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Objective Background Methods Results Conclusion This paper assesses stress disparities among marginalized parents in 2020–21 during the COVID‐19 pandemic through the mechanism of healthcare discrimination.The pandemic upended the lives of American families and had particularly stark mental health consequences for women, racial and ethnic minority (REM), and sexual and gender minority (SGM) parents. Scholars have been called to understand these unequal experiences via marginalizing mechanisms rather than using race, gender, and sexual identities as proxies for racism, sexism, and cis‐heterosexism.Structural equation modeling was used to test associations between marginalized identities and parental stress about COVID among partnered parents using healthcare discrimination, a marginalizing mechanism, as a mediator. The data come from The National Couples' Health and Time Study, a population‐representative study of couples in the United States.Findings indicate that compared to nonmarginalized parents, Black parents, women, transgender and nonbinary parents, and gay, lesbian, and bisexual parents experienced higher levels of parental stress about COVID through heightened healthcare discrimination. When accounting for healthcare discrimination, only one marginalized identity–that of women–was directly associated with parental stress about COVID along with the indirect relationship through healthcare discrimination.These findings highlight healthcare discrimination as a process that puts marginalized parents at risk for heightened stress. Parental stress has the potential to accumulate across the life course and crossover to children and communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay explores the work of U.S. Supreme Court justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg as a lawyer in the 1970s that marked a major advancement for women's rights, driven by a legal strategy she developed to systematically eliminate gender roles in the society. It describes the discrimination experienced by women. It discusses Ginsberg's project that aimed to show that the barriers that prevented women from working harmed men, and barriers that kept men from caring for children harmed families.

In Bradwell v. State, an 1872 decision upholding an Illinois law prohibiting women from practicing law, the United States Supreme Court reasoned that the law was justified because women belonged in the "domestic sphere." While today's sex-based workplace exclusions are not as explicit as they once were, women still face barriers to remaining in the workforce and advancing in the workplace despite the existence of major federal legislation in the areas of pregnancy discrimination and family leave policy. Congress passed the Pregnancy Discrimination Act (PDA) in 1978 to stop pregnancy discrimination, but the PDA has not come close to eliminating pregnancy discrimination. Similarly, despite Congress's passing of the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) in 1993, ineffective family leave policy continues to hinder women's ability to balance work and their disproportionate family caregiving obligations. After tracing the development of sex-based workplace exclusions from the 1870s through the 1970s, this Note argues that the PDA and FMLA prohibited explicit sexbased workplace exclusions while preserving other forms of sexbased workplace exclusions. This Note then analyzes proposed work-family legislation and argues that policies aimed at eliminating sex-based workplace exclusions must account for the specific experiences of women while promoting anti-stereotyping principles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States is one of only six countries and the only advanced industrialized democracy that has not ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Established in 2013, the Cities for CEDAW campaign encourages US municipalities to become a CEDAW City by incorporating the principles of the convention—elimination of sex-based discrimination and promotion of substantive equality—into municipal code. A convention ordinance/resolution requires cities to (1) conduct a gender analysis of city operations and laws; (2) establish a convention oversight body; and (3) financially underwrite any convention initiatives. As of 2021, nine US cities have adopted a convention ordinance while 33 cities have adopted convention resolutions. This article asks whether adopting a convention resolution or ordinance is little more than a sign of moral urbanism, that is, a moral language without accountability, or whether cities have committed themselves to implementing convention principles in a legally binding manner. Conducting a legal text analysis, I find that the Cities for CEDAW campaign overall has mostly led to symbolic recognition of the importance of the convention rather than creating legally binding obligations that have the potential to transform city governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1973 and 1977, at least twenty-seven feminist credit unions (FCUs) opened their doors in the United States. These financial institutions sought to address discrimination against women in lending and to provide a place to "recycle" money within the movement to fund feminist projects. During this same period, in 1974, Congress passed the Equal Credit Opportunity Act (ECOA), which made discrimination in lending based on sex or marital status illegal. This article weaves together the history of the ECOA and FCUs to highlight the limits and possibilities of feminist institutions and reform. While historians have written about FCUs as examples of cultural feminism, this article uses internal documents, newsletters, and membership data to argue that FCUs were valuable and contested sites of intergroup organizing and feminist theorizing about capitalism, community, race, and class that defied simple categorizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite rhetoric supporting the advancement of women on corporate boards, meager evidence supports significant progress over the past decade in the United States. The authors examine archival board data (for more than 3,000 U.S. publicly traded firms) from 2002 to 2011 and find that a female is most likely to be appointed to a corporate board when a woman has just exited the position. A similar propensity occurs to reappoint a male when a man leaves, although the effect is smaller than for women. The authors argue that this "gender-matching heuristic" can impede progress in attaining gender diversity, regardless of intention, because it emphasizes the replacement of existing women rather than changing board composition. The authors replicate this effect in follow-up laboratory studies and show that "what works" to increase the representation of women on boards, irrespective of gender matching, is to increase the number of women in the candidate pool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrant women's perceptions and needs are not well-represented in the health literature. In order to address the gap, this study explores personal and system-level barriers to accessing healthcare services among immigrant women, and their coping mechanisms to overcome these barriers. Using eight databases, a total of 147 studies were retrieved. Of these studies, 11 qualitative studies were selected and synthesized. A theory-generating qualitative meta-synthesis (QMS) approach was used to analyze and synthesize raw qualitative data. The QMS results indicate that immigrant women face personal-level barriers (lack of transportation, insurance, trust, inadequate financial capacity, and insufficient health information, gender, legal status, language proficiency) and system-level barriers (discrimination, miscommunication, complexity, lack of cultural competence) in accessing healthcare services. Immigrant women mainly rely on family and community support, and cultural solutions as coping strategies to overcome these barriers. Implications include policymakers and healthcare providers should adopt culturally relevant and inclusive approaches, disseminate multi-lingual health information, and work in collaboration with immigrant women and their community support groups to tackle the challenges. Future research may focus on subgroups of immigrant women to develop more culturally competent and practical collaborative solutions, and examine healthcare providers' perspectives, as well as immigrant women's perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender discrimination is a common experience for adolescent girls and has implications for their mental health and identity development. Guided by Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory (PVEST; Spencer et al. 1997), this study examined the longitudinal and bidirectional associations between adolescent girls' experiences of gender discrimination, their internalizing symptoms, and gender identity. The sample was 161 adolescent girls (ages 14–17; Mage = 15.90) from across the United States (51% White; 17% African American, 11% Hispanic/Latina) who participated in a short-term longitudinal study of adolescent development. The results showed a reciprocal, longitudinal association between discrimination and internalizing symptoms. Discrimination also predicted longitudinal declines in gender identity, which was explained indirectly through internalizing symptoms. The findings implicate gender discrimination as a distinct risk factor during girls' developmental years, and underscore the importance of helping girls learn adaptive responses to sexism, while also reducing actual occurrence and exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Can universities legally employ race- and sex-based preferences in faculty hiring? This Article explores the history, law, and practice of faculty-related affirmative action, tracing its origins back to several largely forgotten legal challenges brought in the early 1970s concerning universities' blatant discrimination against women. Since that time, universities have developed hiring schemes that are typically hidden from public view and steer certain minority and female faculty candidates into special hiring processes. These special processes, called "Target of Opportunity Programs" (TOPs), create faculty positions for which candidates are identified on the basis of race and sex and for which candidates from non-preferred demographics cannot apply. The legality of TOP searches is rarely discussed openly on campus. While some have suggested that the Supreme Court's diversity rationale in the admissions context permits preference-based faculty hiring, this Article shows that the diversity rationale translates poorly to the context of faculty hiring. Moreover, faculty hiring, unlike admissions, is regulated by a complex system of anti-discrimination norms in state law, federal employment law, and administrative regulations that appear to tightly constrain permissible employment-related affirmative action. This Article concludes that race- and sex-based preferences for faculty hiring are problematic; they are difficult to justify under the standard diversity rationale, and they seem to violate employment law and an Executive Order governing government contractors by creating the functional equivalent of race- and sex-based set asides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Michigan struck down the FGM Act, a 1996 statute which makes performing female genital mutilation a federal crime. The court held that the FGM Act was an unconstitutional overstep of Congress' authority to regulate interstate commerce under the Commerce Clause, since FGM is not "economic in nature."Additionally, the court held that the government could not justify the FGM Act as an exercise of Congress' authority to implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the "ICCPR"), since the court did not interpret the plain language of the treaty as a commitment to eradicate FGM. This Note argues that although the court's "economic in nature" holding properly applied an increasingly narrow interpretation of the Commerce Clause, its ICCPR holding failed to consider extra-textual sources usually employed in treaty interpretation. This Note also suggests that Congress may have clearer authority to criminalize FGM if the United States ratified the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women ("CEDAWa treaty the United States has only signed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the United States, Field and Syrett argue that the supposed universality of chronological age masks the processes through which legislators and government officials relied upon age to reinforce inequalities rooted in coverture and chattel slavery. Two case studies reveal how bureaucratic and legislative age requirements functioned in tandem to deny equal citizenship to women and formerly enslaved people. During the Civil War, Congress passed legislation to grant age-based Civil War pensions for minor children that appeared neutral in law but came to be administered in ways that denied equal benefits to the families of black Civil War soldiers on the grounds that they lacked adequate proof of age. State governments, meanwhile, continued to pass laws that differentiated between men and women in the realm of legal majority, using chronological age as a means to shore up gender inequality even as women gained new rights and opportunities. Recent conflicts over voter identification laws and age determination for child migrants reveal that chronological age remains a contested category through which government officials can deny equal treatment under the law by defining the criteria for what counts as adequate proof of age. Cracks in the modern regime of government-issued birth certificates reveal that age remains what it has always been: not a neutral fact, but a vector of power through which government officials and ordinary people construct and contest the boundaries of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The original Mexico City Policy worked against international abortion norms by prohibiting the distribution of family planning aid to global NGOs providing abortion services or information about abortion. 75 By tying needed funds to standards which forbid medical practitioners from engaging at all with abortion services, international abortion restrictions such as the Mexico City Policy pressure medical practitioners to stay silent on key medical options for their patients regardless of whether the law in those countries allows abortion. 53 The Mexico City Policy (alternatively known as the Global Gag Rule by critics) works against international abortion norms by prohibiting the distribution of family planning aid to global non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which provide abortion services or information about abortion - even when funds apportioned by the United States were not used for those services. 54 The policy prohibits NGOs which receive American funding from advocating for abortion rights or, in countries which already permitted abortion, from offering abortions or otherwise referring women to an abortion provider. Liam Pisan † "It is difficult to understand what religious or moral principle, what divine or human purpose, is served by compelling underprivileged women to undergo pregnancy for the full term and to bear unsought and frequently unwanted children or to risk sickness or death at the hands of incompetent and frequently lecherous and importunate abortionists. [Extracted from the article]

Gender-typical educational choices and the "glass ceiling" are widely believed to explain why older women earn far less than observably similar men. Using large panels drawn from the National Science Foundation's (NSF) National Survey of College Graduates and other data representative of U.S. college graduates from the 1990s, the author documents the small role of personal choices and finds evidence contrary to the predictions of both human capital and discrimination models. Rather than the differential wage growth rates predicted by these models, she finds similar average rates of earnings growth for women and men across numerous specifications, which suggests that the gender gap in earnings is determined by factors already present early in the career. Her findings reveal slower earnings growth in only two subsets of women: young mothers, who experience slower earnings growth during the early career relative to men the same age, but then compensate with faster growth later in their careers; and women with exceptionally high earnings levels. The latter are under represented among workers winning the largest promotions, when compared to similarly successful men the same age, and face a glass ceiling at the very top of the career ladder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes how anticipated age discrimination in the form of disparate treatment induces behavior that in effect constitutes gender discrimination. Potential employers often exhibit a common pattern of behavior that acts to discriminate against older workers entering a specific workplace. Women, at a decision-making point early in their lives, are aware of this pattern of discrimination. They perceive that it is important for them to establish their careers before they have a family because it will be more difficult for them to enter the work force at a later age and excel at their careers. This anticipated age discrimination disparately impacts women, resulting in gender discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the American Institute for Conservation is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1996, a Guatemalan woman named Rody Alvarado was granted asylum in the United States but the decision was revoked three years later, triggering a controversy over border control, domestic violence and the standards of refugee protection. Through an intersectional, geographical and historical excavation of Alvarado's case, I illustrate how adjudicators justified revoking asylum by initially framing her as a victim of unfortunate domestic abuse and then as a "scalar threat" to the spatial and legal order. By tracing the gendered and racialized discursive tactics and legal maneuvers deployed to prevent her from winning asylum, I demonstrate the raced, classed and gendered logics that structured legal decision-making and the pivotal role of intimate violence in processes of legal border control. Through a deep contextualization of Alvarado's case, the paper advances critical and feminist geopolitical scholarship on the mutual constitution of the global and the intimate. In particular, I seek to advance feminist legal archeology as a methodology in political geography to make visible the discursive tactics and legal maneuvers involved in the struggle to delineate juridical and territorial borders, specifically as they relate to gender violence. I conclude by discussing how Alvarado's case demonstrates the transcalar quality of the intimate in legal reasoning and the ways in which scale is differently constructed through the legal process to retain control over which bodies have access to political asylum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Members of the legal profession have recently taken a public stance against a wave of oppressive policies and practices. From helping immigrants stranded in airports to protesting in the face of white nationalists, lawyers are advocating for equality within and throughout American society each and every day. Yet as these lawyers go out into the world on behalf of others, they do so while their very profession continues to struggle with its own discriminatory past. For decades, the legal profession purposefully excluded women, religious minorities, and people of color from its ranks, while instilling a select group of individuals with the privilege of power and prestige. And while the profession often attempts to take concrete steps to address its history of exclusionary conduct--most recently through the passage of Model Rule 8.4(g)--the vestiges of its discriminatory past continue to affect all corners of the profession, particularly for communities of color. When one looks at the partnership ranks of large law firms, the clerks who work for Supreme Court Justices, the faculties that educate law students, and even the members of law review editorial boards, the continued challenge of creating an inclusive and diverse profession remains apparent. These challenges, at least in part, are related to the covert discrimination that confronts women and people of color each and every day both within and outside the legal profession. And yet, there are steps that the profession can take to address the most insidious forms of discrimination that remain within its ranks today. Drawing on scholarship from the fields of professional responsibility, employment discrimination, and organizational behavior and management, this Article argues that members of the legal profession should adopt policies and practices that (i) address covert discrimination throughout the profession and (ii) encourage individual attorneys to stop remaining silent and instead give voice to their experiences of discrimination, harassment, and bias. Research suggests that traditionally unrepresented groups within the profession often exist within a shroud of silence. They are often forced to silence themselves, their opinions, their views, and their experiences for fear of being labeled angry, troublesome, sensitive, or unwilling to be a "team player." That silence, it turns out, is quite damaging. As such, the profession should adopt policies targeted at "Combating Silence in the Profession" that will encourage underrepresented groups to voice their concerns and experiences, so that a more inclusive profession finally comes into being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Validated interventions that increase bias literacy (i.e., knowledge of gender bias) and decrease sexism are critical to addressing pervasive gender biases in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). However, interventions that highlight existing gender inequities may inadvertently act as a social identity threat cue for women. Including identity-safe cues in diversity interventions (i.e., suggesting that women are valued in STEM) may lessen these problematic outcomes. To explore this possibility, we conducted three experiments utilizing Video Interventions for Diversity in STEM (VIDS), a validated diversity intervention relying on high quality videos to convey the existence of gender bias in STEM. Consistent with prior research, relative to control conditions, VIDS led to greater bias literacy and lower gender bias among both men and women (Experiments 1 and 2) and encouraged women's intentions to take collective action (Experiment 2). At the same time, compared to control conditions, VIDS resulted in lower sense of belonging in the sciences, greater negative affect, and greater self-reported social identity threat, both among women from the general U.S. population (Experiments 1 and 2) and female scientists (Experiment 3). Including identity-safe cues, which present a positive female scientist role model (Experiment 2) or suggest that gender bias can be overcome (Experiments 2 and 3), helped alleviate VIDS' harmful effects on women's belonging and trust in the sciences, but had limited impact on stereotype threat. These findings highlight the need for researchers and practitioners to examine potential unintended negative consequences of diversity interventions and investigate techniques to buffer such outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender bias in elections is both a source of debate in the political science literature and a prominent topic in U.S. political discourse. As a result, Americans are exposed to differing messages about the extent to which women face disadvantages in their campaigns for office. We argue that such messages can have differing effects—some of which benefit female candidates, but others that may perpetuate the gender gap in political ambition. Using a survey experiment administered on samples of the U.S. public, campaign donors, and college students, we show that messages portraying women as facing gender bias boosts female candidates' support and young people's willingness to engage in campaign activism on their behalf. Simultaneously, it does not affect female candidates' fundraising ability. But paradoxically, such messages also reduce young women's confidence in their own ability to run a political campaign. These results suggest important implications for women's underrepresentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used a nationally representative sample of African American and Caribbean Black adolescent females to examine the relation between perceived pubertal timing relative to peers and discriminatory experiences. Participants included the 607 girls who participated in the National Survey of American Life-Adolescent (NSAL-A), and ranged in age from 13 to 17. Most African American girls perceived their development as on-time relative to their same-aged peers; whereas the majority of Caribbean Black girls perceived their development as earlier than their same-aged peers. The results indicated that girls who perceived that their pubertal development was earlier than their same-aged peers reported more general and racial discrimination experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular culture has recently shone a spotlight on the inequality and discrimination faced by women in many professions. With the "Me Too" and "Time's Up" campaigns in full swing, it is clear that women are ready to fight to be respected and receive equal treatment. Although there are a plethora of news stories highlighting the issues that women are facing today, this Article will focus specifically on the effect of bias, prejudice, harassment, and discrimination against women in the legal profession. This discrimination and marginalization of women finds its way into law firms, courtrooms, and the corporate arena generally, and impacts not only the female attorneys and judges themselves, but also the clients and litigants that these women are serving. The American Bar Association ("ABA"), long committed to diversity and leading the professional legal community regarding "appropriate" conduct, has finally put an anti-discrimination, anti-harassment provision into effect to combat discriminatory behavior on a national level. This Article argues that although the ABA's adoption of Resolution 109 to amend Rule 8.4 is a necessary first step to remedy the issues that women in the legal profession are currently facing, education and training initiatives must also be established. This training should take the form of Bias Training in law schools (as part of the Professional Responsibility requirements), in law firms, and as mandatory CLE requirements for practicing attorneys. The Article provides an overview of the history of women in the legal profession in the United States, as well as examines the status of women in the profession and judiciary today from a statistical standpoint. The Article goes on to examine how the New Rule 8.4 of the ABA Model Rules came to be, the language of the Resolution, and criticisms of the New Rule. Finally, the Article suggests that we, as a community of professionals, institute education and training initiatives as students begin law school and then continue that training throughout a lawyer's career. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Survey findings based on a national sample of CEOs and human resource managers indicate that over 50% of organizations have experienced moderate to great difficulty attracting and retaining women managers and professionals. Respondents perceived that the most serious career problems encountered by women revolve around organizational politics, career development opportunities, and family conflicts. Existing and needed human resource management policies in response to these problems are reported. A series of additional analyses highlight differences across industries, and according to company size and stage in the corporate life cycle. Based on survey findings, recommendations are discussed for human resource management practitioners concerned with increasing their companies' abilities to actively compete for and retain women managers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers what corporations attitudes toward women will be in the year 2000, and what women's attitudes toward corporations will be at that time. Women's current position in the workforce is characterized. Consideration is given to the direction today `s workplace is taking as it transitions to the start of a new century. Based on current observations and trends, the article explores the needs and desires of the twenty-first century woman. Four major tools available to U.S. corporations preparing to enter the next century are discussed, including family issues, a commitment to innovation, training, and women's contributions to the management of transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the proportion of lawyers who are women has grown rapidly in recent years, this study presents evidence of discrimination against women in promotion to partnership in major U.S. law firms in 1969-73 and 1980. Using regression analysis and maximum likelihood estimates of a probabilistic model of production of legal services, the author finds that women were about one-half as likely as men to achieve partnership in those years, even though they did not significantly differ from men in academic distinction (selection for the law review or the Order of the Coif), the rank of their law schools, or productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on sex differences in union membership in the U.S. Statistics show that more male than female wage and salary workers are union members. Explanations to this differential include the employment of women in less-organized occupations and industries, variations in regional patterns, a greater tendency of women to work in part-time jobs and discrimination. An estimate suggests that if female workers are comparable to male workers in other measured dimensions, altering their occupational-industrial distribution to the male pattern would increase their unionization rate. Many researchers have put emphasis on the importance of occupational and industrial segmentation as a major factor accounting for the inferior economic status of female workers.

This article details a study which examines the impact of antidiscrimination programs and their effects on the relative economic position of minorities and women in the U.S. workforce. It also presents and examines assumptions held toward contract compliance programs within the U.S. labor market. Gender and racial differences in relative employment and wage shares are detailed and discussed in relation to market and social indicators. Finally, it presents the results of the study and discusses their reflection of attitudes toward women and minorities in the U.S. labor market.

The article presents a longitudinal study which measured the positive and negative attitudes toward women executives in the U.S. for the 1975 to 1983 period. The Managerial Attitudes toward Women Executives scale was employed in the study. The scale was administered to master of business administration (MBA) students at graduate schools of business located in New York City and Williamsburg, Virginia. It has found that the male MBA students held more negative attitudes toward women executives than did the female MBA students.

The article presents a study pertaining to the attitudes of male cadets toward their female leaders. The study utilized the Army Research Institute's attitudes toward women in the military scale (ARIAWS). The subjects were U.S. Military Academy cadets in leader and trainee roles at Cadet Basic Training and Cadet Field Training. The study results were compared with the results from a similar study conducted at West Point. Researchers discovered that male cadet attitudes about their female leaders were favorably influenced by the leader's performance, negating the negative sex-role stereotypes.

The article examines if there are gender differences in executive compensation packages in the United States. It states that an examination of pay differences for base and variable pay from 1992 to 2006 of executives from over 2,200 publicly held U.S. businesses shows that a significant portion of the gender gap was due to differences in variable pay. It mentions that one reason women executives earned less in total compensation than male executives was due to occupational segregation with women executive more likely to work for smaller businesses and in lower-paying fields than male executives.

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg made headlines when she said that she would be satisfied with the number of women on the Supreme Court "when there are nine." But why should that answer have been so remarkable? After all, there were nine men on the Court for nearly all of its history. Yet, Justice Ginsburg's statement was met with amusement--or from some quarters--disdain. What answer would have been considered more appropriate coming from a groundbreaking feminist litigator? Would four have been an acceptable answer? Would five have been presumptuous? This episode reflects our cramped view of how much representation women can and should expect in the loftiest reaches of the legal profession. And indeed, while women have been attending and graduating from law school in record numbers, they are only a fifth of the partners in law firms. Even when they make partner, they are paid nearly half the compensation of their male counterparts. Likewise, women are underrepresented as state and federal judges, as appellate practitioners, and in complex litigation. This Article begins from the view that gender equity is important to the functioning and legitimacy of our legal system, and assesses gender equity--or rather the lack thereof--within the legal profession. First, the Article reflects on the gender bias task force movement that began almost four decades ago. Second, using a case study approach, the Article updates that work by examining the role of women on the Judicial Panel for Multidistrict Litigation, as judges, and in multidistrict litigation leadership roles. Finally, after assessing the ongoing barriers to gender equity in modern complex civil litigation as well as its modest gender-equalizing reforms, the Article closes with a set of proposals for how to move toward gender equality. "The natural and proper timidity and delicacy which belongs to the female sex evidently unfits it for [the practice of law]."1 --Justice Joseph Bradley "I would hope that a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experiences would more often than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn't lived that life."2 --Justice Sonia Sotomayor [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines reader responses to opinion editorials about women in combat and contributes to the literature on women in the military by explaining how contests over sex–gender essentialism and diversity underlie public debates about individual rights and military effectiveness. Comments in favor of women’s ground combat exclusion use a logic of averages to promote essentialist thinking about men and women. They categorize women as inferior soldiers and argue that desegregation puts individual soldiers and the nation at risk. Conversely, comments in favor of integration advance a view of sex–gender diversity that places men and women along a continuum with overlapping qualities, suggesting further that giving exceptional women the freedom to serve in ground combat will advance both equality and military readiness. We argue that public commentary about women in combat concerns more than the military, underlying this discourse are distinct conceptions and expectations of men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the gender equality in U.S. Topics discussed include gender discrimination at workplaces and in employment opportunities; information on the wages and salary data that proves the gender inequality; and views on the laws from U.S. federal government to address the pay gap between men and women like Equal Pay Act.

The article discusses the history of discriminatory employment practices against Black women in America as of 2018, and it mentions U.S. courts, racial biases and stereotypes, and the regulation of Black women's hairstyles. Equality for Black employees is addressed, along with Title VII of the U.S. Civil Rights Act of 1964, social engineering, and the legal cases EEOC v. Catastrophe Management Solutions and Rogers v. American Airlines Inc. which deal with racism against Black women.

While women’s rights are more of a recent development in international human rights law, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) was the first international agreement to declare women’s rights as human rights. This article is both a description and an analysis of the Convention and the Optional Protocol, the reservations, general problems, and the issue of cultural relativism. An analysis of the United States in relation to CEDAW in terms of particular state issues of enforcement, ratification, and reservations brings to light possible solutions for further establishment of rights through CEDAW, including the organization of an interstate forum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the history of racial discrimination against Asians in the U.S. Topics discussed include twenty-first century stereotypes against Asians; discrimination against other groups, such as black, Hispanic, female, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, Muslim; and the information on the Immigration Act of 1924.

The author reflects on the experiences of women in the World War II Swan Island shipyard in Portland, Oregon and their attitude toward their war work. Topics discussed are representation of women's war work that discouraged labor unrest and appreciated their strength, self-confidence and determination, as well as the controversy that surrounded the recruitment of women for war work such as masculinization of women and discrimination against Black women, and traditional sexual mores.

The assertion that one plays like a girl has historically been an accusation of weakness and ineptitude. Traditionally thought of as a slur that disempowers girls, this phrase also disciplines boys’ performance in sports. A discourse that attempts to resignify the phrase you play like a girl has recently circulated in statements from, and about, the U.S. Women's Soccer Team, President Obama, and a Procter and Gamble brand's commercial campaign, to name a few. This rhetoric aims to break down stereotypes about what it means to play like a girl and to empower girls to play. Using theories of definition as argument and gender performativity, I argue that this discourse expands what it means to play like a girl. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, antidiscrimination advocates have approached Title VII as though the impact of the law on minorities and women could be considered in isolation. This Article argues that this is a mistake. Instead, Gender and the Tournament attempts to reclaim Title VII’s original approach, which justified efforts to dismantle segregated workplaces as necessary to both eliminate discrimination and promote economic growth. Using that approach, this Article is the first to consider how widespread corporate tournaments and growing gender disparities in the upper echelons of the economy are intrinsically intertwined, and how they undermine the core promises of antidiscrimination law. The Article draws on a case filed in 2014 challenging the “rank-and-yank” evaluation system at Microsoft, as well as social science literature regarding narcissism and stereotype expectations, to illustrate how consideration of the legitimacy of competitive pay for performance schemes is essential to combating the intrinsically gendered nature of advancement in the new economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the gender-related problem being faced by transnational American literary and cultural studies. It cites the work of author and Rice University professor Caroline Levander on the impact of gender on online experience. It describes unconscious biases have infiltrated transnational American literary and cultural studies. It also documents persistent inattention to women writers and calls on the women's rights movement to focus on achieving equality in digital networks.

Introduction: Women account for approximately 15% of the active duty US Army, and studies show that women may be at an increased risk of musculoskeletal injury during sport and military training. Nationally, the field of orthopedic surgery comprises 14% women, lagging behind other surgical fields. Demographics for US Military orthopedic surgeons are not readily available. Similarly, demographic data of graduating medical students entering Military Medicine are not reported. We hypothesize that a gender disparity within military orthopedics will be apparent. We will compare the demographic profile of providers to our patients and hypothesize that the two groups are dissimilar. Secondarily, we examine the demographics of military medical students potentially entering orthopedics from the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences (USUHS) or the Health Professions Scholarship Program.Methods: A census was formed of all US Army active duty orthopedic surgeons to include staff surgeons and residents, as well as US Army medical student graduates and orthopedic patients.Results: There are 252 Army orthopedic surgeons and trainees; 26 (10.3%) are women and 226 (89.7%) are men. There were no significant demographic differences between residents and staff. Between 2014 and 2017, the 672 members of the USUHS graduating classes included 246 Army graduates. Of those, 62 (25%) were female. Army Health Professions Scholarship Program graduated 1,072 medical students, with women comprising 300 (28%) of the group. No statistical trends were seen over the 4 yr at USUHS or in Health Professions Scholarship Program. In total, 2,993 orthopedic clinic visits during the study period were by Army service members, 23.6% were women.Conclusion: There exists a gender disparity among US Army orthopedic surgeons, similar to that seen in civilian orthopedics. Gender equity is also lacking among medical students who feed into Army graduate medical education programs. The gender profile of our patient population is not reflected by that of providers. Because patients prefer providers of the same gender, this is a limitation to patient satisfaction and access to care for musculoskeletal injuries. Further study is underway to identify perceptions and potential causes of these disparities, including the critical perspective of our patients. In addition to the inherent benefits offered by diversity (e.g., expanding the talent pool and more perspectives for decision-making), ultimately it affords a greater ability to maintain a fit and ready force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]