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Background: Little is known about the associations between natural amenities, recreation facility density, and obesity, at a national level. Therefore, the purpose of this paper was to examine associations between county-level natural amenities, density of recreation facilities, and obesity prevalence among United States counties., Methods: Data were obtained from a compilation of sources within the United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Service Food Environment Atlas. Independent variables of interest were the natural amenities scale and recreation facilities per capita. The dependent variable was county-level obesity prevalence. Potential covariates included a measure of county-level percent Black residents, percent Hispanic residents, median age, and median household income. All models were stratified by population loss, persistent poverty, and metro status. Multilevel linear regression models were used to examine the association between obesity and natural amenities and recreation facilities, with "state" as a random effects second level variable., Results: There were statistically significant negative associations between percent obesity and 1) natural amenities and 2) recreation facilities per capita., Conclusions: Future research should examine environmental and policy changes to increase recreation facilities and enhance accessible natural amenities to decrease obesity rates.

Objective: To examine associations between the densities of available parkland, parkland provided per capita, and levels of physical activity (PA) and overweight in urban United States., Design: Cross-sectional correlation research using data drawn from the Trust for Public Land's 2010 City Park Facts and The Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS). City Park Facts is a report containing "basic information on urban park systems--from acreage, to facilities, to staffing, to budgets, to usership, and more" for America's 85 largest cities. The Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System is a state-based surveillance system that collects information on health risk behaviors, preventive health practices, and health care access primarily related to chronic disease and injury., Setting: Sixty-seven metropolitan statistical areas in the United States that provided data for both reports., Participants: Randomly selected adults aged 18 years and older who participated in the 2009 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey in the 67 metropolitan statistical areas., Main Outcome Measure(s): Total parkland per acre of metropolitan area was correlated to inactivity, engaging in recommended levels of moderate or vigorous PA, engaging in recommended levels of vigorous PA, and body weight. Parkland acreage per 1000 residents was correlated to these same variables. Multilevel models considered these relationships while controlling for race, family income, and age of respondents and accounting for clustering by metropolitan statistical area., Results: There were significant, positive correlations between park density and PA (r(s) = 0.37, n = 67, P < .01) and between park density and exercise (r(s) = 0.35, n = 67, P < .01), and a negative correlation between park density and being above normal weight (r(s) = -0.32, n = 67, P < .01). Adjusted multilevel models showed that parkland density in the highest versus lowest quartile was associated with significantly higher odds of meeting PA guidelines (aOR = 1.19, 95% CI: 1.08-1.30) and reduced odds of being overweight/obese (aOR = 0.85, 95% CI: 0.76-0.95)., Conclusions: Each of these findings substantiates the need for providing parkland in a community. As such, this research helps to support the notion that the development of a strong park system may lead to positive PA and health outcomes for that community.

How well do U.S. students read? In this article, Sean Reardon, Rachel Valentino, and Kenneth Shores rely on studies using data from national and international literacy assessments to answer this question. In part, the answer depends on the specific literacy skills assessed. The authors show that almost all U.S. students can "read" by third grade, if reading is defined as proficiency in basic procedural word-reading skills. But reading for comprehension--integrating background knowledge and contextual information to make sense of a text--requires a set of knowledge-based competencies in addition to word-reading skills. By the standards used in various large-scale literacy assessments, only about a third of U.S. students in middle school possess the knowledge-based competencies to "read" in this more comprehensive sense. This low level of literacy proficiency does not appear to be a result of declining performance over time. Literacy skills of nine-year-olds in the United States have increased modestly over the past forty years, while the skills of thirteen- and seventeen-year-olds have remained relatively flat. Literacy skills vary considerably among students, however. For example, the literacy skills of roughly 10 percent of seventeen-year-olds are at the level of the typical nine-year-old. This variation is patterned in part by race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic background. Black and Hispanic students enter high school with average literacy skills three years behind those of white and Asian students; students from low-income families enter high school with average literacy skills five years behind those of high-income students. These are gaps that no amount of remedial instruction in high school is likely to eliminate. And while the racial and ethnic disparities are smaller than they were forty to fifty years ago, socioeconomic disparities in literacy skills are growing. Nor is the low level of literacy skills particularly a U.S. phenomenon. On international comparisons, American students perform modestly above average compared with those in other developed countries (and well above average among a larger set of countries). Moreover, there is no evidence that U.S. students lose ground relative to those in other countries during the middle school years. Thus, although literacy skills in the United States are lower than needed to meet the demands of modern society, the same is true in most other developed countries.

Despite widespread knowledge that physical activity is a valuable mechanism for preventing many lifestyle diseases, data from the 2001 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System indicate that less than half of the US population met activity recommendations established by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. To increase physical activity levels, community officials around the United States have identified public parks as a convenient, low-cost resource to enable active living. However, the amenities of the built park environment that best facilitate active park visits are unknown. The current article describes the relationship of micro-level environmental components and park visitors' physical activity. Using the System for Observing Play and Recreation in Communities, park visitation patterns are documented and described according to user demographics. Broadly, visitors who were observed in park environments, which contained playgrounds, sport courts, and paths, were significantly more active than visitors in settings without these features. Furthermore, six types of built features were able to explain 58% of the variance in observed activity intensity among park visitors. Findings suggest that built features that support physical activity across the life span (paths and courts in particular) may be considered by community leaders seeking relatively low-cost mechanisms to promote physical activity among residents.