted for unique variability in support for immigrant family separation. Given the potentially harmful effects of extended parent‐child separation caused by the zero‐tolerance policy, it is important to understand the roles of dehumanization, social dominance, and ideology in attitudes toward immigration policies. Predictors of support for restrictive policies could be targets of individual or community‐level interventions designed to reduce immigrant prejudice. Directions for future research and implications for U.S. communities and policies affecting immigrants are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grenvillian ages dominate Neoproterozoic to Paleozoic detrital zircon (DZ) populations across eastern Laurentia and persist through the present. The persistence of this dominance is inferred to result from recycling of DZ grains ultimately sourced from exceptionally Zr-rich and zircon-fertile Grenvillian granitoids. Pennsylvanian arenites of the Appalachian Basin (eastern United States) exhibit DZ U-Pb age distributions that are nearly identical to those of Neoproterozoic to Cambrian strata, and contain detrital diagenetic monazite grains formed via metamorphism or diagenesis of sedimentary rocks in the source region. Detrital zircon (U-Th)/He ages are mostly 475-300 Ma, yielding lag times [t = U-Pb age - (U-Th)/He age] of 500-1000 m.y. and 1200-2400 m.y. for Grenvillian and Paleoproterozoic to Archean DZ grains, respectively. Detrital monazite Th-Pb ages are comparable to (U-Th)/He cooling ages, reflecting formation of monazite during Paleozoic regional metamorphism of Neoproterozoic to Cambrian strata that reset the (U-Th)/He systematics of Grenvillian DZ grains within those metasediments. These results are either consistent with or prove recycling. Incorporation of other geological constraints permits definition of at least three (and potentially five) recycling events and their timing following initial post-Grenvillian exhumation and erosion (the "great Grenvillian sedimentation episode"). Recycling events include dispersal of post- Grenvillian sediment during deposition of Neoproterozoic to Cambrian strata (formation of the "Great Unconformity": cycle 1), subsequent erosion of metamorphosed Neoproterozoic to Cambrian strata generating detritus for the Pennsylvanian arenites sampled here (cycle 2), and modern erosion of those arenites (cycle 3). Pancontinental river systems facilitated dispersal of sediment of ultimate Grenvillian age during or after each cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entrepreneurs within the United States are plagued with high incidences of failure in the early years of business. What seems to be lacking in these organizations is leadership and the type of leadership style that leads to greater levels of success. This quantitative study answered the following research question: Is there a significant relationship between the various degrees of success of selected national franchises and the assessed leadership styles of their leaders? The leadership styles assessed were transformational and transactional. A random sample of 50 franchise leaders throughout the United States was selected and the data was collected from a Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire. The findings showed that there was a significant difference in styles, indicating that transformational leadership delivers greater levels of success at the franchisee level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern psychological theories postulate that individual differences in prejudice are determined by social and ideological attitudes instead of personality. For example, the dual-process motivational (DPM) model argues that personality does not directly associate with prejudice when controlling for the attitudinal variables that capture the authoritarian-conservatism motivation and the dominance motivation. Previous studies testing the DPM model largely relied on convenience samples and/or European samples, and have produced inconsistent results. Here we examined the extent to which anti-black prejudice was associated with the Big Five personality traits and social and ideological attitudes (authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, political party affiliation) in two large probability samples of the general population (N1 = 3,132; N2 = 2,483) from the American National Election Studies (ANES). We performed structural equation modeling (SEM) to test the causal assumptions between the latent variables and used survey weights to generate estimates that were representative of the population. Different from prior theories, across both datasets we found that two personality traits, agreeableness and conscientiousness, were directly associated with anti-black prejudice when controlling for authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and political party affiliation. We also found that a substantial part of the associations between personality traits and anti-black prejudice were mediated through those social and ideological attitudes, which might serve as candidates for prejudice-reduction interventions in the real world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to understand the psychological factors that may contribute to the development and endorsement of ageist belief systems. Dual process theory is used to examine how one's worldview, beliefs in social hierarchy, authoritarian aggression, authoritarian submission, and conventionalism predict ageist attitudes. Participants living in the United States (n = 407) in 49 states and territories were recruited through this online national study and completed surveys of their ageist beliefs, epistemological style, social dominance orientation (SDO), and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). RWA, SDO, and naïve realism were all positively associated with ageist beliefs. A hypothesized path model and two alternative models suggested the retention of a model whereby naïve realism led to RWA, which led to SDO, and finally to ageism. All possible direct and indirect effects were significant within the retained model, suggesting the presence of a multiple mediation. The fit of this model was superior to that of models testing alternative theoretical causal chains. Naïve realism may lead to authoritarian aggression, authoritarian submission, and conventionalism, which may then increase the value that people place on social hierarchies, and this may influence the development and retention of ageist beliefs. Helping people to understand what their basic beliefs about the world are and how they may play a role in the development of ageism may assist in reducing ageist attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, 'anti-gender discourse' has been institutionalised by the governing right-wing party in Hungary to a wide effect, from the removal of accreditation from a gender studies MA program to the Parliament's refusal to ratify the Istanbul Convention. The anti-egalitarian backlash echoes those emergent in other countries where right-wing populism has gained ground - such as Poland, Turkey, India, the United States, and Brazil. The present study examined the role of two opposite orientations, cosmopolitanism as an egalitarian worldview and social dominance orientation as the preference for hierarchies and inequality among groups and people in general, in mediating the relationship between political orientation and sexism among a representative Hungarian sample (N = 1000). The path analysis revealed that left-wing political orientation was associated with higher levels of cosmopolitan orientation, while right-wing political orientation was associated with higher levels of SDO. Higher levels of cosmopolitan orientation were associated with a more positive attitude toward feminists and lower levels of modern sexism and gender-based zero-sum thinking, while higher levels of SDO were associated with the opposite. Furthermore, cosmopolitan orientation mediated the relationship between political orientation and modern sexism and attitudes toward feminists, while SDO mediated the relationship between political orientation and modern sexism and gender-based zero-sum thinking. Our study emphasizes the important role of cosmopolitan orientation in opposing SDO and promoting a more egalitarian worldview., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The Authors declare that there is no conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2023 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

In the current study we argue that social dominance orientation (SDO) has a moderating effect on the relationship between regional inequalities in socioeconomic status (SES) and subjective well-being (SWB). Specifically, we predicted that individuals high in SDO, from high-SES regions of the United States, would have higher levels of well-being than those from low-SES regions of the United States. This hypothesis was tested by administering a series of self-report measures of SDO, SES, and SWB to a sample of undergraduate psychology students (n = 409). The data were analyzed with hierarchical linear modeling software to explore the relationships between these variables. The results were consistent with the initial hypothesis: Participants in high- SES regions (i.e., wealthier and more educated), who also identified as high in SDO, possessed higher levels of well-being than the participants from low-SES regions. Implications of such regional inequalities are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Title VII race discrimination doctrine is excessively hostile to workers of color, and many observers agree that it needs to be fixed. Yet comparatively few analyses of the doctrine weave together doctrinal and theoretical insights with systematic empirical findings from social science. This Article looks to Social Dominance Theory--a social psychology theory with a robust body of supporting empirical research--to take on this task and connect judicial interpretation of Title VII to the human tendency to create and maintain group-based hierarchies. In doing so, the Article questions the common view that Title VII race discrimination doctrine is symmetrical, protecting all racial groups equally except for those instances, most notably affirmative action, that are said to create limited preferences in favor of workers of color. Viewed through the proper lens, this view is not supported. Digging deep into the doctrinal logic and applying empirical research findings on how human psychology operates when group hierarchy is at stake, this Article shows how Title VII disparate treatment doctrine should instead be viewed as fundamentally asymmetrical to the detriment of workers of color. As a result, the doctrine helps perpetuate the racial hierarchy that continues to pervade the American economy. Taking a hierarchy-centered view also helps us uncover negative consequences that may result from various law reform proposals that have been suggested to fix the disparate treatment mess. This Article provides initial suggestions for what reform grounded in one of Title VII's main asserted purposes--to eliminate racial hierarchy in the workplace--could look like instead, from reevaluating previous doctrinal choices to more structural changes such as broadening the pipeline into the federal judiciary. If we are to move towards a more racially egalitarian society, we must be conscious of, and challenge, the human tendency to perpetuate group-based hierarchy and its problematic influence on the law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how do social movements form to mobilize action across national boundaries? In the context of the 2015 movement to support Syrian refugees, we develop an integrative model of transnational social movement formation shaped by pre‐existing world‐views (social dominance orientation and right‐wing authoritarianism) and social media exposure to iconic events, resulting in an emergent group consciousness ("we are", "we believe", "we feel"). Group consciousness is, in turn, the proximal predictor of solidarity with refugees. Participants were from six countries: Hungary (N = 267), Romania (N = 163), Germany (N = 190), the United Kingdom (N = 159), the United States (N = 244) and Australia (N = 344). Multi‐group structural equation models confirmed that group consciousness, shaped by individual differences and exposure to events through social media, was the proximal predictor of solidarity. The subjective meaning of group consciousness varied across samples, reflecting national differences. Results support the importance of considering individual and national differences, and group processes in understanding emergent social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]